Daily Archives: May 23, 2017

Venezuelas treatment by the international media is certainly special. Undoubtedly there are too many distortions, too much Manichaeism, too many slogans, too many manipulations and omissions.

Beyond the stupefying versions of media newspeak that interprets everything that happens in the country in the key of humanitarian crisis, dictatorship or political prisoners, or the heroic narrative of the Venezuela of socialism and revolution that interprets everything that happens in the country in terms of economic war or imperialist attack, there are many topics, subjects and processes that are invisible and that essentially constitute the national political scene. It is not possible to understand the current crisis in Venezuela without analysing the factors that develop from within.

The criterion of action and interpretation based on the logic of friend-enemy responds more to a dispute between the elites of the political parties and economic groups than the fundamental interests of the working classes and the defence of common goods Common goods In economics, common goods are characterized by being collectively owned, as opposed to either privately or publicly owned. In philosophy, the term denotes what is shared by the members of one community, whether a town or indeed all humanity, from a juridical, political or moral standpoint. . It is necessary to provide a comprehensive overview of the process of crisis and national conflict, which helps us plot the coordinates to transcend or deal with the current situation.

We present seven keys to your understanding, analysing not only the dispute between government and opposition, but also the processes that are developing in the political institutions, the social fabric, and the economic networks, while highlighting the complexities of neoliberalism and the forms of government and governance in the country. 1/ It is not possible to understand what is happening in Venezuela without taking foreign intervention into account

The rich and vast array of the countrys so-called natural resources; its geo-strategic position; its initial challenge to the policies of the Washington Consensus; its regional influence for integration; as well as its alliances with China, Russia and Iran, all give a considerable geopolitical significance to Venezuela. However, there are intellectual and media sectors that continually seek to avoid the very fluid international dynamics that impact on and determine the political future of the country, which highlights the persistent interventionist actions of the government and the power of the United States.

In this sense, these sectors are responsible for ridiculing the critique of imperialism, and present the national government as the sole actor of power at play in Venezuela, and therefore the sole object of political interrogation.

However, since the inauguration of the Bolivarian Revolution there has been much US interventionism in Venezuela, which has intensified and become more aggressive since the death of president Chavez (2013) and the context of the exhaustion of the progressive cycle and conservative restoration in Latin America. It is worth remembering the executive order signed by President Barack Obama in March 2015 which stated that Venezuela was an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States. We already know what has happened to countries that are categorized in this way by the power to the north.

Now, we have the threatening statement of the head of the Southern Command, Admiral Kurt W. Tidd (April 6, 2017), arguing that The growing humanitarian crisis in Venezuela could eventually compel a regional response. This is combined with the evidence of the aggressive nature of the foreign policy of Donald Trump with the recent bombing of Syria, while the Secretary General of the Organization of American States (OAS), Luis Almagro, together with other countries in the region, intends to apply the Democratic Charter to open a process of restoration of democracy in the country.

The ideologues and the media operators of the conservative restoration in the region are very concerned about the state of human rights in Venezuela, but fail to explain in their analysis why, strangely, there is no supranational effort of the same type in the face of the appalling crisis of human rights in countries such as Mexico and Colombia.

In this sense it seems that the moral indignation is relative and they remain silent. It is because, for reasons of political intent or analytical naivety these sectors depoliticize the role of the supranational bodies and are unaware of the geopolitical relations of power that constitute them, that are part of their own nature. While a paranoid reading of all the operations driven by these global bodies is one thing, another very different approach is a purely procedural interpretation of their actions, ignoring the international mechanisms of domination and control of markets and natural resources that have been channelled through these institutions of global and regional governance.

But there is something important to add. If we talk of intervention, we cannot just talk about the US. In Venezuela there are growing forms of Chinese interventionism in the political and economic measures that have been taken, which points to a loss of sovereignty, an increase in dependency on the Asian power and processes of greater economic flexibility.

