Daily Archives: October 12, 2020

Between July 1 and September 30, Democrat Theresa Greenfield raised almost $29 million for her race this fall against Republican Sen. Joni Ernst of Iowa. That's not only more than Ernst's 2014 Democratic challenger, Bruce Braley, spent ($12 million) in the entire 2014 race, it's more than Braley and Ernst spent (just more than $24 million) in that race.

And it's not just Iowa.

"Some think Harrison's quarterly report could approach, or even eclipse, the $38.1 million raised by Beto O'Rourke in the summer of his 2018 race in Texas, believed to be the largest quarterly fundraising haul ever in a Senate race."

In almost every race cited above, the Republican incumbents have refused to publicly release their own fundraising numbers, which must be filed publicly by October 15. The expectation, among Republicans and Democrats, is that very few (if any) of the GOP incumbents will come anywhere close to matching their Democratic rivals in third-quarter fundraising?

What does it all mean?

Well, in the most practical sense, the fundraising disparity for Democrats means that they will be able to run lots more TV ads than their GOP opponents in the closing weeks of these races.

"As of Tuesday night, Harrison has spent or reserved time through Election Day on TV and digital ads of upwards of $60.3 million an amount that's sure to grow in the final weeks of the race. ... Graham, meanwhile, has spent or reserved just $20.6 million so far."

But the overflowing amounts of money available for Democratic Senate candidates also speak to something even more important when it comes to analyzing the coming election: The party's base is beyond fired up about the prospects not just of beating President Donald Trump, but also of retaking the Senate majority.

Remember that donations -- particularly of the small-dollar variety -- are direct indications of support and passion. If you are willing to donate money you earned to a candidate for office, it speaks to a level of involvement and commitment and caring that is the lifeblood of winning campaigns. No candidate ever wins a contested office -- or any office -- without a party base behind him or her that is activated to make it happen.

Yes, Democratic candidates also benefit from the fact that ActBlue, a massively effective small-dollar online donor platform, exists. While Republicans have worked to match the success of ActBlue in recent years -- their online fundraising platform is known as WinRed -- the supremacy of ActBlue remains. And even Republican leaders know it.

But the platform can do only so much without the energy and willingness to donate to it.

And the Democratic base is, judging from donations to Senate candidates around the country, absolutely off-the-charts engaged and excited about this election. Which could spell the end of the Republican majority on November 3.

Read more from the original source:

How Democrats are absolutely crushing the fundraising game - CNN

DES MOINES For the past four years, Iowas lawmaking process has been under total Republican control.

Democrats failed to regain a seat at the table in 2018 when Republican Gov. Kim Reynolds won the election, continuing GOP control of the Iowa House, Iowa Senate and the governors office.

Iowa Democrats next-best opportunity is upon them: this elections race for majority control of the Iowa House.

Republicans hold 53 seats and Democrats 47 in the House. And Democrats believe they can win enough House races across the state to regain a majority they have not held since 2010.

I would say Im cautiously optimistic, said Rep. Todd Prichard, from Charles City, leader of the House Democrats. We know that the House is definitely in play, and we know that were competitive. Our candidates are running great campaigns in districts across the state where we have to win if we want to be in the majority. Were cautiously optimistic, but its a competitive environment.

The House majority likely hinges on roughly 20 races across the state.

House Democrats gained a net six seats in 2018 narrowing Republicans edge in the chamber from 59-41 to 53-47 and they feel they can finish that job in 2020 and retake the majority.

They have targeted a number of open-seat races in districts where registered voters are politically balanced, plus some Republican incumbents who may be vulnerable for various reasons.

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House Republicans, however, contend they are not only defending their incumbents, they also are campaigning aggressively in Democratic-held districts. If Republicans flip any Democratic seats, that would make it that much more difficult for Democrats to take the majority.

