Daily Archives: January 13, 2021

On top of so much else, the election in November made clear the political might of Black voters, who saw the ballot box as a means of protesting against Trump and the racial animus that he and his acolytes embody.

White backlash to racial equality -- including an empowered Black electorate -- isn't unusual. In fact, what makes the dynamic disturbing is how common it's been throughout US history. And the issue isn't just the backlash itself. It's also the fear (real or alleged) of backlash -- fear that might hold back progress.

And while the attack on the Capitol was horrifying, it wasn't the first manifestation of White backlash. In important ways, this episode echoed the past.

The years immediately following the end of the Civil War in 1865 saw the ratification of the three Reconstruction amendments. The 13th Amendment ended slavery; the 14th Amendment made it such that all people could be US citizens, regardless of race; and the 15th Amendment prohibited racial discrimination in voting.

White backlash was also apparent during the struggle for Black freedom in the mid-20th century.

The rioters who violently took over the Capitol last week had a lot in common with their forebears, particularly in their expressions of White grievance and entitlement and in their zero-sum belief that sharing rights and resources isn't a gain for everyone but, instead, a loss that White Americans shouldn't have to endure.

Crucially, while Trump's loss in November -- and more precisely, the outgoing President's false claims that a free and fair election was fraudulent -- was the most immediate catalyst of last week's iteration of White backlash, Trump didn't create the underlying racial resentment.

"Once Trump is no longer President, I worry that people are going to attempt to move past this faster than they should, that they're going to say: Now back to some semblance of normalcy. But the unrest had been growing even before Trump," she added in a recent interview.

The deadly assault on the Capitol has fit into the history of White backlash in another way, too: in how it has influenced -- or really, circumscribed -- conversations on what an "acceptable" path forward looks like.

It's the sort of thinking that prizes reconciliation over justice.

"For some in power, the reason not to impeach isn't an argument based on politics or on justice but on the notion that if you want to stay out of trouble, then you shouldn't impeach. This sentiment is common," Glickman told CNN. "In other words, White backlash can obstruct progress, but it's not always the backlash itself but the threat of backlash that impedes progress in US history."

That said, Glickman detected something of a silver lining to the events of the past week.

While the seizure of the Capitol demonstrated anew that White backlash can lead to a brutal end, Georgia's runoff elections on January 5 illustrated that it's possible to thwart weaponized racial grievance.

In this wider context, Democrats' recent political triumphs feel all the more significant.

"I think that it's important not to predict that we're fated to be controlled by White backlash," Glickman said. "Because that doesn't give Americans enough credit for their own agency in determining our future."

Read the rest here:

The US Capitol attack fits into the history of White backlash - CNN

A week after an unruly mob incited by President TrumpDonald TrumpGrowing number of GOP lawmakers say they support impeachment YouTube temporarily bars uploading of new content on Trump's channel House passes measure calling on Pence to remove Trump MORE laid siege to the U.S. Capitol, broken glass panes are under repair, the debris has been swept away and new security fences intended to thwart another insurrection have been erected.

Inside the Capitol, nerves are shot, tensions are high and questions are swirling over systemic failures that allowed thousands of rioters, some of whom were armed, to get into what was supposed to be one of the most well-guarded buildings in America.

Investigations are ongoing. A nationwide hunt for the rioters and looters who stormed the building has resulted in dozens of arrests. The top security officials on Capitol Hill have resigned in the wake of their performance, just days before a presidential inauguration will once again put the seat of democracy in the spotlight. And members, their staff and the Capitol community are only beginning to come to grips with the ordeals they endured.

This detailed account is based on interviews with more than a dozen members of Congress, congressional and White House staff, reporters who covered the assault and a governor who deployed law enforcement to retake the building. It is based on detailed reviews of video and audio recordings taken throughout the day, retrospective interviews and contemporaneous text messages shared between lawmakers.

How do we get in? You dont

Democrats were in a celebratory mood Wednesday morning. The days joint session of Congress would mark the ceremonial counting of Electoral College votes that would send Joe BidenJoe BidenGrowing number of GOP lawmakers say they support impeachment House passes measure calling on Pence to remove Trump Disney, Walmart say they will block donations to lawmakers who objected to Electoral College results MORE to the White House, and the night before, Democrats had recaptured control of the Senate in two Georgia runoff elections.

I was excited about the news about Georgia. I actually brought in a bottle of champagne, and Id been coordinating with [Rep.] Nikema Williams from my class whos the Georgia Democratic Party chair on when we were going to come over and drink some champagne to celebrate the big win, said Rep. Sara Jacobs (D-Calif.).

We had just come off of the Georgia Senate races, and I was up most of the night watching the returns there, said Rep. Carolyn Bourdeaux (D-Ga.). It was a good morning. But we were turning around and getting ready to defend Georgias Electoral College votes.

As they began arriving, Capitol Hill veterans found protesters had already begun to gather.

As I was pulling into the complex, I could see protesters already around the Capitol and the Capitol grounds, said Mike Henry, chief of staff to Sen. Tim KaineTimothy (Tim) Michael Kaine7 surprise moments from a tumultuous year in politics Robert E. Lee statue removed from US Capitol Sen. Alexander plays Christmas carols in Senate office building MORE (D-Va.). This community in general understands protests. Leading up to it, we all thought this one was going to be rougher than a normal protest.

In front of the White House, protesters began gathering before dawn, arriving on packed buses and swarming the Metro hours before Trump was to speak.

Rep. Adam SmithDavid (Adam) Adam SmithHouse chairman: Biden Pentagon pick 'shares my commitment to civilian control of the military' OVERNIGHT ENERGY: To environmentalists, low interest in ANWR sales a failure for Trump | Record broken for number of billion-dollar US weather and climate disasters in 2020 | Green groups sue over Forest Service rule weakening environmental review Record broken for number of billion-dollar US weather and climate disasters in 2020 MORE (D-Wash.), chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, had already been in touch with Army Secretary Ryan McCarthyRyan McCarthyBarrett among six top Air Force officials to step down Director of Army Staff disputes Capitol Police chief account of National Guard deployment Overnight Defense: National Guard boosts DC presence ahead of inauguration | Lawmakers demand probes into troops' role in Capitol riot | Financial disclosures released for Biden Pentagon nominee MORE about Washington Mayor Muriel BowserMuriel BowserThe Hill's 12:30 Report: Trump's first public event since Twitter ban Lawmakers briefed on 'horrifying,' 'chilling' security threats ahead of inauguration The Hill's Morning Report - House to impeach Trump on Wednesday MOREs (D) request to deploy National Guard troops to handle what could be an unruly crowd. But when he took his morning stroll around the Capitol complex, he recalled rising concern over the preparations he saw or didnt see.

I went for a walk around the Capitol, and I was observing the various people milling about and moving towards the rally, Smith said. The barriers were not necessarily sufficient. There werent that many Capitol Police out there, and I was worried about, if they come to the Capitol, whats going to happen?

I was walking up and down a hill at the Capitol, and as I came around and made a turn by one of the barricades, one of the Trump people was standing there and called my attention. He said, Hey, how do we get in here? And I said, You dont, Smith said.

Whose house? Our house

Sen. Jerry MoranGerald (Jerry) MoranElectoral College fight splits GOP as opposition grows to election challenge Hillicon Valley: Texas, other states bring antitrust lawsuit against Google | Krebs emphasizes security of the election as senators butt heads | Twitter cracks down on coronavirus vaccine misinformation Senate Republicans once again ignore the unemployed MOREs (R-Kan.) office welcomed interns for their second day of work. They had been asked to come in to handle what Morans staff expected to be a busy day of calls from constituents who wanted to know whether Moran would object to the certification of Electoral College votes.

Wed experienced significant calls Monday and Tuesday. We knew there was going to be so many folks calling in asking about the various different questions of what we were actually doing on Wednesday, said Tom Brandt, Morans spokesman.

By 11 a.m., the first speakers began addressing the pro-Trump rally in front of the Ellipse. They excoriated the planned proceedings on Capitol Hill, and many urged the presidents supporters to continue the fight. But the few protesters milling around Capitol Hill seemed calm.

I was even talking to my staff about maybe going out into the crowd and recording a video, sort of saying were not going to let this group of people distract us. I was feeling that level of confidence in the security parameters, said Rep. Jake Auchincloss (D-Mass.).

