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Daily Archives: May 14, 2017
The Lowdown on Liberty: Just How Are We Supposed To Survive Without Regulation, Mr. Libertarian? – Being Libertarian
Posted: May 14, 2017 at 6:15 pm
This week there was a common trend among questions, so I decided to address the elephant in the room that seems to bother most unfamiliar libertarians, which is: how exactly would things in our life function without the overbearing, gluttonous regulatory state we currently live in?
Well Shaun, there are two issues at hand with environmental regulations, micro and macro. First is the micro aspect of pollution, in the sense that you are damaging someones individual property. In that way, the court system would settle disputes where businesses would be held liable for property they damaged (rivers, farm lands, etc.). To curb the obvious problem caused by the tragedy of the commons, the government could privatize much of the 640 million acres it currently owns, so when a business did pollute, clearly defined property rights would allow owners to file a suit for those damages.
The second part of this topic is the regulation of environmental impact on a macro level. To solve this, we must realize that libertarians do not argue that the market solves all problems. It does, however, provide more of what consumers want. In order for the market to provide the incentive of environmental friendliness, that must first be what the consumer wants as well. For example, in the beginning of the industrial revolution, many claim the market was mostly unregulated, and pollution went uncontrolled as a flaw of the market. At that time, however, it was not a priority to consumers, their concern revolved around escaping abject poverty. No one was in a position to notice, or even care about pollution. Today is a different story though, the standard of living has risen to a point where Americans no longer worry about avoiding starvation, which allows them to focus on things like the environmental impact of businesses. This, in turn, creates competition between producers to verify they are environmentally safe. So, while the market may have allowed pollution to go largely unnoticed for a time, without the free market, the standard of living would not have risen to a point that even allowed consumers to put outward pressure on producers to become environmentally safe at all.
Im going to assume youre asking how a criminal justice system could operate privately, which is a bit more fun to answer, although challenging to fit into a short segment like this. First off, this is one of the hardest concepts for libertarians to accept, but private courts in an open market would be much more efficient. Right off the bat we would see that citizens charged with victimless crimes by agents acting on behalf of the state would cease to exist, which is worth it alone.
Because courts would need to entice consumers, instead of reimbursements being paid to the state through fines, they would be paid directly to the victim, allowing courts to charge a percentage for their services. In the case of a bad ruling, appellate courts would exist for either party to fight what they think is an improper ruling by the original court. As Murray Rothbard put it, in the case of the appellate courts ruling going against the first decision, an independent third-party court could be consulted, with the two original courts agreeing that this ruling be final. Remember, courts who did not agree would be put out by those who do, much like how a bank that refuses to accept other banks transactions would lose customers from unnecessary inconveniences.
Prison sentences would dwindle considerably, given that that outcome is not advantageous for anyone but the state. If an aggressor was found guilty, the two parties would either agree on a method of reimbursement in the amount damaged (garnishments, lump sum, payment plan), or if no consensus is met, the guilty party may be sent to a prison, where they would have to work until their debt is settled. Likewise, if the party is unable to be reimbursed or refuses a monetary sum, such as rape or murder, a representing party may choose to send the guilty party to prison for a length of time decided by the judge. In the interest of brevity, I will stop there, but this is a great topic covered in depth in For A New Liberty by Murray Rothbard, and perhaps I will cover the private prison portion more next week.
Libertarianism centers around the idea of non-violence and personal responsibility. In this case, car insurance would not be a requirement, but a recommendation. People take out insurance to cover risks in life that may come at a cost they cannot incur. Things like your house, car, and your health, are all things that may encounter a costly unexpected tragedy. The responsible choice is to recognize that risk, and prepare for it appropriately. However, if you choose not to, you would be free to do so, but you would be left responsible to bear the costs if something went wrong. For example, if you were at fault behind the wheel without insurance, you could end up losing your house to cover the cost of the damage. While on the surface it may seem inefficient, ask yourself how it is any more efficient or justified for the government to mandate the same rule apply to everyone equally, as if that currently solves everyones problems.