A part of the left has preferred to remain silent on these dynamics, since it seems that the only intervention that deserves to be mentioned is that of the USA. But both streams of foreign interference are being developed to promote transnational capitalist accumulation, the appropriation of natural resources and have nothing to do with popular demands. 2/ The concept of dictatorship does not explain the Venezuelan case

From almost the beginning of the Bolivarian Revolution Venezuela has been branded a dictatorship. This concept remains the subject of extensive discussions in political theory because it has been challenged by the transformations and complexity of contemporary regimes and exercises of power, especially in the current globalized era, which raises serious gaps and imprecisions in its definition.

Dictatorship is usually associated with political regimes or types of government in which all power is concentrated, without limitation, into a single person or group; there is a lack of separation of powers; the absence of individual freedoms, freedom of political parties, freedom of expression; and sometimes the concept has even been vaguely defined as the opposite of democracy.

The term dictatorship has been used in relation to Venezuela in media jargon of a fairly superficial, visceral and moralizing kind, practically to raise it as a kind of specificity in Venezuela, distinct from the other countries of the region, where in theory there would be democratic regimes.

The thing is that in Venezuela at the present time it is difficult to say that all power is concentrated in one person or group, due to the fact that in this country we are faced with a map of actors, which, although hierarchical, is fragmented and volatile, especially after the death of President Chvez, with the existence of various power blocs that can link up or be at odds among themselves and that goes beyond the dichotomy between government and opposition.

Although there is a government with a significant military component, with increasing expressions of authoritarianism and with some capacity for centralization, the scenario is highly unstable. There is no total domination from top to bottom, and there is some parity between the disputing power groups. On the other hand, the conflict could spill over, making the situation even more chaotic.

The fact that the Venezuelan opposition controls the National Assembly, winning convincingly by the electoral path, also indicates that rather than a pure absence of separation of powers, there is a dispute between them, until now favourable to the executive-judicial combination. Rather than a homogeneous political regime, we are faced with a wide and conflicting network of forces. The metastasis of corruption means the exercise of power is decentralized even more, making its centralization by the constituted power difficult.

What is relevant to the old Roman concept of dictatorship, is that, in this context, the national government is governing through decrees and special measures in the framework of a declared state of emergency, which has officially existed since the beginning of 2016. In the name of the struggle against the economic war, the advance of criminality and para-militarism, and the subversive advances of the opposition, many institutional mediations and democratic procedures are being omitted.

Security policies stand out for their severity, exemplified by the Operacin de Liberacin del Pueblo (OLP Peoples Liberation Organization); there are direct interventions by the state security bodies in different parts of the country (rural, urban, suburbs), to fight the underworld, which tend to lead to a controversial number of deaths; there is the paralysis of the referendum; gubernatorial elections were suspended in 2016 and it is not yet clear when they will be held; there is increasing repression and police brutality in response to the social unrest resulting of the situation in the country; and there is an increase in processes of militarization, especially in the border areas and those declared to contain strategic natural resources.

This is the political map, which, together with the various forms of foreign intervention, sets the stage for a low-intensity war that runs through virtually all the spheres of everyday life for Venezuelans. This is the framework within which individual freedoms, party opposition and pluralism, the convening and realization of marches, expressions of dissent and criticism in the media, among other forms of so-called democracy in Venezuela, are developing. 3/ In Venezuela the social contract, institutions and frameworks of the formal economy are being overwhelmed

If there is something that could be defined as a specificity of the Venezuelan case, it is that the current socio-political scenario is torn, deeply corrupted and highly chaotic. We have argued that in this country we are facing one of the most severe institutional crises in all of Latin America, with reference to the set of legal, social, economic and political institutions, among others, that make up the Venezuelan Republic.

The historic crisis of oil rentier model of accumulation, the metastasis of corruption in the country, severe violations to the social fabric from the neoliberal period and in particular since 2013, and the intensity of the attacks and political disputes, have overflowed the frameworks of the formal institutions of all areas of society, channelling a good part of the social dynamics by means of informal mechanisms, often underground and illegal.

In the economic sphere, corruption has become a transversal mechanism for distribution of oil revenues, diverting enormous amounts of foreign exchange at the discretion of a few, and undermining the foundations of the formal rentier economy. This occurs in a decisive manner with PDVSA, the main industry of the country, as well as with key funds like the Sino-Venezuelan Fund or a number of nationalized companies.