At 11:54 a.m., Donald Trump Jr. posted a video to Facebook showing his father watching the rally on television. The president began a stem-winding speech, railing against the election he had lost and the members of Congress who would ratify that loss. Even before Trump finished speaking, some in the crowd began marching down Pennsylvania Avenue and Constitution Avenue, toward the Capitol.

Whose house? Our house! chanted the protesters.

In the Russell Senate Office Building, Kaine laid his phone on his desk.

He said to me, Hey, I dont think Im gong to bring my phone. I really think I should pay attention to what everyones going to say, Henry said. In hindsight, I wish hed had his phone.

I lost track of him on the most important day when I cant lose track of him, and it was just because of this weird decision that he wanted to listen to everyones speech, Henry said.

Hold my backpack

By 12:49 p.m., law enforcement officers had found a suspicious package a pipe bomb behind the headquarters of the Republican National Committee. They found a similar device at the Democratic National Committee headquarters a few blocks away.

In the Senate chamber, Secret Service agents began whispering into their radios.

We saw some Secret Service moving around. Nothing abnormal. When the vice presidents in the building, thats very standard, Brandt said.

Four minutes later, the protests turned violent for the first time. A mob of Trump supporters sporting MAGA hats began shouting at and grappling with the few Capitol Police officers stationed at a barrier on the northwest side of the complex.

IMPORTANT: this is exact moment the siege of the Capitol building began as the two men in front ripped down a preliminary barrier & rushed officers who were behind a 2nd barrier

They then encouraged others to follow their lead. Officers appeared to be taken completely off guard pic.twitter.com/LE0a01PXBi

Hold my backpack, a young protester says. He flips his cap around as he screams at a Capitol Police officer before the crowd rushes the fence.

Arriving a few hours later, Niall Stanage, an editor at The Hill, was struck by the size of the crowd.Even from my vantage point, just on one side of the Capitol, there were several thousand, he wrote.

The number of rioters far exceeded the number of police

Shortly after 1 p.m., as senators filed into the House chamber for a joint session, Speaker Nancy PelosiNancy PelosiHouse passes measure calling on Pence to remove Trump Trump told Pence he could be a 'patriot' or 'p----' when overseeing election vote: report Pelosi names 9 impeachment managers MORE (D-Calif.) showed a flash of irritation.

Lets go, lets just start, she said, standing next to Vice President Pence. Pelosi hammered the gavel. In the gallery above, a few dozen members had gathered to watch the session, with growing unease.

We were actually watching on our phones, streaming in real time as we were watching the debate, the riot clash with the police. It struck me that the number of rioters far exceeded the number of police. I questioned in my mind whether or not the police would be able to hold the barricades, said Rep. Jason CrowJason Crow'I saw my life flash before my eyes': An oral history of the Capitol attack Overnight Defense: National Guard boosts DC presence ahead of inauguration | Lawmakers demand probes into troops' role in Capitol riot | Financial disclosures released for Biden Pentagon nominee Duckworth demands Pentagon investigate whether troops participated in Capitol riots MORE (D-Colo.).

Trump, wrapping up his rambling remarks, urged his supporters to march down the street.

After this, were going to walk down there, and Ill be there with you, were going to walk down ... to the Capitol and we are going to cheer on our brave senators and congressmen and women, said Trump, who then returned to the safety of the White House.

Greg Nash

At 1:15 p.m., an increasingly violent clash between rioters and police broke out closer to the Capitol itself. Both police and rioters sprayed each other with chemical irritants, according to videos published online.

We backed you guys this summer, When the whole country hated you, we had your back, a rioter in a red beanie yelled at officers.

Fuck the blue, another shouted.

At 1:26 p.m., the first alerts went out by text message: The Madison Building at the Library of Congress had been evacuated. Soon, the Cannon House Office Building was being evacuated. Some of those being guided out of the building decided to seek safety in the Capitol itself.

The first security alert I remember is that they had to evacuate Cannon. So some of my colleagues were saying were going over to the House gallery and sit there for a while and watch things since we have to evacuate, Bourdeaux said.

My family started texting me, Jacobs, the California Democrat, said. I kept telling my parents its OK, Im in the House gallery, the House floor, Im probably in the safest place I could be because this is where everyone knows they need to protect us.

The most important vote Ive ever cast

Almost at the same moment, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnellAddison (Mitch) Mitchell McConnellHouse passes measure calling on Pence to remove Trump Trump, House GOP relationship suddenly deteriorates Kinzinger says he'll vote to impeach Trump MORE (R-Ky.) stood at his desk on the floor. After months of failed legal challenges, Trumps path to a second term was definitively closed, and McConnell was about to give what hed described as the most important address of his career.

Were debating a step that has never been taken in American history, whether Congress should overrule the voters and overturn a presidential election. Ive served 36 years in the Senate. This will be the most important vote Ive ever cast, McConnell said. I will vote to respect the peoples decision and defend our system of government as we know it.

Sen. Chris Van HollenChristopher (Chris) Van HollenTrump administration finalizes rollback of migratory bird protections David Sirota: Democrats gave away leverage in forcing vote on ,000 checks Hawley to challenge Electoral College results in Senate MORE (D-Md.) missed McConnells speech and was prevented from returning to the Capitol by police.

I headed to my Senate office in part because I wanted to pick up a couple notes that I had left because I was scheduled to speak on the tail end of the Arizona section of the floor debate, Van Hollen said. I was headed back over to the Capitol when one of the guards stopped us and said, Senator, you cant go down there. Were going on lockdown.

Van Hollen went back to his office in the Hart building, steps away from a Capitol Police security desk. Rioters never attempted to breach the Senate office buildings.

Minutes later, the first rioters reached Statuary Hall. Outside, the calls to violence became more intense.

The people in this house, who stole this election from us, hanging from a gallow out here in this lawn for the whole world to see, so it never happens again, said a man who called himself Joe, in audio captured by an NPR reporter. Thats what needs to happen. Four by four by four, hanging from a rope out here, for treason!

Yeah, were going to need help

Mayor Bowser ordered a 6 p.m. curfew at 1:40 p.m. She had already begun asking for help from the National Guard.

Nine minutes later, Capitol Police Chief Steven Sund requested immediate assistance from the Guard.

In his office in the Rayburn House Office Building, Armed Services Committee Chairman Smith began making his own calls to the Pentagon.

I got on the phone and called [Army Secretary Ryan] McCarthy and [Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Mark] Milley and [Defense] Secretary [Christopher] Miller to say, 'Yeah, were going to need help,' Smith said.

More rioters poured into the Capitol complex, this time from the northeast. By 2:11 p.m., the first rioters entered the west side of the building, smashing windows and battering shuttered doors.

Theyre going in? Theyre going in! a rioter can be heard shouting in one video.

Theres so many people, lets go! This shits ours! the cameraman says.I cant believe this is reality. We accomplished this shit. We did this shit together, fuck yeah! This is fuckin history! Were all part of this fuckin history!

Trump Suppoters Break Though the Capitol Steps #DCProtests #dc #capitolbreach pic.twitter.com/7giTa7AznW

In his office in the Longworth House Office Building, Rep. Mike GallagherMichael (Mike) John GallagherGOP lawmaker on protesters storming Capitol: 'I have not seen anything like this since I deployed to Iraq' GOP lawmakers plead for calm, urge Trump to help restore order amid Capitol violence Coalition of 7 conservative House Republicans says they won't challenge election results MORE (R-Wis.), a former U.S. Marine who served in Iraq, had a surreal moment with his staff.

I never thought I'd be having a conversation with my staff about how to barricade the doors and what weapons to use and whether I could use the Marine Corps sword I have hanging on the walls of my office as a defensive weapon if the mob came, but that's where we were yesterday, and that's a sad day for American democracy, Gallagher said later on NBCs "Today."

Rep. Larry BucshonLarry Dean Bucshon'I saw my life flash before my eyes': An oral history of the Capitol attack Tensions flare between House Republicans, Capitol Police over metal detectors House Republicans who didn't sign onto the Texas lawsuit MORE (R-Ind.) raced around his own office.

The doorknobs were locked, but I personally went around and locked the deadbolts on the two doors. Im like, Oh crap,' he told the Indianapolis Star.