While a very broad point, this answer may be the most important point to remember with libertarianism. There is no way and I cant emphasize this enough absolutely no way to get money out of politics. Groups like the Occupy Wall Street movement like to blame money in politics as the source of our problem, but that is a fools errand, which is exactly why lying politicians like Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders keep their constituents chasing after it. The only solution is to remove power from politics. Without the power politicians have, the money used to influence that power goes away. Trying to get money out of politics, without first getting rid of the power, is like trying to legislate that water flow uphill. We must not fall for the scheme; we must always advocate for shrinking government authority at every point we can if we hope to achieve your points.
Your health is not a market value per se, but it does require commodities from the market to be maintained. People have the right to healthcare insofar as they may choose how to eat, exercise, and live to sustain their health. Positive rights, however, dont exist. You may find that you require commodities offered in the market to uphold the level of health you would like, but that does not entitle you to seize that commodity. Likewise, petitioning the government to mandate that service be given to you will not solve your problem.
Ben Shapiro recently gave a great example to illustrate this problem. If the government wanted to solve hunger, it may choose to legislate that everyone receives a loaf of bread. However, the problem is that the legislation does not do a single thing to increase the amount of bread, even though the reason people couldnt afford bread initially was due to a lack of supply. So, while everyone may think their problem is solved at first, unless the supply of bread increases, a shortage will inevitably ensue. What theyd need is an increase in the amount of bread to put downward pressure on prices, thereby giving more people access to it, not the government legislating the current supply be redistributed. Similarly, our solution to healthcare lies not in legislating that everyone receives healthcare, but in expanding its supply to bring prices down. This can be done by allowing competition and scaling back the requirements to enter the healthcare market, resulting in an increase in hospitals and doctors. The increased supply lowers prices, thereby granting access to more people and eventually cutting the requirement for health insurance to its original purpose: protection against catastrophic loss.
Well, Merit, I would be inclined to ask those people why they dont give up everything provided by the market then, since they hate it so much. In all seriousness though, this is a deflection for a lack of an argument. To put their response a different way; should we believe a man who accepts a meal in prison only does so if he consents to be there? Of course not.
In reality, those services are monopolies, and given the opportunity I would end them to allow choice. Much like in healthcare, the solution is not to move towards a monopoly, but away from it. I never understood how someone expects their argument to be taken seriously as a viable solution when they willingly admit it requires people to be forced to participate in it. Especially when their counter-argument is to tell their opponent they suffer from a lack of empathy. If someone chooses not to participate voluntarily, the solution is not to force them.
Alright, thats it for this week. Thank you to everyone who wrote in, and make sure you submit your questions each week on our Lowdown on Liberty post, and the top questions will be answered the following week!
This post was written by Thomas J. Eckert.
The views expressed here belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect our views and opinions.
Thomas J. Eckert is college grad with an interest in politics. He studies economics and history and writes in his spare time on political and economic current events.
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Atlas Shrugged by Ayn Rand, Leonard Peikoff |, Paperback …
Posted: at 6:14 pm
INTRODUCTION
Ayn Rand held that art is a re-creation of reality according to an artists metaphysical value judgments. By its nature, therefore, a novel (like a statue or a symphony) does not require or tolerate an explanatory preface; it is a self-contained universe, aloof from commentary, beckoning the reader to enter, perceive, respond.
Ayn Rand would never have approved of a didactic (or laudatory) introduction to her book, and I have no intention of flouting her wishes. Instead, I am going to give her the floor. I am going to let you in on some of the thinking she did as she was preparing to write Atlas Shrugged.
Before starting a novel, Ayn Rand wrote voluminously in her journals about its theme, plot, and characters. She wrote not for any audience, but strictly for herselfthat is, for the clarity of her own understanding. The journals dealing withAtlas Shruggedare powerful examples of her mind in action, confident even when groping, purposeful even when stymied, luminously eloquent even though wholly unedited. These journals are also a fascinating record of the step-by-step birth of an immortal work of art.
In due course, all of Ayn Rands writings will be published. For this 35th anniversary edition ofAtlas Shrugged,however, I have selected, as a kind of advance bonus for her fans, four typical journal entries. Let me warn new readers that the passages reveal the plot and will spoil the book for anyone who reads them before knowing the story.