The collapse of the formal economy has made informality practically one of the drivers of the national economy as a whole. The sources of social opportunities, whether for social ascent or the possibility of higher profits, are often in the so-called bachaqueo in foodstuffs (illegal trade, at extremely high prices, on the black market) or other forms of trade in the various parallel markets, exchange, medicines, gasoline, and so on.

In the political-legal order, the rule of law lacks respect and recognition on the part of the main political actors, who not only mutually repudiate each other but are willing to do anything to overcome each other.

The national government faces what it considers the enemy forces with emergency measures, while the most reactionary opposition groups deploy violent operations of vandalism, confrontation and attacks on infrastructure. In this scenario the rule of law has been greatly eroded, making the Venezuelan people very vulnerable.

Impunity is ever greater, and has spread to all sectors of the population. This leads to corruption becoming even more rooted and impossible to prevent, and means the people expect nothing from the legal system, increasingly taking the law into their own hands.

The collapse of the social contract generates trends of everybody for themselves among the people. The fragmentation of power has also helped to generate, grow and strengthen various territorial powers, like the so-called miners unions that control gold mines in Bolivar state by force of arms, or the criminal gangs that dominate sectors of Caracas like El Cementerio or La Cota 905.

The framework presented implies nothing more and nothing less than the future and political definitions of the current situation in the country being developed to a great extent by force. 4/ The long-term crisis of Venezuelan rentier capitalism (1983-2017)

The collapse of the international price of crude oil has been instrumental in the development of the Venezuelan crisis, but it is not the only factor that explains this process. Since the 1980s there are growing signs of exhaustion of the model of accumulation based on the extraction of oil and the distribution of income that it generates. The current phase of increasing chaos in the national economy (2013-present) is also a product of the trends of the last 30 years in the countrys economy. Why?

For several reasons. About 60% of Venezuelan crude is heavy or extra-heavy. This crude is economically more costly and requires greater use of energy and the use of further processing for marketing. The profitability of the business that feeds the country is declining with respect to earlier times, when conventional crude prevailed. This is happening as the model requires ever more rentier profits and increased social investment to deal with the needs of a population that is still growing.

The hyper-concentration of the population in the cities (over 90%) promotes the use of profits directed primarily towards consumption (imported goods) rather than production. The boom years promoted the strengthening of the extractive (primary) sector - the effects of the so-called Dutch Disease - while significantly weakening the already weak productive sectors. After the end of the boom (as happened at the end of the 70s and now from 2014), the economy was more dependent and even weaker in the face of a new crisis.

The socio-political corruption in the system also makes it possible for leakages and fraudulent diversion of profits, which prevents the development of coherent distribution policies to alleviate the crisis.

The increasing volatility of international prices of crude oil, as well as changes in the global power balances in oil (such as the progressive loss of influence of OPEC OPEC Organization of Petroleum-Exporting Countries OPEP is a group of 11 DC which produce petroleum: Algeria, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Venezuela. These 11 countries represent 41% of oil-production in the world and own more than 75% of known reserves. Founded in September 1960and based in Vienna (Austria), OPEC is in charge of co-ordinating and unifying the petroleum-related policies of its members, with the aim of guaranteeing them all stable revenues. To this end, production is organized on a quota system. Each country, represented by its Minister of Energy and Petroleum, takes a turn in running the organization. Since 1st July 2002, the Venezuelan Alvaro Silva-Calderon is the Secretary General of OPEC.

OPEC : http://www.opec.org/opec_web/en/ ) also has significant impacts on the national economy.

While all these economic shocks are affecting the country, ecological resources will continue to be undermined and depleted, which threatens the livelihood of millions of Venezuelans for the present and future.

The governments current solution has been to greatly increase external indebtedness, distribute income more regressively, expand extractivism and favour transnational capital.

To sum up, any of the elites who rule in the coming years will have to face the historic limits that have been reached with the old oil-based model. It is not enough just await a stroke of luck and a rise in oil prices. Momentous changes are taking place and it is necessary to be prepared to deal with them. 5/ Socialism? Venezuela is carrying out a process of progressive economic flexibility and adjustment

Venezuela is developing a process of progressive and sectoralized adjustment of the economy, with more flexibility in comparison with prior regulations and restrictions on capital, and the gradual dismantling of social advances achieved in earlier times in the Bolivarian Revolution. These changes are masked by the name of socialism and revolution, although they represent policies increasingly rejected by the population.