This is why its so hard to regain a majority when youre the minority. Because you can have good targets, you can have good opportunities, but if you lose one of your own, all of a sudden, man, it is a much bigger lift, Craig Robinson, a Republican consultant, said during recording of the latest episode of Iowa Press on Iowa PBS. And again, Republicans are on the offensive in some of these areas with really good candidates. And so you flip one of them, you make that chore of regaining the House even more difficult.

Some of Democrats top pickup opportunities are in the same kind of places they made many of those gains in 2018. Their biggest gains two years ago came in the Des Moines suburbs: Democrats flipped five seats there, leaving only two Republicans among the 14 lawmakers representing Polk County.

The district perhaps most poised to flip to Democrats in this election is in the Cedar Rapids and Marion suburbs.

The District 67 has been represented by Republican Ashley Hinson, who this year is running for Congress. Now it is an open-seat race, and Democratic voters outnumber Republicans in the district.

Republican Sally Ann Abbott is running against Democrat Eric Gjerde in District 67.

Another suburban seat in play is in the northern Des Moines suburb of Ankeny. Democrats flipped the southern portion of Ankeny in 2018, but Republican John Landon held on in the north side. This year, Democrats believe they will be able to defeat Landon; he is being challenged by Democrat Andrea Phillips.

Democrats also have targeted Republican incumbents in Scott County: a suburban-style district in Bettendorf, represented by Gary Mohr, and a suburban-rural district represented by Ross Paustian.

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The recipe is sort of what we saw last cycle in these suburban seats, Prichard said. It is a similar recipe this year.

Democrats also are targeting open-seat races where Republicans retired from the House: in Council Bluffs, Muscatine and rural Linn County.

And they hope to claim a Republican-held district that includes Decorah, a race that in 2018 was decided by just nine votes and included a legal challenge over uncounted absentee ballots. The same candidates will rematch in this years race: Republican Michael Bergan and Democrat Kayla Koether.

They also have targeted Republican incumbent Jeff Shipley in a southeast Iowa district that includes Fairfield. That will be another rematch: Shipley is being challenged by Democrat Phil Miller.

Im really proud of the hard work our incumbents and the people that weve recruited to be challengers, Prichard said. These are the caliber of people that we want to represent us and set the policy for the future of the state. These are the people that can lead us into the next decade. Im excited to work with this group of people, and Im excited about what we can accomplish. Im really hopeful. These people give me hope. They really do.

Pat Grassley, the House speaker and leader of the House Republicans, said they will not only defend their seats, but are campaigning aggressively in Democrat-held districts as well, especially where other Republican candidates have performed well, like President Donald Trump in 2016 or Reynolds in 2018.

Republicans are not yet ready to concede all of those suburban Des Moines seats they lost in 2018, they like their chances in an open-seat race in swingy northeast Iowa, and they believe they can flip a seat after a state representative flipped on them.

Rep. Andy McKean, who had established a record as the longest-tenured Republican to serve in the Iowa Legislature, switched parties in 2019, becoming a Democrat.

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Republicans feel they can defeat McKean and win back the largely rural district in Eastern Iowas Jackson and Jones counties. McKean, now a Democrat, faces Republican Steven Bradley, a dentist from Cascade.

Democrats have a slight voter advantage in the district, which has an unusual recent history with party-switchers. Before McKean, the district was represented by Republican Brian Moore, who had previously run as a Democrat for the Iowa Senate.

Republicans also have targeted Central Iowa Democratic incumbents in Newton and Indianola and like their chances for an open seat in northeast Iowas Fayette County.

Were playing offense in so many races that we have not in the past several elections. This is a much bigger picture than just flipping four races, Grassley said. This is not just about Republicans being on defense. Were playing more offense in this election than it goes back years.

Some of Grassleys optimism stems from the different ways the political parties have managed campaigning during the COVID-19 pandemic. While there are exceptions, generally, Republican candidates resumed door-to-door, in-person campaigning while Democrats have opted to avoid those in-person conversations and focused on making phone calls and distributing literature.

Political science experts say studies show in-person conversations are the best way to persuade people to vote.