Were staying here forever

Greg Nash, The Hills staff photographer, had ducked out of the Senate to upload images for the press pool. As he snapped some new shots from the window, a gallery director warned him to be careful standing next to windows in case of blasts.

As the rioters poured into the building, some made clear they had journalists in their sights.

I stopped near a window outside of Sen. [Charles] Schumer's office and saw protesters rushing the Capitol, Nash wrote. One rioter saw me as I was taking pictures and threw a water bottle towards the window which thankfully missed.

At 2:13 p.m., Sen. Chuck GrassleyChuck GrassleyConfirmation hearing for Biden Treasury pick Yellen slated for next Tuesday Pro-Trump mob overruns Capitol, forcing evacuation LIVE COVERAGE: Capitol overrun by pro-Trump mobs MORE (R-Iowa), presiding over the Senate debate on a challenge to Arizonas Electoral College votes, interrupted Sen. James LankfordJames Paul LankfordTop Republican congressional aide resigns, rips GOP lawmakers who objected to Biden win Efforts to secure elections likely to gain ground in Democrat-controlled Congress Texas Democrats Joaquin and Julin Castro call for Cruz to step down MORE (R-Okla.).

The Senate will stand in recess until the call of the chair, Grassley said. Lankford paused, until a staffer advised him: The protesters are in the building.

Just a minute later, rioters chased a Capitol Police officer up the stairs to a door near the Senate chamber. Video shows the officer looking left, to the open door, and then retreating to the right, drawing rioters away from senators who were only beginning to scramble to safety.

Heres the scary moment when protesters initially got into the building from the first floor and made their way outside Senate chamber. pic.twitter.com/CfVIBsgywK

Three other officers arrived to back up the first. You need to leave now, one said to the rioters.

Were staying here forever, a protester responds. This is our America.

In the House, Pelosis security detail rushed her to safety.

Thats when we realized things were much closer to where we were than we thought, Jacobs said, watching from the gallery.

As the Senate began to evacuate, there was little evidence of a proper plan. Sen. Todd YoungTodd Christopher Young'I saw my life flash before my eyes': An oral history of the Capitol attack US Chamber of Commerce to stop supporting some lawmakers following the Capitol riots GOP senator confronted by Trump supporters over electoral challenge: 'The law matters' MORE (R-Ind.) positioned himself near Sens. Susan CollinsSusan Margaret CollinsMcConnell won't reprise role as chief Trump defender Trumpism must not become the new McCarthyism Republicans wrestle over removing Trump MORE (R-Maine) and Lisa MurkowskiLisa Ann MurkowskiMcConnell won't reprise role as chief Trump defender GOP Sen. Tim Scott opposes impeaching Trump Republicans eye primaries in impeachment vote MORE (R-Alaska) to act as a guard, Collins said later.

What about us?

There was really no order as we got evacuated from the Senate in terms of how senators should group together, said Jordain Carney, who covers the Senate for The Hill.

We were initially told to run but about halfway through a tunnel told we could slow down. [Sen. Dick] Durbins detail pulled him off in a different direction. McConnell had a detail on both sides and they were moving him very quickly. Schumers guy appeared to have him by the back neck area of his jacket.

Greg Nash

Outside the Senate, as Nash hurried past, some of the rioters demanded to know who he worked for. Nash got to a door to the Senate gallery just as doorkeepers were pulling them shut.

They told us to follow them and we ended up in the Senate basement just as senators were evacuating the building. On the walk over I could see staffers were carrying some of the Electoral College certifications, Nash wrote.

Capitol Police began evacuating representatives out of the House chamber. But as they did, they seemed to forget the two dozen or so who were still seated in the gallery.

What about us? shouted Rep. Diana DeGetteDiana Louise DeGette'I saw my life flash before my eyes': An oral history of the Capitol attack Pelosi names 9 impeachment managers Bipartisan lawmakers call for expedited diabetes research MORE (D-Colo.).

As the House locked down, one frustrated Democrat screamed at Republicans across the chamber: This is your fault!

If there was a plan, that plan had deteriorated, and things were going to get bad quickly. Which they did, Crow, the Colorado Democrat, recalled later. I made the decision to call my wife, tell her that I loved her, to pass that along to the kids, and I was preparing to either make a stand or fight our way out, and I would let her know as soon as I could.

Crow told his colleagues to remove their member pins so they would be less identifiable as targets.

We saw the leadership removed from the chamber. We heard banging on the doors. We were ordered to get our gas masks on. And we proceeded to the exits only to find that there was actually no plan whatsoever. You know, the Capitol Police were improvising, said Rep. Tom MalinowskiThomas (Tom) Malinowski'I saw my life flash before my eyes': An oral history of the Capitol attack Mo Brooks defends comments at pro-Trump rally after 'vicious and scurrilous' attacks House Democrats unveil resolution to censure Rep. Mo Brooks over Capitol riots MORE (D-N.J.).

The Capitol Police were overwhelmed

Some rioters swarming the building were looking for one target in particular: Pence. Some shouted that they wanted to hang him.

After weeks of the president demonizing the VP for not pledging to overturn the election on his behalf, a power he did not have. https://t.co/LPnmwxdwES

Mike PenceMichael (Mike) Richard PenceHouse passes measure calling on Pence to remove Trump Trump told Pence he could be a 'patriot' or 'p----' when overseeing election vote: report READ: Pence letter to Pelosi rejecting calls to invoke 25th Amendment MORE didnt have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country and our Constitution, giving States a chance to certify a corrected set of facts, not the fraudulent or inaccurate ones which they were asked to previously certify. USA demands the truth! Trump tweeted, at 2:24 p.m.

As rioters walked freely through Statuary Hall, some took up residence in a Capitol office. Someone sparked a joint.

We went in there and then I walked in and theres just a whole bunch of people lighting up in some Oregon room. I dont know if its theres tons of Oregon paintings, but they were smoking a bunch of weed in there, one rioter told a recording camera. Then we moved it down, so many statues. Cops are very cool.

Read more here:

'I saw my life flash before my eyes': An oral history of the Capitol attack | TheHill - The Hill

At the same time, as a rule, impulsive violence is less likely to occur in crowds that have some social structure and internal organization. The protests of the civil rights movement were tactical and organized, as far back as the 1950s. So were many sit-ins in the 1960s and 70s, against nuclear power and the Vietnam War. Windows were broken, there were clashes with police, but spontaneous mayhem was not the rule.

During this era, you now have Kent State, urban riots, civil rights marches, said Calvin Morrill, a professor of law and sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. And the idea of the group mind does not give social scientists any room to explain the different levels of organization behind all those protests and what they meant. Ever since then, protests, whether nonviolent or not, have included tactics, strategy and training precisely to make sure the crowd does not lose its focus.

The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. personally trained many groups of Freedom Riders, detailing how best to respond to police provocation and what to say (and what not) if arrested. Those lessons carried forward. Many protesters at the Seabrook Nuclear Power Plant site in New Hampshire, in 1977, and at the Diablo Canyon Power Plant in California, in the late 1970s and early 80s, had learned to go limp to avoid blows from police officers, and to wear boots rather than sneakers. (Sneakers slip off when youre being dragged.)

Such training is not reserved to groups pledged to nonviolence, of course, and it includes specific roles for individuals with special skills, and a kind of middle-management layer. Protest groups bent on provocation, whether left-leaning or right, often include so-called violence experts young men willing to take some swings to get things started.

Absolutely they are trained, trained to go right up to the line and mix it up, then fall back, Dr. Morrill said. Theres a long, long tradition of these tactics.

Depending on the protest, and the mission, organized protests may also include marshals, or guides, helping shuttle people around, and so-called affinity groups squads that take some leadership responsibility as the protest evolves. In its Tampa, Fla., demonstration last summer, Black Lives Matter reportedly had almost 100 marshals in fluorescent vests patrolling the crowd, as well as medics, all communicating with walkie-talkies and trained in de-escalation tactics.

Youre talking groups of four to 10 people, protest participants, often friends who come in from another city or town to look after people who are injured or freaking out, said Alex Vitale, a professor of sociology at Brooklyn College, of affinity groups. And these groups will coordinate with each other, and if the crowd is assaulted or scattered, theyre capable of deciding, What should we do next?