This includes policies such as the creation of Special Economic Zones, which represents a comprehensive liberalisation of parts of the national territory, with sovereignty being delivered to foreign capital which administers practically without limitations in these regions. This is one of the most neoliberal measures of Agenda Venezuela, implemented by the government of Rafael Caldera in the 1990s, under the recommendations of the International Monetary Fund IMF International Monetary Fund Along with the World Bank, the IMF was founded on the day the Bretton Woods Agreements were signed. Its first mission was to support the new system of standard exchange rates.

When the Bretton Wood fixed rates system came to an end in 1971, the main function of the IMF became that of being both policeman and fireman for global capital: it acts as policeman when it enforces its Structural Adjustment Policies and as fireman when it steps in to help out governments in risk of defaulting on debt repayments.

As for the World Bank, a weighted voting system operates: depending on the amount paid as contribution by each member state. 85% of the votes is required to modify the IMF Charter (which means that the USA with 17,68% % of the votes has a de facto veto on any change).

The institution is dominated by five countries: the United States (16,74%), Japan (6,23%), Germany (5,81%), France (4,29%) and the UK (4,29%). The other 183 member countries are divided into groups led by one country. The most important one (6,57% of the votes) is led by Belgium. The least important group of countries (1,55% of the votes) is led by Gabon and brings together African countries.

http://imf.org .

Also we should highlight the gradual relaxation of the agreements with foreign corporations in the Orinoco; liberalization of prices of some commodities Commodities The goods exchanged on the commodities market, traditionally raw materials such as metals and fuels, and cereals. ; growing issuance of sovereign bonds; devaluation Devaluation A lowering of the exchange rate of one currency as regards others. of the currency, creating a floating exchange rate (Simadi); acceptance of some trade procedures directly in dollars, for example, in the tourism sector; or the faithful fulfilment of payment of the external debt and its servicing, which implies a reduction in imports and consequent problems of shortages of basic consumer goods.

A renewed and more flexible extractivism is being adopted, aimed mainly at the new frontiers of extraction, such as the mega-project of the Mining Arc of the Orinoco, which proposes to install mega-mining on an unprecedented scale in a territory of an area of 111,800 km2, threatening key resources of life for Venezuelans, especially for indigenous people. These projects add to long-term relations of dependency that are produced by extractivism.

It should be noted that these reforms are combined with the maintenance of some social assistance policies, continuous increase in nominal wages, some concessions to the demands of the popular organizations and the use of a revolutionary and anti-imperialist narrative. This obviously has as one of its main objectives the maintenance of the electoral support that remains.

We are witnessing what we have called a mutant neo-liberalism, to the extent that forms of commodification, financialisation and deregulation are combined with mechanisms of state intervention and social assistance.

Parts of the left have been very focused on preventing conservative governments coming to power so as to avoid the return of neo-liberalism. But they forget to mention how progressive governments have also made progress in a number of measures reflecting a mutant and hybrid neo-liberalism profile, which ultimately have an impact on the people and on nature. 6/ What alternative? The project of the parties of the Mesa de la Unidad Democrtica (MUD) is neo-liberal

The right-wing Mesa de la Unidad Democrtica (MUD Table of Democratic Unity) is the predominant bloc of party-based opposition to the national government, although a left opposition has been growing slowly and is very likely to continue growing. This critical left, at least in its more defined elements, is not identified with the MUD so does not link with it politically.

The MUD is not a homogeneous block, and there are sectors ranging from influential radical groups of the extreme right - which we could call Uribistas - as well as some sectors of moderate conservatism, and elitist liberalism with a certain distributionist tendency. These various groups have a mutually conflictual relationship characterized by possible confrontation and mutual insults.

Despite their differences, the various groups of the MUD agree on at least three key factors: its ideological matrix, the bases of its economic program and its reactionary agenda in relation to the national government and the possibility of a profound transformation of popular emancipation.