But some candidates have been apprehensive about holding those in-person conversations during the pandemic. Public health experts recommend people maintain at least 6 feet between each other in order to avoid potentially spreading the virus.

Prichard, who also has been targeted by House Republicans offensive, said it is up to the individual Democratic candidate whether they campaign door-to-door and interact with voters.

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I havent been door-knocking, but I have been walking the neighborhoods, dropping literature and talking to people when I felt safe doing that. But Im in a different situation in my rural district than some people are in more urban areas, he said. If it wasnt for the pandemic, yeah, we would absolutely be campaigning the way we normally do, and thats with the shoe leather and knocking on doors. But weve just had to make those adjustments for public safety and for the safety of our candidates and staff, too. We dont want to put anybody in danger.

Republicans said they are door-knocking responsibly during the pandemic, by knocking and then standing back at least 6 feet while talking to prospective voters.

Theres a safe way that you can do things you just have to be smart about it, Grassley said.

Pat Rynard, publisher of the liberal Iowa Starting Line website and a former Democratic campaign worker, expressed concern that Democrats hesitation could cost them votes in critical statehouse elections.

Im a little concerned about it because I think Democrats are not getting some of those drop-off voters (who are) less likely to vote if you dont actually go to their doors, Rynard said during the Iowa Press recording. I think there is probably a way that you could have come up with that would have been safe, and they havent done that.

Early voting has already begun in Iowa for the general election. Election Day is Nov. 3.

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Democrats believe Iowa House in reach - The Gazette

Most troubling, said Meagan Hatcher-Mays, the director of democracy policy for Indivisible, a liberal grass-roots group, was that Ms. Feinstein didnt seem to have control over the situation at all. But progressives were also angry about her genteel demeanor, an attribute of another era when the Senate was a more respectful, bipartisan place.

She handled him with kid gloves, Ms. Hatcher-Mays said. She was, like, thanking him for being there. You dont have to do that!

Progressives worry that conciliatory approach could guide her hand as chairwoman if Democrats win back the Senate and former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. is in the White House. With a record number of judicial appointments, Mr. Trump has succeeded in significantly pushing the balance of the nations courts to the right, and progressives believe realigning them must be a top priority.

Dianne Feinstein is not somebody who inspires any confidence whatsoever that there will be sufficient attention on an issue that should be a priority of a President Biden, Mr. Fallon said. In fact, she will probably be an enabler and an accomplice to the obstruction efforts that created all of these vacancies for Trump to fill in the first place.

Then there was Judge Barretts appeals court confirmation hearing in 2017. Democrats on the judiciary panel were noticeably skeptical of Judge Barretts Catholic faith, peppering her with questions about legal writings and personal statements they said raised doubts about her ability to rule objectively.

But it was Ms. Feinstein, who made the most pointed reference to Judge Barretts religion, saying, In your case, Professor, when you read your speeches, the conclusion one draws is that the dogma lives loudly within you, and thats of concern when you come to big issues that large numbers of people have fought for years in this country.

At the time, Republicans, charging religious bias, quickly put the quote on T-shirts and coffee mugs in defiant pride. Democrats groaned.

Excerpt from:

Democrats, Facing Critical Supreme Court Battle, Worry Feinstein Is Not Up to the Task - The New York Times

A sexting scandal involving Cal Cunningham has cast some doubt on his long-time lead over Republican Thom Tillis in North Carolina. Photo: Gerry Broome/AP/Shutterstock

If Mitch McConnell didnt have enough to worry about with his Republican senators fighting a COVID-19 outbreak in the middle of trying to confirm Trumps Supreme Court nominee, he also has to contend with the reality that Democrats could to take away his leadership gavel if Joe Biden is elected in November.

As a reminder, heres the big picture: Assuming Senator Kamala Harris becomes vice-president and provides a tie-breaking vote, Democrats need a net gain of three Senate seats to reach 50. Few observers give Doug Jones the Democratic senator from Alabama much of a chance of reelection against Republican Tommy Tuberville in the deep-red state. If Jones loses, then Democrats need a net gain of four seats for control (or five if Trump wins).