See original here:

The History Behind 'Mob' Mentality - The New York Times

Not going to talk about politics, not going to talk about politics, NOT GOING TO TALK ABOUT POLITICS.

When I started this column two-and-a-half years ago, a well-known CEO and friend suggested that I never to write about politics.

You just dont want to go there, he advised me, wisely.

But how can I not right now? I was going to write about how our pets have overtaken our lives this week, which sounds idiotic now. Pets?

Mom, what does sedition mean? my 9-year-old George asked me Friday.

Forget it.

Sedition is kind of like what happens when your sister calls 911 in reaction to my taking her iPhone away, my husband Ian chimed in.

There has been a lot of talk about how to handle talking to kids about whats going down right now in our country. These are the right questions: Greenwich educators create teachable moment over Capitol chaos, said the headline on Greenwich Time on Jan. 7, with a story by Justin Papp. But schools are meant to be nonpartisan, so parents everywhere, many with strong feelings after the events of last week, have got to wonder how this is playing out.

Adam Rohdie, head of Greenwich Country Day, reminded teachers, students and families of the schools values to engage in debate in a civil way, to disagree without being disagreeable and to challenge ideas, but not necessarily the person sharing those ideas, Papp reported.

If you support Trump after this, you should shut your stupid mouth, my 10-year-old daughter Selma announced at the dinner table Thursday. (Guess shell never get into Greenwich Country Day.)

Why cant Trump support all the people who believe in him which is nearly half the country, my 12-year-old Louie responded.

Shut your stupid mouth, Selma said to him.

Thats where sedition comes in, Ian told him, ignoring Selma. If you are causing people to attack the government, thats illegal.

There was a man with bull horns painted red carrying a spear! George hollered, in a tone that suggested he had not fully absorbed Ians point.

Michelle Murillo cited Dr. Asha Patton-Smith, a child and adolescent psychiatrist at Kaiser Permanente in Burke, Va., in her article How to talk to your kids about the riot at the Capitol on the WTOPnews on Jan. 8.

Patton-Smith said parents need to monitor the information their children are getting online, such as paying closer attention to their social media accounts, Murillo writes.

Selmas media feeds include a vast array of variations on a dance to the recent smash hit, WAP by Cardi B.

Isnt Cardi B the one who got in a catfight in the Oak Room? my mother asked yesterday. In my day, women wore white gloves in the Oak Room.

Needless to say, explaining WAP to my mother proved challenging.

The point is, my kids dont seem to be preoccupied with anxiety and questions regarding recent events. Louies feed was all about Rick and Morty, an animated science fiction sitcom involving an insane grandfather taking his grandson through multidimensional realities. George doesnt have a feed, but his passion for Fortnite remain undeterred. If anything, it was time to rile up my kids.

Do you guys realize what happened this week? I asked, as I tried to enlist them to watch Meet The Press. This will be something you talk to your kids about; this is history in the making!

Nothing; blank stares.

Our democracy is at risk, our country at war, everything is falling apart and NOTHING IS SECURE, I hollered, quasi-hysterical.

The best course is to be calm, reassuring, Murrillo writes. Kids need a lot of hugs, feel like theyre cared for, feel like theyre safe.

Hello?! Guys get involved, this is a history-making horror show, what is wrong with you?! I went on, yelling at the kids.

Look, Im sure they are processing it, Ian assured me. The schools are all over it, and kids tend to let their hair down at home.

Suddenly, I realized how badly the kids needed a haircut. Then I started to take a more dramatic approach.

Did you know the protesters were going to HANG the vice president, I told the kids, hoping to engage their heightened appreciation of gore. They even set up a gallows and a noose!

A guillotine is better, Louie responded, unenthused.

Maybe we should make a rap song about this whole thing, I suggested to Ian, Just like Hamilton, but wed call this one Pelosis Despair.

How does an angry, woman, clad in bright patterned

face masks, dropped in the middle of a forgotten,

Spot in the oblivion by MAGA, demolished, in squalor

Turn out to be a hero of the Squad-ers

All three of our kids are now experts on American history from 1776 to 1804 thanks to the sheer brilliance of Lin-Manuel Miranda, so its worth a shot.

Remember, Ian told me, Middle schoolers are not the most responsive age group. Maybe they are just trying to block everything out. Im not sure scaring them is the best tactic, Claire.

And so we plod on. Weve staged dinner table discussions where one side of the table aims to represent one side of the argument, while the other one presents the other one. The only problem is the argument has changed; we are now in more of food fight territory.

Now youre talking, George yelled.

And yet despite all the Cardi B., Rick and Morty, and Fortnite, there are moments of hope.

Its like the environment, Selma told me. You guys messed it up, and now we get to fix it. But we WILL fix it, Mom.

When I called my friend to complain that everything going had ruined our ability to plan Louies bar mitzvah (and was she using the same line?), she said, Im not stressing my kids right now, theyve been through so much already. You gotta stand back and realize that at the end of the day, its our kids who are the actual heroes right now.

There is a lot of talk about how the pandemic and rioting may affect our kids, but what about the kids themselves? These are kids have had most of their lives canceled; they have been forced to learn in different ways, socialize in different ways, exist in their own already-fraught-and-still-developing-minds in different ways ways weve never seen before. We didnt go through this.

When you say front-line worker, think about our kids growing up with this, my friend said. Ultimately, they will need to be their own heroes because they are the ones on the front linesthe front lines of their entire lives.

Claire Tisne Haft is a former publishing and film executive, raising her family in Greenwich while working on a freelance basis on books and films. She can be reached through her website at clairetisnehaft.com.

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The Mother Lode: This is history in the making - again - for kids - CT Insider

Ron Rivera led the Washington Football Team to its first playoff appearance since 2015.

What have we learned from our history?

Washington Football Team head coach Ron Rivera posed this question to the media after being asked how his team would sustain the success it achieved in the 2020 season. It was just one day after the Football Teams 31-23 loss to the Tampa Bay Buccaneers in the Wild Card round.

Amidst the backdrop of the Zoom press conference, Riveras inquiry was rhetorical. But the question itself was significant because it marked a shift in Riveras mindset from forward-thinking to reflective.

Since arriving in Washington, Rivera has looked ahead. He looked forward to creating a player-centered culture and a consistent winning team based on discipline and trust. When the Football Team was 1-3 to start off the season, Rivera planned for Weeks 6-9 when he knew the team would be playing NFC East opponents, and opted to bench Dwayne Haskins Jr. after the signal-callers best start of the season. Faced with an undefeated Pittsburgh Steelers team, Rivera asked, Why not us? When Washington returned to State Farm Stadium - the place where it had lost to the Arizona Cardinals in Week 2 - to face the San Francisco 49ers, he didnt dwell on past performances. And when Rivera faced his former team of nine seasons in the Carolina Panthers with a potential playoff berth on the line, he did not stop to consider the emotions tied up in his past.

Throughout a tumultuous season, Rivera remained focused on building a successful future in Washington. After leading the Football Team to a 7-9 record and their first playoff berth since 2015, Rivera finally paused to consider the accomplishments and lessons of the past.

History is one of the first topics Rivera brought up in his introductory press conference in Washington just over one year ago. He used the Redskins nickname when he spoke because it had not yet been retired.

This one, the Washington Redskins, this ones special, Rivera said last January. This is one of the almost original teams. Started in 1932, theres a lot of history behind this football team. In order for us to get back to where we want to be, we got to study that history, embrace that history and prepare to repeat that history. Because if were not, were doomed to repeat the most recent history and were not going to do that guys. We really arent. Everything we do is going to be about winning, okay? Were going to do things the right way, and thats the only way were going to do them. Because if it doesnt help us, were not doing it. Thats just as simple as it gets.

Unbeknownst to Rivera at the time, history proved to play an active role in Washington leading up to the 2020 season. Amidst national protests on racial injustice and police brutality and then pressure from financial backers, Washington retired its 87-year-old moniker, Redskins. Then, articles in the Washington Post surfaced detailing the sexual assault allegations of 40 former female employees and two female journalists from 2006-2019. In an unrelated case, a running back on the team was arrested and charged following multiple domestic violence incidents.

In a matters of months, Washingtons past had bled into the present and it had to confront history head-on.

Rivera, new to the team and city, turned to the past for clarity. Three days before the 2020 season began, Rivera told the media that he had read The Splendid and the Vile, Erik Larsons book about Winston Churchill.