We will refer to the first two. Their ideological matrix is deeply determined by neoclassical theory and conservative liberalism, honouring obsessively private property, the end of the ideology on the part of the state and corporate and individual freedoms.

These ideological pillars are clearer in the program of this bloc than in its media discourse, where the rhetoric is simplistic, superficial and full of slogans. The synthesis of its economic model is in the Guidelines for the Program of Government of National Unity (2013-2019). It is a more orthodox neo-liberal version of oil extractivism, in relation to the project of the current Venezuelan government.

In spite of the slogans of change and productive Venezuela, what stands out is its proposal to extract up to six million barrels of oil per day, placing an emphasis on increasing the quotas of the Orinoco Oil Belt. Although they dispute publicly, the oil proposals of Henrique Capriles Radonski (Petrleo para tu Progreso) and Leopoldo Lpez (Petrleo en la Mejor Venezuela) are twins, and accord with the governments Plan de la Patria of 2013-2019. The change demanded is no more than another ratcheting up of extractivism, more profit Profit The positive gain yielded from a companys activity. Net profit is profit after tax. Distributable profit is the part of the net profit which can be distributed to the shareholders. and development oriented, with the economic and socio-environmental consequences and cultural features associated with this model. 7/The fragmentation of the people and the progressive undermining of the social fabric

In all these processes of low-intensity warfare and systemic chaos, working people are the most affected. The powerful socio-political cohesion set up in the early years of the Bolivarian Revolution has suffered not only from erosion but a gradual disintegration. But these effects have reached the very core of the tissues of the community in the country. The difficulty in covering the basic requirements of daily life; incentives for the individual and competitive resolution of the socio-economic problems of the people; the metastasis of corruption; the channelling of social conflicts and disputes by force; the loss of ethical-political references and polarization due to the discredit of the political parties; the direct aggression against strong or important community experiences and community leaders from various political and territorial actors; they are part of this process of erosion of the social fabric that aims to undermine the true pillars of a potential process of popular-emancipatory transformation or of the capacities of resistance of the people to the advancement of regressive forces in the country.

Meanwhile, various grassroots organizations and social movements across the country are building an alternative. Time will tell what their capacity for resistance, adaptation and above all their collective ability to articulate among themselves and to exert greater strength on the course of the national political project will be.

If there is an irreplaceable solidarity that should be promoted from the left in Latin America and the world, it must be with this struggling people, which has historically borne the burden of exploitation and the costs of the crisis. Which has frequently risen up and taken to the streets so that its demands are listened to and met. Which is currently facing the complex dilemmas posed by the current times of reflux and regression. This seems to be the true point of honour of the left. The cost of turning away from these popular counter-hegemonies in the name of a strategy of power conservation could be very high.

Source: Europe Solidaire Sans Frontires->http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spi...]

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Venezuela: Seven keys for understanding the current crisis - CADTM.org

The problem of poverty in Nigeria is not abating. At best it is getting worse and at worst it has gone beyond our capacity to manage. And this has nothing to do with the laudable policy of microfinance and its very successful implementation. Nigeria is at critical cross roads of its socio-economic development. The continued organised misgovernance and manipulation of religion and politics by vested interests have ensured that we get into a bind that is hard to break. Today, the poor in many parts of the country are no longer afraid of poverty because something worse than poverty has arrived. They fear for their lives. As things stand, the nation is in such a bad shape that in or out of recession, it makes no difference to the lives of most of the ordinary people. In Nigeria hard facts are risky to share but the man dies..

There is incontrovertible evidence that most of the 36 states have practically become unable to meet the needs of their people. They exist only because it is politically profitable to some of our political class to continue to maintain this failed structure and leadership style. Not only are the majority of the states insolvent and unable to meet their financial obligations, they are flatly unable to provide safety and security to their people. And this is one of the parts of the Nigerian problem that everyone would like to avoid but the man dies

Worse still, the institutions endowed with the capacity to secure them have been privatized. The police and, sometimes, the army whose primary duty is to protect the people, have been parcelled out to politicians and the privileged few on guard duty and as orderlies for all manner of people. Few are left for the real calling. As a result, the streets have been occupied by dangerous gangs who make sure that, in some rural areas, farmers no longer farm and traders no longer come to markets. The economic activity of the poor, which is the basis of microfinancing has been victimised and brought to a standstill. In such areas, one begins to wonder how the effectiveness of our microfinance programme can be assessed, as social collapse and insecurity continue to rubbish microfinancing.