Fortunately for the Donkey Party, there are quite a few paths to victory still available. They have an opportunity to win seats in several states, including states where Democrats are currently running as solid favorites (Arizona and Colorado) and those where they have a narrow but real advantage (Iowa, Maine, and North Carolina). And there are a surprising number of races where, polls indicate, a boost from Joe Biden at the top of the ticket could produce victory (Georgia, Montana, South Carolina, Kansas, Alaska, and even Texas). In waging a battle over this broad landscape, its significant that Democratic candidates and party fundraising committees have a rare and sometimes sizable financial advantage in all but a few competitive races.

Given partisan polarization and the growing prevalence of straight-ticket voting, you cannot really separate Senate trends from presidential trends. So before looking at the Senate races in detail, its important to note that Bidens lead over Trump has grown in the past turbulent week: Its at 9.7 percent in the polling averages at RealClearPolitics, the biggest lead since June 24, and 10.2 percent at FiveThirtyEight, the biggest lead of the year. And there are reports that internal Republican polling is showing sharp declines in the presidents standing since the first debate and his COVID-19 diagnosis, particularly in Sun Belt states with a host of competitive Senate races.

Looking at the public polls, Democrats remain bullish about Mark Kellys odds of knocking off appointed Senator Martha McSally in Arizona. Hes not regularly leading by double-digits as he was earlier this year, but his 7.2 percent lead in the RCP polling average is solid, and the latest survey, from Reuters/Ipsos, has Kelly up by ten points among likely voters. (The same poll has Biden holding a two-point lead in Arizona.) Polling has been relatively sparse in Colorado, but all of it has Democrat John Hickenlooper comfortably ahead of incumbent senator Cory Gardner in a state Biden is expecting to win handily. (In an October SurveyUSA poll Hickenlooper led Gardner 48-39 among likely voters.) This would give Democrats two of the expected four seats they need for control.

Closer races where Democrats have been leading most polls include Iowa, where Theresa Greenfield has led Joni Ernst in every poll taken since early August, and has a 5-point lead in the RCP average. Iowa is very close in presidential polls after Trump won the state by nine points last time, and the current unpopularity of Republican governor Kim Reynolds could impact the Senate race on the margins. Similarly, in Maine, Democrat Sara Gideon has held a modest but steady lead over Susan Collins for most of the cycle; her lead in the RCP averages is currently at 3.7 percent. A wild card in Maine is the states use of ranked-choice voting, which means second-choice preferences could decide the Senate race if neither candidate wins a majority. Based on the savage (if unsuccessful) fight Maine Republicans put up to stop ranked-choice voting, an instant runoff would likely favor Gideon.

The Senate race that has raised the most eyebrows this week, casting some fresh doubt on the likelihood of an easy Democratic sweep to Senate control, is in North Carolina, where Cal Cunninghams steady lead over incumbent Thom Tillis is potentially endangered by a sexting scandal involving the married Cunningham and a married paramour. Polls taken since the story broke last week have pointed in different directions; most show a continuing modest Cunningham lead, but one Republican-friendly poll has Tillis ahead. Tilliss ability to take advantage of the scandal has been limited by his own embroilment in the Trump COVID-19 brouhaha (he tested positive as well), and his upcoming responsibilities in the Barrett confirmation (hes a member of the Judiciary Committee). If Democrats cant pick up two of these three seats, their challenge gets harder.

Among the smorgasbord of Senate races where Democrats are doing vastly better than expected, none has generated more excitement than Jaime Harrisons massively funded challenge to Republican veteran Lindsey Graham. The race was recently moved to the toss-up column by Cook Political Report; the two candidates have been statistically tied in every public poll since July. As Judiciary Committee Chairman, Graham will be in the national spotlight during the Barrett hearings, which could help him shore up some support among conservatives whove had issues with him going back to his days as John McCains sidekick, but which may draw even more last-minute money to Harrison. As Perry Bacon Jr. observed in a comment that is also relevant to the Senate races in Georgia and North Carolina, Deep South Democrats often do well by adding upscale white transplants and knowledge workers to a sizable Black vote, but they struggle against a wall of inelastic white conservatives who represent a narrow majority of the electorate and who just wont swing Democratic no matter what.