Its really about hunkering down for the long haul, Rivera said. Theres a lot of good messages in it about preparation and preparing and understanding that things arent going to be easy, theyre going to be hard, but getting everybody to rally. I found some solace in reading a book like that.

Rivera created a player-focused culture in his first season in Washington.

Instead of forgetting Washingtons past, Rivera built on top of it. The 3-13 record in 2019 was just as important as the teams 8-7 finish in 2016 - the last time Washington posted a winning record. Rivera understood that changing the future meant that every player and coach had to come together and embrace the trials of the past.

Weve got to stay true to what I believe is a little bit of a philosophy and that is the best team has a great sense of family, the best family has great culture and within that culture theres tremendous character, and thats what weve got to build, Rivera said in his introductory press conference. Weve got to build that. Weve got to build character, weve got to build culture, weve got to build team, weve got to build family. If we can do that, we can win.

The importance of family grew over the course of the season, particularly when Rivera announced in August that he had been diagnosed with squamous cell carcinoma located in a lymph node. Before revealing his diagnosis to the world, Rivera gathered his players in a big circle after their evening meeting so that he could tell them in person.

"Some were stunned, Rivera said at the time. A bunch came up and wished me well. I said, 'I'm going to be a little more cranky, so don't piss me off.'"

Defensive end Ryan Anderson, having not yet played a game for Rivera, expressed his support before even knowing the diagnosis.

"He's definitely a players' coach," Anderson said. "So far, I like him. I trust him. I'd run through a wall for him."

As Rivera continued to coach, missing just three practices and no games, the sense of family only grew stronger. Players wore t-shirts on the sidelines that read, Rivera Strong. It was both a statement of support and a goal, because if this team could be strong like Rivera in the face of adversity, then certainly they could win football games.

Like any family, Washington faced hardship. After Haskins was benched, Kyle Allen took over under center. When Allen broke his ankle, Alex Smith played in his first game since suffering from a gruesome leg injury in Nov. 2018. When Smith injured his calf, Haskins got a second chance. And shortly after images surfaced of Haskins apparently mask-less at a party in violation of COVID-19 protocols, he was cut from the team. With Smith still injured, Taylor Heinicke, who had not started a game since 2018, was tasked with leading Washington to its first playoff win since 2005. He turned in a gutsy underdog performance punctuated by a diving touchdown into the pylon.

After all of that, Washington came up short in what turned out to be their last game of the season. In terms of grit, resilience and character though, the Football Team exceeded expectations.

What have we learned from our history?

More than anyone expected.

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Ron Rivera Embraced History To Find Success In His First Season In Washington - Forbes

When I first saw footage of rioters storming the U.S. Capitol last week, my instinctive response before the despondency I felt at the desecration of American democracy, or the anger that would later have me shouting at my television set was historical.

I scrolled through my memory for comparisons. There was the British burning of the U.S. Capitol during the War of 1812, for example, and the ransacking of the White House in the exuberant celebration of Andrew Jacksons inauguration in 1829 (the new president reputedly escaped the festivities through a window). In 1968, during the upheaval surrounding the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., rioters made it within a couple blocks of the White House.

But I knew, even as I did this, that the parallels would be inexact and that we were now lurching into territory where the past would prove a sketchy map at best.

Our job as educators is to make and model good conscious choices about what we believe, and to make that necessarily fallible belief system as transparent as we can

As a high school teacher of U.S. history, I have had a growing unease in recent years about the relevance of my vocation. For most of my teaching career, Ive felt reasonably confident that I performed a useful civic function in giving my charges a basic core narrative about the American past one that included justifiable pride, even confidence, in a nationhood constituted on a set of ideals that could point the way toward the better angels of our natures.

Related: OPINION: After shocking election, New York history teachers tries to alleviate despair, anxiety or indignation

Yes, of course, that story was full of repeated failures to live up to those ideals, whose flawed logic was evident from the very start, evident in British essayist Samuel Johnsons 1775 observation that we hear theloudest yelpsforlibertyamong the drivers of negroes and Abigail Adamss injunction to her husband to remember the ladies as he worked with Thomas Jefferson to write the Declaration of Independence. But there was always just enough refusal to give in to cynicism among our nations leaders and citizens that we have been able to narrow, if never entirely close, that gap between ideal and reality.

Events of the last year, heightened still further by those of the last week that are moving toward a second impeachment of President Donald Trump have me worried about whats been termed a legitimacycrisis in our country, one that risks finally severing our confidence in the nations ideals.

Contemporary U.S. history teachers spend a lot of time and teaching energy focusing on the nations shortcomings and for good reasons. They spend less time and attentionon what kinds of authority deserve our deference and support. Indeed, even asking that question arouses suspicion in an educational establishment whose moral imagination is defined by the primacy of equality as an ideal (one that often overlooks our deepest longings for distinction).

This legitimacy crisis becomes even more acute when we consider it from the perspective of adolescents, whose chief experience of government authority has taken the form of a loutish brute whose contempt for republican institutions sends a powerful message that playing by the rules is for losers (and that only losers play by the rules).

Now more than ever, we need to identify and strengthen repositories of values and traditions that can serve as the basis of their extension, and those who embody them. This seems hard to do. But it seems even harder to do without them.

Events of the last year, heightened still further by those of the last week, have me worried about what termed a legitimacycrisis in our country, one that risks finally severing our confidence in the nations ideals.

Schools have an important role to play, as theyre the first and primary experience children have with authority figures, however small their ambit, and however eager teachers may be to empower their students. We all know that fostering critical thinking skills is an essential part of this process. Essential, but not sufficient: At the end of the day, all of us tend to believe what we want to believe, and the question comes down not to fact versus lie but rather which facts we deem relevant and the moral cement that holds them in place.

We understand ourselves to be living in a secular age. For some of us, this is lamentable; for most of us, its a salutary fact of life. But the will to believe is a core human longing that expresses itself in multiple ways. When ignored or denied, faith is something that tends to come in through the back door, whether or not were willing to acknowledge it.

Our job as educators is to make and model good, conscious choices about what we believe, and to make that necessarily fallible belief system as transparent as we can for students without insisting that they share it. As such, our job is less a matter of what we say than what we do in performing our duties in our communities. When we do this reasonably well, we offer our children an instructive contrast with thosedismayingly, teachers among them who broke those windows and our hearts. But not (yet) our faith.

Jim Cullen teaches history in the newly established upper division at Greenwich Country Day School in Connecticut. His forthcoming novel, Best Class You Never Had, will be published later this year.

This story about teaching American history was produced byThe Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for theHechinger newsletters.

The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn't mean it's free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.

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A US history teacher tries to explain attacks - The Hechinger Report

Political figures, wars, protests, and scandals have all had a hand in shapingthe Democratic Party's platforms.

Stacker took a look at important developments in the party from 1931 until today through historical records, newspaper accounts, and government archives. From Franklin Delano Roosevelt, elected in 1932, to Joe Bidens victory over President Donald Trump in 2020, a picture of the party emerges, sometimes changing to meetAmericans needs and demands, other times reacting to events outside of the United States, wars, and revolutions.

Which presidents, vice presidents, governors, and mayors broke barriers in their careers? Who were the party favorites? And who were the agitators demanding reform?

In his January 1941 State of the Union address, President Franklin D. Roosevelt introduced four core freedoms that the United States needed to protect against the Axis powers: the freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. In the depths of the Great Depression, he created a New Deal for Americans, a series of work projects, regulations, and programs meant to lift the country out of the economic morass it was experiencing. His Democratic successors worked to try to ensure voting rights for all Americans, to vanquish poverty, and to provide health care and education for all.

The party has been wrenched in new directions, including when protests broke against the Vietnam War and against racial injustice. Other times, Democrats moved toward protecting the environment and passing gun control.

President-elect Joe Biden faces challenges even more urgent, as he tries to move the country past the angry divisiveness of the past four years, the coronavirus pandemic, and the economic strains it has caused.

You may also like: Oldest cities in America

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Democratic Party history from the year you were born - Buffalo News

A 19 game unbeaten streak for the New York Rangers

What happened on January 13 in the history of the New York Rangers

On this date in 1940 the New York Rangers set an NHL record of 19 straight games without a loss. With 14 wins and five ties, they hadnt lost since November 19, an overtime loss to the Canadiens. In the process, the Rangers set a franchise record ten straight wins, a mark that has been equaled, but never surpassed.