A recent Channels Television presentation on the power supply challenges faced by artisans in Nassarawa state was as elixir for this piece. Although it was a rehash of the tale of woes we get from all over the country on the failure of governments to solve the basic problem, which everyone knows is behind the mass poverty in Nigeriadebilitating epilepsy of power supply. In that story, a spray painter and many other artisans, who seek to legitimately earn a living, spend all they make to provide power through generators. This is the same story everywhere and instead of declaring a national emergency on electricity we are busy splitting hair on what an Acting President could sign and not sign.; and following the same spending pattern that brought us to this shameful state a battle of supremacy between the executive and the legislature, a bloated civil service of many ghost workers the source of whose entry to the service has never been found, translucent security votes and inflated contracts and more.

Following the Nassarawa story I decided to dig deeper on the economic activity of the poor in that area of Nigeria. The results are terrifying. As we sit in Abuja to postulate our shares of the 2017 budget, life has come to a standstill in many parts of the middle belt. At a point one wonders whether some of these states, including Nassarawa and Taraba, are not worse hit by Boko Haram than the North East. I dont know how many of us are aware that life in many parts of that area, especially outside their state capitals, is a nightmare. How many of us know that there are days reserved for armed robbers to rob the people in some places and that there are days when people in some villages literally dress up and wait to be robbed by armed robbers? The robbers come on certain market days as a matter of appointment, to rob the people in some villages outside Lafia in Nassarawa state. I was told that the robbers come on market days to rob those who sold cattle. It was alleged that the police is aware and feeling inadequate to confront the robbers, often close by 6pm and return to their bases, leaving the people to their own devices.

This further strengthens the argument that Nigeria as presently constituted cannot serve the needs of a modern state. The borders are wide open and trailer loads of strangers, most of whom do not speak any Nigerian language poured into Taraba when Sambisa Forest was attacked, according to the Governors Chief of Staff. The strange visitors entry was turned to a political discourse and nothing happened.

This story of the artisans in Nassarawa is not a unique. It is the story of every part of the country. The absence of electricity, among other tools of economic empowerment, has made it impossible for Nigerians to depend on themselves. They have been deprived of the opportunity to exercise their talents and therefore, poverty has become the destiny of many children yet unborn. Poverty reduces the quality of the human person. The poor often sound incoherent and appear somewhat unintelligent because they have little learning and no time to think outside the box of hunger and destitution. They are forced to focus on the immediate stomach infrastructure challenges to the exclusion of any futuristic engagement. Some governments around the world, including North Korea, have at one point or the other used mass emiseration to elicit loyalty from their people.

Microfinancing cannot succeed in an environment where people have suspended their will and enterprise and resorted to opportunism and dependence on prebendalism. The essence of microfinancing is to tackle poverty by empowering the poor who are economically active. This is what prompted the federal government to launch the National Microfinance Policy, which has gone a long way to tackle the endemic poverty across the country.

Today, microfinance banks, numbering about 1000 have been established and working all over the country. However, while considerable progress has been made in canalizing financial resources to the poor and boosting their economic activities, it does appear that much has not been achieved. As more microfinance institutions get into the fray, more people seem to get into the poverty net. There are more educated beggars today than in 2005. Many are beginning to think that the microfinance sector is failing in reducing poverty. This may be a wrong impression but it is justifiable based on facts outside the control of the microfinance sector.

It is hard to talk about microfinancing without talking about poverty, its raison deter. Nor can we discuss poverty in Nigeria without mentioning the rapidly shrinking ability of the state to protect the citizens. How does a microfinance institution deal with the poor in a state where people sleep in churches and mosques most nights? How do people survive in a state where hotel management evacuates guests because an attack was expected? This is what is going on in the villages of Nassarawa state and perhaps, other surrounding states. I hope Boko Haram has not left and changed tactics while we continue to bombardSambisa. Could it be that the robbers are not mere armed robbers? Could it be that Boko Haram has stopped holding territories but makes do with ensuring that the place is destabilised? As I said there are certain topics we do not like to discuss but microfinance fails wherever the state fails.