As I recall, Atlas Shrugged did not become the novels title until Miss Rands husband made the suggestion in 1956. The working title throughout the writing was The Strike.
The earliest of Miss Rands notes for The Strike are dated January 1, 1945, about a year after the publication ofThe Fountainhead.Naturally enough, the subject on her mind was how to differentiate the present novel from its predecessor.
Theme. What happens to the world when the Prime Movers go on strike.
This meansa picture of the world with its motor cut off. Show: what, how, why. The specific steps and incidentsin terms of persons, their spirits, motives, psychology and actionsand, secondarily, proceeding from persons, in terms of history, society and the world.
The theme requires: to show who are the prime movers and why, how they function. Who are their enemies and why, what are the motives behind the hatred for and the enslavement of the prime movers; the nature of the obstacles placed in their way, and the reasons for it.
This last paragraph is contained entirely inThe Fountainhead.Roark and Toohey are the complete statement of it. Therefore, this is not the direct theme ofThe Strikebut it is part of the theme and must be kept in mind, stated again (though briefly) to have the theme clear and complete.
First question to decide is on whom the emphasis must be placedon the prime movers, the parasites or the world. The answer is:The world.The story must be primarily a picture of the whole.
In this sense,The Strikeis to be much more a social novel thanThe Fountainhead. The Fountainheadwas about individualism and collectivism within mans soul; it showed the nature and function of the creator and the second-hander. The primary concern there was with Roark and Tooheyshowing what they are. The rest of the characters were variations of the theme of the relation of the ego to othersmixtures of the two extremes, the two poles: Roark and Toohey. The primary concern of the story was the characters, the people as suchtheirnatures. Their relations to each otherwhich is society, men in relation to menwere secondary, an unavoidable, direct consequence of Roark set against Toohey. But it was not the theme.
Now, it is thisrelationthat must be the theme. Therefore, the personal becomes secondary. That is, the personal is necessary only to the extent needed to make the relationships clear. InThe FountainheadI showed that Roark moves the worldthat the Keatings feed upon him and hate him for it, while the Tooheys are out consciously to destroy him. But the theme was Roarknot Roarks relation to the world. Now it will be the relation.
In other words, I must show in what concrete, specific way the world is moved by the creators. Exactlyhowdo the second-handers live on the creators. Both inspiritualmattersand (most particularly) in concrete, physical events. (Concentrate on the concrete, physical eventsbut dont forget to keep in mind at all times how the physical proceeds from the spiritual.) . . .
However, for the purpose of this story, I do not start by showinghowthe second-handers live on the prime movers in actual, everyday realitynor do I start by showing a normal world. (That comes in only in necessary retrospect, or flashback, or by implication in the events themselves.) I start with the fantastic premise of the prime movers going on strike.This is the actual heart and center of the novel. A distinction carefully to be observed here: I do not set out to glorify the prime mover (that was The Fountainhead). I set out to show how desperately the world needs prime movers, and how viciously it treats them. And I show it on a hypothetical casewhat happens to the world without them.
InThe FountainheadI did not show how desperately the world needed Roarkexcept by implication. I did show how viciously the world treated him, and why. I showedmainly what he is.It was Roarks story. This must be the worlds storyin relation to its prime movers. (Almostthe story of a body in relation to its hearta body dying of anemia.)
I dont show directly what the prime movers dothats shown only by implication. Ishow what happens when they dont do it.(Through that, you see the picture of what they do, their place and their role.) (This is an important guide for the construction of the story.)
In order to work out the story, Ayn Rand had to understand fully why the prime moversallowedthe second-handers to live on themwhy the creators had not gone on strike throughout historywhat errors even the best of them made that kept them in thrall to the worst. Part of the answer is dramatized in the character of Dagny Taggart, the railroad heiress who declares war on the strikers. Here is a note on her psychology, dated April 18, 1946:
Her errorand the cause of her refusal to join the strikeis over-optimism and over-confidence (particularly this last). Over-optimismin that she thinks men are better than they are, she doesnt really understand them and is generous about it.