The Blueshirts did it with a 4-1 win in Toronto. Rangers netminder Davey Kerr was the star of the game while they got goals from Bryan Hextall, Kilby MacDonald, Phil Watson and Neil Colville. The game was tied 1-1 going into the third period when the Rangers exploded for three goals to win.

With their 19 game unbeaten streak, they broke the record of 18 set in 1927-28 by the Montreal Canadiens. That record stood for just one year as the 1940-41 Boston Bruins set a record with a 23 game unbeaten streak. The current record is 35 games, set by the 1979-80 Philadelphia Flyers., but the Rangers streak is still a franchise record and is the ninth longest in NHL history.

The ten game winning streak was tied by the 1972-73 Rangers. The longest winning streak in NHL history belongs to the 1992-1993 Pittsburgh Penguins who won 17 games in a row. The 2015-16 Blueshirts came close with a nine game winning streak.

Goaltender Kerr also set an individual record with 19 straight games in net without a loss, broken by Frank Brimsek with the Bruins. Mike Richter set a franchise record with 20 straight games in the 1993-94 season.

The Rangers streak was halted the next day when they lost in Chicago 2-1. After the loss, they reeled off an additional five straight wins for 15 out of 16 games.

On this date in 1993, Mark Messier scored a goal and added three assists in a 5-4 win over the Washington Capitals. With the four points, he reached the 1,200 point mark. He ended his career with 1,887 points, third most in NHL history.

On this date in 2007, Jed Ortmeyer arguably had his finest moment as a New York Ranger, scoring on a penalty shot at Madison Square Garden as the Rangers beat the Bruins 3-1. It was an insurance goal at 17:13 of the third period and counted as a shorthanded goal, his only one as a Blueshirt.

How rare was it? The Rangers have had 31 penalty shots awarded in the last 16 years, but have scored on only eight of them.

On this date in 1927 the Toronto Maple Leafs played their first game against the Rangers at Madison Square Garden. The game ended in a 1-1 tie. The Leafs had a lot of success at the third version of the Garden. In 275 games they garnered 271 points, the most points gained at any opponents arena in Toronto franchise history.

In 1968 on January 13, the Rangers made their first trip to St. Louis as the league had doubled in size from six to 12 teams. It was a 3-1 win for the Rangers. The Blueshirts won three of their four games against the expansion Blues, losing on their next visit to the St. Louis Arena.

27 NHL players were born on January 13. Six of them have played for the Rangers.

Jack Johnson is a current Blueshirt who was born on this date in 1987 in Indianapolis, Indiana. He has yet to play an NHL game for the Blueshirts, but should officially become a Ranger on Thursday. Signed as a free agent, he replaces veteran Marc Staal in the lineup and in a coincidence, they share the same birth date and year.

Marc Staal was born on this date in 1987 in Thunder Bay, Ontario. He was a first round draft p ick by the Rangers in 2005 and was a stalwart on the teams defense until he was traded to Detroit in 2020 in a cap space clearing move.

When he left the team he was sixth all-time in games played with 892. His later years with the team were hampered by a concussion and an eye injury. Brothers Marc, Eric, Jared and Jordan all played in the NHL with Eric joining Marc on the Rangers briefly in 2016.

Mike Rupp was a well travelled NHLer who was born on this date in 1980 in Cleveland, Ohio. Rupp played 68 games for the Rangers over two seasons from 2011 to 2013. His finest moment as a Ranger was when he scored two goals in the 2012 Winter Classic as the Rangers beat the Flyers 3-2. Rupper played 11 years in the NHL for six different teams.

Cesar Maniago was a goalie born on January 13 in 1939 in Trail, British Columbia. He played 15 seasons in the NHL, including 34 games for the Rangers. With Eddie Giacomin ensconced as the number one goalie, Maniago was claimed by the Minnesota North Stars in the 1967 expansion draft. Besieged as an expansion team goalie, he led the league in saves in 1968-69 while also facing the most shots of any goalie in the NHL.

Graeme Nicolson was a defenseman who played ten games for the Rangers in 1983. He was born on this date in 1958 in North Bay, Ontario. He came to the Rangers on a waiver claim in 1982 and left after the 1983 season via free agency.

Ryan Sproul was born on this date in 1993 in Mississauga,Ontario. A second round pick by Detroit in 2011, the Rangers acquired him in 2017 in a trade for Matt Puempel. He played 16 games in New York in 2018 when the Rangers began their rebuild and traded Ryan McDonagh and Nick Holden. After one year in the AHL, Sproul has found a home in the KHL, playing for coach Alex Kovalev with Kunlun Red Star.

The Rangers have played 39 times on January 13 with a very solid 20 regulation wins and only 13 losses.

Last year 2020: Rangers 6, Islanders 2

One year ago, the Rangers began a stretch when they played the Islanders three times in eight days. The first game was overwhelming for the Blueshirts as they destroyed the Isles 6-2 at the Garden. Artemi Panarin tied his career high with five points on two goals and three assists. It was Panarins fourth straight home game with three of more points, tying Andy Bathgates mark, set in 1961.

Adam Fox played the first game against the team from his native Long Island and had a goal and an assist. Alexandar Georgiev had 32 saves for the win, improving his record against the Isles to 3-1. The Blueshirts were buoyed by two fights as Micheal Haley took on Ross Johnston and Brendan Smith fought Matt Martin.

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On January 13 in NYR history: The longest unbeaten streak ever in the NHL - Blue Line Station

The brother of Police Commissioner Petra DeJesus, a San Francisco Police Department sergeant named Luis DeJesus, racked up at least six excessive force complaints and was involved in at least three officer-involved shootings while serving as a police officer in the Bayview district, according to newly released documents.

The three shootings, one in 2001 and two in 2010, appear not to have killed or severely injured anyone. However, in two of them, DeJesus shot at a moving vehicle, which is considered hazardous and is now strictly prohibited by police department policy. In five of the excessive force complaints, DeJesus was central, including one in which a tussle between DeJesus and a suspect left the man severely injured with shards of glass in his chest.

Despite the shootings and the complaints, DeJesus is currently an SFPD sergeant earning $150,000 a year, according to city records.

The use-of-force history of Sgt. DeJesus, released under a new state transparency law, paints the profile of a police officer that stands in stark contrast to his sister, a progressive fixture on the civilian panel tasked with overseeing the police department.

To be sure, Commissioner DeJesus is in no way responsible for her brothers behavior, and was never in a position to rule on any of his cases, but the number and circumstances of his cases illustrate how many times an officer can be the target of a complaint, but nonetheless retain and even flourish in the SFPD.

Petra DeJesus is the senior member of the commission, having served for some 15 years. She has often used her position to demand more accountability from the police. Her brother, meanwhile, appears to have mostly dodged accountability for past claims of excessive force. All of the prior claims against him were not sustained meaning investigators could not find enough evidence to recommend discipline against him.

That outcome is no different than what happens in most complaints against police officers. In 2005, the year DeJesus received three complaints, less than 3 percent of all complaint investigations completed by the Office of Citizen Complaints (OCC) resulted in sustained findings. In the complaints against DeJesus, as happens in many, investigators were forced to weigh a civilians word against the accounts of officers and consequently could not prove or disprove wrongdoing by the officer, according to the records.

The number of cases in which the watchdog agency sustains misconduct allegations has grown in recent years. The Department of Police Accountability, formerly the OCC, sustained 19 percent of its cases in 2019. Still, even cases in which misconduct was discovered often result in little or no discipline.

Commissioner DeJesus declined to be interviewed about her brother. Instead, she wrote in a text message: Please understand that I am recused from decisions and topics related to my brother and so I will not be able to comment about him.

Asked whether her brothers policing record has had any bearing on the kind of commissioner shes become, she responded that I grew up in the 60s and 70s and the social justice issues of those times impacted me. She highlighted her past as a lawyer with the Mission Legal Defense and the Public Defenders Office, striving to provide social justice for our community.

Regarding the excessive force complaints, she said, I think most of them are before I was on the commission but I cannot be sure.