As Bacon suggests, Jon Ossoff may be bumping up against the same ceiling on Deep South Democrats in his challenge to David Perdue. While the occasional poll shows Ossoff leading (e.g., a recent survey from Quinnipiac, a pollster showing very strong Democratic performance almost everywhere), Perdue has a steady advantage in the RCP polling averages, currently at four points. Theres good news for Democrats in the other Georgia Senate race, the November 3 special election whose top two finishers will proceed to a January runoff (so long as no one wins a majority, which, in the vast field for this nonpartisan race, wont happen). Democratic favorite Raphael Warnock is finally consolidating the Democratic vote and is leading the field in recent polls. He is poised to face the survivor of the vicious Kelly LoefflerDoug Collins intra-Republican cage match in the runoff election in January. Youd normally give any Republican a big advantage in a stand-alone runoff, but if control of the Senate is at stake, anything could happen.

Aside from South Carolina, the most surprising competitive Senate races are in three states sure to be carried by Trump, but which have a combination of strong Democratic candidates and and shaky Republican opposition: Alaska, Kansas, and Montana. In Alaska, where Democrats have found success backing self-identified independents, indie Al Gross has been within the margin-of-error in the sparse public polling matching him against incumbent Dan Sullivan. Gross has been attracting a lot of money, but may have lost a step when Republican election officials listed him on the ballot as the Democratic nominee, not an independent. In Kansas, many national observers wrote off Democrat Barbara Bollier when wildly controversial, nativist (and failed 2018 gubernatorial candidate) Kris Kobach lost the GOP primary to congressman Roger Marshall. But a new poll this week showed Bollier ahead of Marshall by three points, making this seat a new potential Democratic pickup (recognizing that preelection polarization could well save Marshalls bacon). In Montana, Democratic Governor Steve Bullock has been a formidable challenger to incumbent Steve Daines all along, though the most recent poll from Emerson (a heavily Republican-leaning outlet this cycle) showed Daines well ahead (he leads by 2.7 percent in the RCP averages).

Democratic optimists continue to think that a blue wave is about to hit Texas, where Democrats made huge gains in the suburbs in 2018, and Biden has been more competitive than any Democratic presidential candidate in years. Republican incumbent Jon Cornyn has never trailed against Democrat M.J. Hegar in any public polling but hasnt completely put the race away.

Ideally, Democrats would like to do to Senate Republicans what the GOP did to them in 1980, when a late wave lifted Ronald Reagan to a landslide presidential win that also carried a host of Republican Senate candidates to victory in close races, many of them upsets. With a net gain of 12 seats, Republicans won control of the Senate for the first time since 1954. Democrats likely wont do that well if there is a Biden landslide, but they wont need to in order to flip the Senate with some room to spare.

If Republicans manage to hold onto the Senate they will have dodged a bullet, much as they did with some close wins in 2018. But at the moment, their president isnt doing them any favors.

Daily news about the politics, business, and technology shaping our world.

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Why Its Harder Than it Looks for Democrats to Win the Senate - New York Magazine

Joe BidenJoe BidenTrump asks campaign to schedule daily events for him until election: report White House pushes to hold next week's canceled debate Trump hoping to strike last-minute nuclear arms deal with Putin before election: report MORE was asked again this week whether he would pack the Supreme Court if elected president. Rather than answer, Biden flashed a signature smile of the character from The Truman Show and offered his version of the classic line from the 1998 movie, Good morning, and in case Idon't see ya, good afternoon, good evening and goodnight.