Over-confidencein that she thinks she can do more than an individual actually can. She thinks she can run a railroad (or the world) single-handed, she can make people do what she wants or needs, what is right, by the sheer force of her own talent; not byforcingthem, of course, not by enslaving them and giving ordersbut by the sheer over-abundance of her own energy; she will show them how, she can teach them and persuade them, she is so able that theyll catch it from her. (This is still faith in their rationality, in the omnipotence of reason. The mistake? Reason is not automatic. Those who deny it cannot be conquered by it. Do not count on them. Leave them alone.)
On these two points, Dagny is committing an important (but excusable and understandable) error in thinking, the kind of error individualists and creators often make. It is an error proceeding from the best in their nature and from a proper principle, but this principle is misapplied. . . .
The error is this: it is proper for a creator to be optimistic, in the deepest, most basic sense, since the creator believes in a benevolent universe and functions on that premise. But it is an error to extend that optimism to otherspecificmen. First, its not necessary, the creators life and the nature of the universe do not require it, his life does not depend on others. Second, man is a being with free will; therefore, each man is potentially good or evil, and its up to him and only to him (through his reasoning mind) to decide which he wants to be. The decision will affect only him; it is not (and cannot and should not be) the primary concern of any other human being.
Therefore, while a creator does and must worshipMan(which means his own highest potentiality; which is his natural self-reverence), he must not make the mistake of thinking that this means the necessity to worshipMankind(as a collective). These are two entirely different conceptions, with entirely(immensely and diametrically opposed)different consequences.
Man, at his highest potentiality, is realized and fulfilled within each creator himself. . . .Whether the creator is alone, or finds only a handful of others like him, or is among the majority of mankind, is of no importance or consequence whatever; numbers have nothing to do with it. He alone or he and a few others like himaremankind, in the proper sense of being the proof of what man actually is, man at his best, the essential man, man at his highest possibility. (Therationalbeing, who acts according to his nature.)
It should not matter to a creator whether anyone or a million orallthe men around him fall short of the ideal of Man; let him live up to that ideal himself; this is all the optimism about Man that he needs. But this is a hard and subtle thing to realizeand it would be natural for Dagny always to make the mistake of believing others are better than they really are (or will become better, or she will teach them to become better or, actually, she so desperatelywantsthem to be better)and to be tied to the world by that hope.
It is proper for a creator to have an unlimited confidence in himself and his ability, to feel certain that he can get anything he wishes out of life, that he can accomplish anything he decides to accomplish, and that its up to him to do it. (He feels it because he is a man of reason . . .) [But] here is what he must keep clearly in mind: it is true that a creator can accomplish anything he wishesif he functions according to the nature of man, the universe and his own proper morality, that is, if he does not place his wish primarily within others and does not attempt or desire anything that is of a collective nature, anything that concerns othersprimarilyor requires primarily the exercise of the will of others. (This would be an immoraldesire or attempt, contrary to his nature as a creator.) If he attempts that, he is out of a creators province and in that of the collectivist and the second-hander.
Therefore, he must never feel confident that he can do anything whatever to, by or through others. (He cantand he shouldnt even wish to try itand the mere attempt is improper.) He must not think that he can . . . somehow transfer his energy and his intelligence to them and make them fit for his purposes in that way. He must face other men as they are, recognizing them as essentially independent entities, by nature, and beyond hisprimaryinfluence; [he must] deal with them only on his own, independent terms, deal with such as he judges can fit his purpose or live up to his standards (by themselves and of their own will, independently of him) and expect nothing from the others. . . .
Now, in Dagnys case, her desperate desire is to run Taggart Transcontinental. She sees that there are no men suited to her purpose around her, no men of ability, independence and competence. She thinks she can run it with others, with the incompetent and the parasites, either by training them or merely by treating them as robots who will take her orders and function without personal initiative or responsibility;with herself, in effect, being the spark of initiative, the bearer of responsibility for a whole collective.This cant be done. This is her crucial error.
This is where she fails.