Excessive force allegations

Petra DeJesus joined the Police Commission in late 2005, the year her brother received three complaints for excessive force. None of them were sustained, so they would not have come before the Police Commission.

In one incident in August 2005, DeJesus allegedly beat a man with a flashlight after he had been handcuffed and under control. DeJesus denied that the flashlight beating had taken place, telling investigators that he had only punched the man in the face to protect himself and the other officers before the handcuffs went on. Other police officers at the scene provided a similar story.

But in the complaint, a Black man, whose name was redacted in the investigative files, was certain that once he was handcuffed, DeJesus grabbed me in front of me and started beating me with the flashlight.

The allegations were not sustained; the oversight agency cited a lack of evidence.

Only months earlier, that June, a young boy whose name and age were redacted from the files alleged that DeJesus and another officer beat him after he had surrendered. The boy, who initially ran from the police near Third and Newhall streets, said that after he stopped running and put his hands up, DeJesus and another officer took him to the ground. He alleged that DeJesus hit him in the face and kneed him in the ribs. Some of the boys family members, who witnessed the incident, corroborated the account.

But DeJesus told investigators that his force was minimal, used only to gain control of the boy, who was hiding his hands and resisting, according to DeJesus. I ended up having to strike him one time in the face area, he told investigators. At which time he stopped resisting.

The watchdog agency determined it could not sustain the allegations, as no independent witnesses came forward and there was insufficient evidence to either prove or disprove the excessive force allegations.

In another incident that took place in November 2004, police officers, including DeJesus, showed up in a womans backyard as they pursued a suspect, apparently the womans son. Police alleged that the woman splashed bleach on them to fend them off, prompting the police to force their way into her house and take control of her with necessary force.

Yet, while the woman admitted to splashing bleach, she said she believed they were intruders, not police officers. And she alleged that after police entered her house and handcuffed her, they continued to beat her until she was unconscious.

The only thing I do remember is when I was on the ground, [DeJesus] grabbed me by my hair, thats how I became conscious, he maced me and hit me in my face with the can [of pepper spray] because my nose was broken right here and he hit me in the face with the mace can and he said, Bitch you like to throw things, and he sprayed in my face, she told investigators.

She indicated to the investigator that he sprayed the mace six inches from her eyes, kicked her, and then dragged her down stairs, saying Shut up, bitch.

By contrast, DeJesus said in his police report that the woman had splashed him several times with the bleach, continued to violently resist, and kicked me several times in the legs after he sprayed her with pepper spray.

The Office of Citizen Complaints did not sustain the allegations, citing insufficient evidence to prove or disprove the allegations.

Years later, in 2012, DeJesus and other police officers entered a couples house in the Potrero Hill projects by force because they believed one of its residents, a Black man with a hooded sweatshirt, possibly had a gun.

When police asked to come inside, a female resident demanded they provide a warrant and refused to let them in, according to the womans complaint and police accounts.

Nevertheless, the woman wrote in her complaint that police officers pulled her out of her house while she was still in my panties and my bra, and they rushed in.

Before [my boyfriend] had a chance to say who he was, the police grabbed him, swung him around the stairs, he was slammed on top of the kitchen table where there was a glass cup at, and the entire cup was broken into his chest, the woman wrote in her complaint. They were punching him and forcing his arms to his back.

DeJesus wrote in his police report that he was the officer who slammed the man on the table, resulting in the man being cut. DeJesus and other officers wrote in their reports that the man was trying to evade them, was confrontational and struggled with the officers.

In the end, however, the police found no gun on the man or in the residence. They only cited the man for resisting police, and he was sent to the hospital.

The woman alleged in her complaint that the police officers left by telling me this was just one big misunderstanding.

Like the others, the complaint was not sustained, as there was insufficient evidence to either prove or disprove the allegations made in the complaint, the Office of Citizen Complaints concluded.

Shootings

DeJesus was also involved in three shootings, although documents indicate that he did not kill anyone.

One took place on April 21, 2010, when officers including DeJesus believed a car appeared suspicious andattempted to search it on Reardon Road in Bayview Hunters Point. When they approached the car, its occupants attempted to drive away. DeJesus was positioned in front of the car and fired once at the driver, believing the car was going to hit him, according to an internal affairs investigation. The vehicle got away.

Its unclear if the suspect was injured.

The SFPDs Firearm Discharge Review Board, a panel that decides whether a shooting is proper, concluded the shooting was in policy. Commissioner Petra DeJesus was a member of the board when the issue was up for review, but records show she recused herself from hearing or deciding on the matter.

Another shooting took place in September, 2010, in which DeJesus and other officers stopped a man for speeding. When they ordered him to exit his car, the man did not comply and the officers attempted to remove him by force, according to an internal affairs summary of the incident. Thats when the man allegedly started his engine and drove the car in DeJesuss direction, and DeJesus shot at it once.

The driver fled the scene, but was apprehended that night.

The Firearm Discharge Review Board also deemed that shooting to be in policy, as department policy at that time allowed police to shoot at moving vehicles in special circumstances, such as a vehicle posing an imminent threat of death. DeJesus said he felt his life was in danger. In 2016, the Police Commission banned police officers from shooting at moving vehicles in all circumstances.

Commissioner DeJesus was not a member of the Firearm Discharge Review Board during the evaluation of the Sept. 30, 2020, shooting by her brother, records show.

Past misconduct

The documents detailing DeJesuss use-of-force history have been released in recent months at a trickle by both the Department of Police Accountability and the SFPD under a new state transparency law, SB 1421. The law allows requests for records of police use of force, dishonesty, and sexual assault. Both the SFPD and its watchdog have released few records in the latter two categories.

But DeJesus use-of-force records add to what is already known about his history with the SFPD.

DeJesus first appeared in the news and was revealed as Commissioner DeJesuss brother in December, 2005, during the citys so-called Videogate scandal. The scandal involved more than a dozen Bayview police officers who created homemade videos featuring racist, sexist and homophobic comedy skits. DeJesus purportedly participated in a skit in which he and other officers drew their guns on a man carrying a rock of cocaine.

The chief at the time, Heather Fong, suspended the officers, including DeJesus, without pay. He and other officers subsequently sued Fong and the department for imposing that discipline, alleging racial discrimination, retaliation, and deprivation of rights. But after five years, in October 2011, the lawsuit failed. Rather than the city paying officers damages, the officers ended up owing the city $32,000 for costs related to the litigation.

Three years later, in 2014, the city settled a federal civil lawsuit against Sgt. DeJesus for $210,000. Plaintiff Sean Hold alleged that DeJesus repeatedly beat him with his fists and a baton in North Beach.

During an August, 2014, Police Commission meeting in which Holds lawsuit was up for discussion, the commission unanimously voted to recuse Commissioner DeJesus from the matter.

Its unclear if Holds case was investigated by the Department of Police Accountability, as the agency has not released files related to it.

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Police Commissioners brother, an SFPD sergeant, has a history of shootings and excessive force complaints - Mission Local

EDITOR'S NOTE: This story was originally published on June 19, 2020 by the Ohio History Connection. Richland Source has entered into a collaborative agreement with the Ohio History Connection to share content across our sites.

Like many, I am mostly staying home during the COVID-19 pandemic. Normally, I would be working on getting an urban history museum going in Cincinnati, writing a dissertation, prepping classes for summer and fall, and being a single mom in the usual way.

Instead, what I notice as this crisis continues is that the work of the house is taking over. There are more dishes to do, more meals to cook, more hours in which my child needs to be entertained, and so my professional work has to give way.

This is a real-life illustration of the subject of one of my dissertation chapters: a lesbian couple in the 1910s and 1920s who created rich lives of work, activism, and civic engagement largely by freeing themselves from the drudgery of housework to allow the work of their minds and hearts to flourish.

Before I tell you about them, I want to note that I call them lesbians, because that is what we would call them today, but doing so puts me on the tricky footing of applying a contemporary label to people in the past. When Loueen Pattee died, Mary MacMillan wrote poems about how she wished she could kiss her and how she couldnt bear to see her shoes under the bed. So, I call them lesbians, but they wouldnt have used that word themselves and it may denote things today that wouldnt have applied in the past.

In the 1920 census, Mary MacMillan and Loueen Pattee were listed as partners (though some census official later crossed out partner and replaced with boarding). Together they were deeply involved in civic and artistic life, including suffrage activism. They had time to do this work because they were free from the demands of heterosexual marriage and lived in a place where their needs could be met with minimal housekeeping.