From court packing to the Russia investigation to the Michael Flynn case, Washington is back to Seahaven Island, where you can'tget any further away before you start coming back. In the movie, Truman Burbank was the only person in the dark. In this remake, the viewers are the voters in the dark, and only the main characters know the truth.

Though he once denounced court packing, as did the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Biden has refused to answer whether he would support the plan raised by Democrats, including his running mate,Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.). This week, Biden testily responded to reporters, You will know my opinion on court packing when the election is over.

That is a truly alarming position for a candidate to take. Court packing is widely viewed as threatening to destroy a foundational institution in our constitutional system. Yet Biden refuses to say whether he would take a hatchet to the Supreme Court of the last two centuries. But the future of the judicial branch is just one issue left on layaway.

As news emerged that United States Attorney John Durham uncovered some serious and possibly criminal conduct in the Russia investigation, Democrats demanded that he not release his report before the election. Indeed, the federal rules tell prosecutors to avoid timing investigative steps or criminal charges for the purpose of affecting an election, or for the purpose of giving an advantage or disadvantage to any candidate or political party. However, major cases often do affect elections, and they are not sealed in amber until the votes are counted.

The investigation by Durham is focused on conduct in the election four years ago. His subjects of scrutiny are not candidates on this ballot but rather federal officials involved in the investigation of potential collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign in 2016. This proved to be unfounded. Ultimately, there was no evidence of collusion, let alone anyone who committed crimes related to collusion. Indeed, disclosed evidence shows the FBI was told early on that the allegations were not only dubious but possibly disinformation from Russia.

In recent weeks, we learned that the primary source used by Christopher Steele in his now infamous dossier was believed to be an agent of Russia. Recent declassified material also showed that in 2016, then-CIA director John Brennan had briefed former President Obama on an alleged plan by Hillary Clinton to tie then-candidate Donald TrumpDonald John TrumpDes Moines mayor says he's worried about coronavirus spread at Trump rally Judiciary Committee Democrats pen second letter to DOJ over Barrett disclosures: 'raises more questions that it answers' Trump asks campaign to schedule daily events for him until election: report MORE to Russia as a means of distracting the public from her use of a private email server. The handwritten notes from Brennen would seem extremely serious on their face. Indeed, the allegation was sufficiently serious to brief the president.

It reflected intelligence reports given to the FBI and then-Director James Comey. When asked last week about the report, Comey simply said it did not ring a bell. What rings his bell is precisely what the investigation by Durham could reveal. All of this recent evidence happens to tie in to other earlier facts, from the Clinton campaign lying about funding the dossier to Steele misrepresenting his sources and his conclusions.

There are arguments for delaying the release of the report by Durham this close to the election. But there is a lack of assurances that we would ever know the findings after the election. If Democrats control both chambers of Congress, it is unlikely they will have hearings on the report. Democrats on the Intelligence committees have said they want the investigations into 2016 to end so we can all look ahead rather than back. If Biden becomes the next president, the Justice Department could shut down or curtail the investigation, or even classify its final report as privileged.

Democrats are not the only Washington officials leaving the future open. In the case of Flynn, Judge Emmet Sullivan appears to be waiting out on the election before issuing a final ruling. Sullivan was supposed to sentence the former national security adviser two years ago. Instead, he held a hearing where he made disturbing statements about the case and then threatened to jail Flynn, ignoring the Justice Department probation recommendation. An appellate panel decided this summer that enough was enough, and it ordered Sullivan to dismiss the charge.

But the full appeals court decided Sullivan should be given a chance to do the right thing and issue a final ruling before any review. He has refused to sentence Flynn, despite the Justice Department finding that Flynn should not have been charged. When Sullivan got the case back from the appeals court, he knew he would very likely be reversed if he did not dismiss the charge. Yet he again refused to rule, lambasted the administration and said that he still has questions about the case.