Emeka Osuji

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Microfinance and the challenge of failing states - BusinessDay (satire) (press release) (registration) (blog)

Blessing Kasiyamhuru 23 May 2017 2:57PM 0 comments

HARARE - As the 2018 general election fast approaches, Zimbabwe Partnership for Prosperity (ZIPP) challenges the youths in Zimbabwe to rise up and vote in numbers as this crucial vote will help shape their future.

The first step is for them to register to vote and show up to vote on Election Day.

While young voters in the past have been comfortable in apathy neglecting the importance of voting, they should realise that their voice is an important one because democracy doesnt work without citizen participation. Their vote does matter, so much so because history has shown that a collective youth vote could actually sway an election.

Voting gives the youths the power to make important choices as they decide what they like, dont like, and their voices are heard. If they fail to vote they are yielding the ultimate power to adults to make decisions about the leaders and laws that will shape and lead society for decades.

It is always essential that young Zimbabweans take advantage of their right to vote, creating a future that aligns with their fundamental beliefs and setting a precedent for future generations.

Regrettably, ZIPP has noticed that in the past the youth in Zimbabwe have not used their huge numbers at the ballot box to shape political and socio-economic decisions. Interestingly, the youths are known to complain about issues that affect them yet squander opportunities to influence the election of people who share their aspirations.

The majority of the youths today are walloping in poverty as the country witnesses high unemployment levels believed to be hovering over 90 percent which if unchecked, will be a disaster in waiting for the government. They also still face a host of other challenges, including limited access to entrepreneurship opportunities and credit for setting up businesses.

It is not a secret that high unemployment levels in Zimbabwe are quite undesirable especially after President Robert Mugabes 2013 election promise to deliver more than two million jobs by 2018 that has not come to pass.

While every year Zimbabwe produces an estimated 300 000 graduates from its 16 universities plus others coming out of polytechnic colleges, nursing schools, teacher colleges and apprenticeships, the countrys floundering economy that is starved of investment and job creation can scarcely absorb a fraction of them.

This paints a grim picture of many young people with no source of income and no future to look forward to.

It is against this background that ZIPP urges all the unemployed youths to take time out and exercise their only hope for a better future, which is to vote for a government that will address their employment needs.

Young voters who want to inspire change need to show their support for the candidates whom they feel best represent their needs because no one else is going to vote in the interest of young people except young people.

In particular, the youths not only should they practice their right to vote but the right to be voted for into office themselves. Zipp, therefore, offers this opportunity as a youthful party to all youths that aspire to be leaders and policy makers of the future government of Zimbabwe in 2018.

Voting and being voted for or supporting the candidates that includes youths of their choice is effective youth participation in politics.

ZIPP urges government, Zimbabwe Election Commission, NGOs, political parties, churches and learning institutions to create enough awareness among the youth as to why they should vote.

It is only in Zimbabwe that we have an organisation like Zimbabwe Coalition of Unemployed Graduates formed by jobless but highly qualified youths. The coalition has since presented a petition to the Parliament of Zimbabwe highlighting their dissatisfaction with the state of the economy.

We also challenge Zimbabwe Coalition of Unemployed Graduates to mobilise its wide membership to register and vote.

Zanu PF government is struggling to deal with a worsening unemployment crisis as companies collapse, hence our call for youths to use the only weapon still in their possession the vote.

Local companies have resorted to retrenchment for business sustainability and survival while others have been forced to restructure and downsize as a direct response to low capacity utilisation and product demand.

Over time, the increase in retrenchments has seen unemployment figures rising.

For the few companies still operating, foreign currency to buy new equipment has been a challenge and as a result companies are forced to use obsolete machinery susceptible to frequent breakdowns.

As a government in waiting ZIPP has the advantage of a pool of known professional human resource base; graduates that are jobless - be they teachers, nurses, engineers that we shall absorb into employment through facilitating an environment conducive for creating the necessary jobs.

*Kasiyamhuru is President ZIPP.

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Youths' vote can sway 2018 election - DailyNews