Ayn Rands basic purpose as a novelist was to present not villains or even heroes with errors, but the ideal manthe consistent, the fully integrated, the perfect. InAtlas Shrugged,this is John Galt, the towering figure who moves the world and the novel, yet does not appear onstage until Part III. By his nature (and that of the story) Galt is necessarily central to the lives of all the characters. In one note, Galts relation to the others, dated June 27, 1946, Miss Rand defines succinctly what Galt represents to each of them:
For Dagnythe ideal. The answer to her two quests: the man of genius and the man she loves. The first quest is expressed in her search for the inventor of the engine. The secondher growing conviction that she will never be in love . . .
For Reardenthe friend. The kind of understanding and appreciation he has always wanted and did not know he wanted (or he thought he had ithe tried to find it in those around him, to get it from his wife, his mother, brother and sister).
For Francisco dAnconiathe aristocrat. The only man who represents a challenge and a stimulantalmost the proper kind of audience, worthy of stunning for the sheer joy and color of life.
For Danneskjldthe anchor. The only man who represents land and roots to a restless, reckless wanderer, like the goal of a struggle, the port at the end of a fierce sea-voyagethe only man he can respect.
For the Composerthe inspiration and the perfect audience.
For the Philosopherthe embodiment of his abstractions.
For Father Amadeusthe source of his conflict. The uneasy realization that Galt is the endofhis endeavors, the man of virtue, the perfect manand that his means do not fit this end (and that he is destroying this, his ideal, for the sake of those who are evil).
To James Taggartthe eternal threat. The secret dread. The reproach. The guilt (his own guilt). He has no specific tie-in with Galtbut he has that constant, causeless, unnamed, hysterical fear. And he recognizes it when he hears Galts broadcast and when he sees Galt in person for the first time.
To the Professorhis conscience. The reproach and reminder. The ghost that haunts him through everything he does, without a moments peace. The thing that says:Noto his whole life.
Some notes on the above: Reardens sister, Stacy, was a minor character later cut from the novel.
Francisco was spelled Francesco in these early years, while Danneskjlds first name at this point was Ivar, presumably after Ivar Kreuger, the Swedish match king, who was the real-life model of Bjorn Faulkner inNight of January 16th.
Father Amadeus was Taggarts priest, to whom he confessed his sins. The priest was supposed to be a positive character, honestly devoted to the good but practicing consistently the morality of mercy. Miss Rand dropped him, she told me, when she found that it was impossible to make such a character convincing.
The Professor is Robert Stadler.
This brings me to a final excerpt. Because of her passion for ideas, Miss Rand was often asked whether she was primarily a philosopher or a novelist. In later years, she was impatient with this question, but she gave her own answer, to and for herself, in a note dated May 4, 1946. The broader context was a discussion of the nature of creativity.
I seem to be both a theoretical philosopher and a fiction writer. But it is the last that interests me most; the first is only the means to the last; the absolutely necessary means, but only the means; the fiction story is the end. Without an understanding and statement of the right philosophical principle, I cannot create the right story; but the discovery of the principle interests me only as the discovery of the proper knowledge to be used for my life purpose; and my life purpose is the creation of the kind of world (people and events) that I likethat is, that represents human perfection.
Philosophical knowledge is necessary in order to define human perfection. But I do not care to stop at the definition. I want touseit, to apply itin my work (in my personal life, toobut the core, center and purpose of my personal life, of mywholelife, is my work).
This is why, I think, the idea of writing a philosophical nonfiction book bored me. In such a book, the purpose would actually be to teach others, to present my idea tothem.In a book of fiction the purpose is to create, for myself, the kind of world I want and to live in it while I am creating it; then, as a secondary consequence, to let others enjoy this world, if, and to the extent that they can.
It may be said that the first purpose of a philosophical book is the clarification or statement of your new knowledge to and for yourself; and then, as a secondary step, the offering of your knowledge to others. But here is the difference, as far as I am concerned: I have to acquire and state to myself the new philosophical knowledge or principle I used in order to write a fiction story as its embodiment and illustration; I do not care to write a story on a theme or thesis of old knowledge, knowledge stated or discovered by someone else, that is, someone elses philosophy (because those philosophies are wrong). To this extent, I am an abstract philosopher (I want to present the perfect man and his perfect lifeand I must also discover my own philosophical statement and definition of this perfection).