If Sullivan waits a few more months, the Justice Department might reverse its position on Flynn if Biden wins the election. That creates a disturbing image in a case already marred by allegations of bias. When prosecutors try to manipulate a case by selecting the judge, it is denounced as judge shopping. If Sullivan delays until after the election, it will appear to be a type of president shopping, delaying a sentencing almost three years to wait for a president more amenable to jailing Flynn.

Voters will have answers to these questions, as Biden stated, when the election is over and no sooner. Then it will be a new day. In The Truman Show, the master architect of the artificial world of the flim rejected the concept of truth and declared, We accept the reality of the world with which we are presented. It is as simple as that. With a few weeks to the election, it is indeed as simple as that for the voters.

Jonathan Turley is the Shapiro Professor of Public Interest Law at George Washington University. You can find his updates online @JonathanTurley.

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Democrats want voters in the dark with this version of 'Truman Show' | TheHill - The Hill

If you are like me, then your children are the most important thing in the world. And its because Im a mother that I will be voting a straight Republican ticket.

Why? The Democrats have shown that they have no shame when it comes to removing parental rights. For example, in Maine, our Democratic legislators voted to eliminate non-medical exemptions for required vaccines, LD 798. Republicans voted against this bill.

Arrogant liberal Democrats think they know better than me what is best for my children. Hows that for womens progress? They merely pay lip service to womens rights as they push similar legislation across the country.

And Biden, if elected, has vowed to support equally harsh mandates, going so far as promising executive orders removing ones right to make personal medical decisions.

My children and my freedom are everything. So yes, I will be voting Republican.

Donna DodgeDenmark

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Letter to the Editor: Democrats' stand on vaccine opt-outs unacceptable - pressherald.com

Two Army Reserve soldiers who appeared in uniform during the Democratic National Convention in August will not be disciplined for politicking in uniform, but their supervisor will.

The unidentified soldiers, from the 9th Mission Support Command based out of Hawaii, were part of a brief presentation by delegates from American Samoa during the conventions roll call of states.

The soldiers wore camouflage uniforms with specialist rank patches visible as local Democratic party leaders Aliitama Sotoa and Patti Matila voiced their support for former Vice President Joe Biden, the partys presidential nominee, during the nationally televised event.

The incident drew immediate attention from military advocates for apparent violations of Defense Department rules regarding appearances at political events and rallies while in uniform. Army officials began an investigation of the incident a day later.

On Thursday, officials said they had determined the two soldiers were not at fault for the mistake.

The investigation found their supervisor violated a Department of Defense directive and an Army regulation that governs soldier political activities, Lt. Col. Simon Flake, chief of media relations for Army Reserve Strategic Communications, said in a statement.

The supervisor at fault will receive the appropriate level of disciplinary action for violating the governing standards.

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Flake did not specify exactly what that discipline will entail or if the supervisor is a member of the military.

Under long-standing Defense Department policy, service members and department civilian employees acting in their official capacity may not engage in activities that associate the DOD with any partisan political campaign or elections. That specifically includes appearing in uniform at political campaign events.

After the segment aired, Democratic Party officials said the presentation was designed to celebrate American Samoas legacy of military service but called the improper inclusion of troops in uniform an oversight.

Flake said Reserve leaders continue to provide all soldiers and civilian employees training and the latest information on DOD Directives and Army Policies pertaining to political activities.

A week after the American Samoa incident, advocates raised concerns about the appearance of two uniformed Marines who appeared in a similar segment during the Republican National Convention. The pair were shown while on duty at the White House, opening a door for President Donald Trump as he walked through the hallways.

Marine Corps officials at the time said those service members were at their assigned place of duty and did not appear to violate any rules regarding political speech or appearances.

Since the start of the year, military leaders have reminded troops about rules regarding participation in political campaigns, emphasizing the importance of the military staying neutral in the democratic process.

Army officials in August reminded all soldiers that they should avoid the perception of DoD sponsorship, approval or endorsement of any political candidate, campaign or cause.

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Soldiers who appeared at Democratic convention won't be disciplined, but supervisor will - Military Times