Though I find this pair extraordinary, many women in this era enjoyed what historian Trisha Franzen has called as close to a golden age for independent women as can be found in United States history. In fact, she says, the generations of women born between 1865 and 1895 had the highest proportion of single women in U.S. history, peaking at 11 percent for women like MacMillan and Pattee, born between 1865 and 1875. These women were the drivers and beneficiaries of a shifting range of opportunities for women to support themselves outside of married life.

Outside of suffrage activism, MacMillan and Pattee made scads of civic contributions. MacMillan was a founder of the College Club, an early member of Cincinnatis MacDowell Society, and a guiding force in the Ohio Valley Poetry Society. She brought famous poets to Cincinnati for sold-out readings, sponsored a working group for local poets, and wrote plays to be performed as fundraisers for many local womens organizations including the Consumers League, which advocated for the rights of shop girls.

Loueen Pattee came to Cincinnati in 1916 to replace fierce womens rights advocate Emilie Watts McVea as Dean of Women at the University of Cincinnati. McVea left to become the second president of Sweet Briar College. Before coming to U.C., Pattee lived in Munich, where she ran a school for American girls and, when World War I broke out, a Red Cross hospital. Her life in Cincinnati included leadership in a U.C. scholarship fund for French women to continue their studies through the war, and in the Womans City Club, where she taught a course in suffrage in 1918. At U.C. she taught romance languages and art history in addition to her role as Dean.

Loueen Pattee, 1917

I am drawn to MacMillan and Pattee because their lives were both ordinary and extraordinary. They went to work, did the shopping, cooked meals, had adventures with their friends, wrote letters, and explored their city and their world in much the way I might live today.

They also entertained luminaries like Jane Addams and Edna St. Vincent Millay. And they had an impact on suffrage in Ohio.

In 1912 Ohio attempted to amend the State constitution to give women the right to vote through a referendum of the states voters who were, of course, all male. This issue, known as Amendment 23, went before the states voters in September of 1912. The referendum failed with 57% voting against the change. During the 1912 campaign, Mary MacMillan served as Chairman of the Press Committee of the Womens Suffrage Party of Cincinnati. As such, she wrote regular newspaper columns and responded to questions and attacks about womens right to vote.

In one of these columns, MacMillan wrote something which strikes me as relevant in todays COVID-19 world, she said, Shut a man up in a hothouse with four small children, peach preserving, and picture hats alone for one day and see what he will say about womens sphere and its ennobling effects.

One of my favorite impacts of this otherwise tragic COVID-19 crisis is that many of us are spending our time walking miles in the shoes of caregivers and teachers and finding out just how hard this work actually is. MacMillan pushed the voters of Ohio to give woman a taste of science, of knowledge and thought of history, business, politics, of activity with other inspiring minds in the world and see if she wants to return to the narrow life in which she has been held fast It isnt the home that is in danger, it is the woman.

I can only guess how hard it was for her to read the articles written by antis that ran beside her columns. They argued, political responsibility for women will eventually work great harm to women, and through them cause a marked deterioration of the race, and they inextricably believed that women should leave politics to men since political work was, difficult and dangerous because of the nervous tension involved. They urged men to, protect us as far as they can in this emergency, and misrepresented other members of their sex by asserting, we women realize that government rests upon force, upon power of muscle, brain and money. We know that we cannot bring to government any of these essentials.

Mary MacMillan.

These arguments must have infuriated Mary MacMillan, and yet her responses to them were calm. She did mock the antis on one occasion, writing, we wish the refined, frail, home-loving anti could send her vote in scented lavender note paper to the polls, while she goes down and elbows her way through the Sixth Street Market.

But most of her columns stayed on message and presented arguments that were both poetic and persuasive. On Aug. 18, 1912, she wrote that woman had come to need political recognition and to want to take her share in the great public housekeeping. She believed that suffrage is the next step in the development of women, and linked it to modernity and progress. She wrote, suffrage as a radical issue . . . is modern. That is why people are afraid of it. It is new. They are not used to it. It makes them uncomfortable to think of it like a fresh-starched shirt after a bath.

I love the housekeeping metaphors and the way she ties the familiar experience of a starched shirt, which everyone would have known would become more comfortable over time, to the chaffing of modernity against old-time lavender-scented Victorian sensibilities.

The Ohio amendment didnt pass in 1912 or in 1914, but the national movement gained momentum, notably in the middle of a pandemic. In 1918 when the U.S. Senate rejected the amendment that would later become the 19th Amendment, the Cincinnati Enquirer reached out to Loueen Pattee for comment in her role as Dean of Women at the University of Cincinnati.

She said, Since the United States Senate has disposed of the women question, I suggest it now turn its attention to the Spanish Influenza. Of course, it is quite probable both disquieting disturbances will return next autumn.

She was right on both fronts. Though she deflected the question of suffrage, presumably because she felt hamstrung by her administrative position at the university, she then wisely called for her legislators to take leadership on the international pandemic at hand.

I spent my day today wondering what Loueen Pattee and Mary MacMillan would be doing right now to care for those around them and to advocate for change in the COVID-19 crisis. Women have the right to vote thanks to thousands of local activists like MacMillan and Pattee. It is our responsibility to use that vote responsibly to care for our sisters and brothers through good works and good leadership.

*****

Anne Delano Steinert is a preservationist, educator, and historian whose work focuses on the built environment in urban America. She holds masters degrees in historic preservation and urban history and is currently finishing a PhD in urban and public history at the University of Cincinnati. She is the founding Board Chair of the Over-the-Rhine Museum and the curator of three recent exhibitions on urban growth and change in Cincinnati including the award-winner Finding Kenyon Barr: Exploring Photographs of Cincinnatis Lost Lower West End. She teaches at the University of Cincinnati and Xavier University. On top of all these projects, Steinerts most challenging and rewarding position is as mom to 9-year-old Seneca.

References:

Exult Over Suffrage Defeat: Cincinnati Women Elated by Blow Given Amendment, Cincinnati Enquirer (Cincinnati, Ohio), Oct. 2, 1918. 14.

Trisha Franzen, Spinsters and Lesbians: Independent Womanhood in the United States (New York: New York University Press), 1995.

Harm to Women and the Race Would Result from Giving Suffrage to Weaker Sex, Declares Mrs. Scott and Massive Meeting of Anti-Suffragettes. Statement by Miss MacMillan of Suffrage PartyPrize Awarded for PostersDebate Scheduled. Cincinnati Enquirer (Cincinnati, Ohio), June 26, 1912. 16.

Mary MacMillan, Consensus of the Competent, Cincinnati Enquirer (Cincinnati, Ohio), Aug. 25, 1912. D7.

Mary MacMillan, The Next Step, Cincinnati Enquirer (Cincinnati, Ohio), Aug. 18, 1912. D7.

Mary MacMillan, Proof of the Pudding, Cincinnati Enquirer (Cincinnati, Ohio), Aug. 11, 1912. 49.

Mary MacMillan, Styles, Cincinnati Enquirer (Cincinnati, Ohio), July 28, 1912. 49. C8.

Mary MacMillan, The Other Side of the Coin, Cincinnati Enquirer (Cincinnati, Ohio), Sept. 1, 1912. 49.

Mary MacMillan, After Reading Thomas Hardys Poems , Ohio Valley Verse v. III (Cincinnati, OH: Ohio Valley Poetry Society), 1927.

Nineteenth Amendment

Ohio History Central: Ohio History Connection https://ohiohistorycentral.org/w/Nineteenth_Amendment (accessed May 19, 2020)

Ohio Womens Suffrage, Amendment 23 Ballotpedia https://ballotpedia.org/Ohio_Women%27s_Suffrage,_Amendment_23_(September_1912) (accessed May 19, 2020)

Anne Delano Steinert, No One Ever Came for Dean Loueen Pattee, in Greg Hand (Ed) From the Temple of Zeus to the Hyperloop:University of Cincinnati Stories (Cincinnati, OH: University of Cincinnati Press), 2018.

United States Federal Census, 1920, Hamilton County, Ohio, Enumeration District 434, Ward 25, page 8.

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Here's a salute to one of Ohio women's suffrage pioneers - Richland Source