But when and if I have discovered such new knowledge, I am not interested in stating it in its abstract, general form, that is, as knowledge. I am interested in using it, in applying itthat is, in stating it in the concrete form of men and events, in the form of a fiction story.This lastis my final purpose, my end; the philosophical knowledge or discovery is only the means to it. For my purpose, the non-fiction form of abstract knowledge doesnt interest me; the final, applied form of fiction, of story, does. (I state the knowledge to myself, anyway; but I choose the final form of it, the expression, in the completed cycle that leads back to man.)
I wonder to what extent I represent a peculiar phenomenon in this respect. I think I represent the proper integration of a complete human being. Anyway,thisshould be my lead for the character of John Galt.He, too, is a combination of an abstract philosopher and a practical inventor; the thinker and the man of action together . . .
In learning, we draw an abstraction from concrete objects and events. In creating, we make our own concrete objects and events out of the abstraction; we bring the abstraction down and back to its specific meaning, to the concrete; but the abstraction has helped us to make thekind of concrete we want the concrete to be.It has helped us to createto reshape the world as we wish it to be for our purposes.
I cannot resist quoting one further paragraph. It comes a few pages later in the same discussion.
Incidentally, as a sideline observation: if creative fiction writing is a process of translating an abstraction into the concrete, there are three possible grades of such writing: translating an old (known) abstraction (theme or thesis) through the medium of old fiction means (that is, characters, events or situations used before for that same purpose, that same translation)this is most of the popular trash; translating an old abstraction through new, original fiction meansthis is most of the good literature; creating a new, original abstraction and translating it through new, original means. This, as far as I know, is onlyme my kind of fiction writing. May God forgive me (Metaphor!) if this is mistaken conceit! As near as I can now see it, it isnt. (A fourth possibilitytranslating a new abstraction through old meansis impossible, by definition: if the abstraction is new, there can be no means used by anybody else before to translate it.)
Isher conclusion mistaken conceit? It is now forty-five years since she wrote this note, and you are holding Ayn Rands master-work in your hands.
You decide.
Leonard Peikoff
September 1991
PART ONE
NON-CONTRADICTION
Chapter I
THE THEME
Who is John Galt?
The light was ebbing, and Eddie Willers could not distinguish the bums face. The bum had said it simply, without expression. But from the sunset far at the end of the street, yellow glints caught his eyes, and the eyes looked straight at Eddie Willers, mocking and stillas if the question had been addressed to the causeless uneasiness within him.
Why did you say that? asked Eddie Willers, his voice tense.
The bum leaned against the side of the doorway; a wedge of broken glass behind him reflected the metal yellow of the sky.
Why does it bother you? he asked.
It doesnt, snapped Eddie Willers.
He reached hastily into his pocket. The bum had stopped him and asked for a dime, then had gone on talking, as if to kill that moment and postpone the problem of the next. Pleas for dimes were so frequent in the streets these days that it was not necessary to listen to explanations and he had no desire to hear the details of this bums particular despair.
Go get your cup of coffee, he said, handing the dime to the shadow that had no face.
Thank you, sir, said the voice, without interest, and the face leaned forward for a moment. The face was wind-browned, cut by lines of weariness and cynical resignation; the eyes were intelligent.
Eddie Willers walked on, wondering why he always felt it at this time of day, this sense of dread without reason. No, he thought, not dread, theres nothing to fear: just an immense, diffused apprehension, with no source or object. He had become accustomed to the feeling, but he could find no explanation for it; yet the bum had spoken as if he knew that Eddie felt it, as if he thought that one should feel it, and more: as if he knew the reason.
Eddie Willers pulled his shoulders straight, in conscientious self-discipline. He had to stop this, he thought; he was beginning to imagine things. Had he always felt it? He was thirty-two years old. He tried to think back. No, he hadnt; but he could not remember when it had started. The feeling came to him suddenly, at random intervals, and now it was coming more often than ever. Its the twilight, he thought; I hate the twilight.
The clouds and the shafts of skyscrapers against them were turning brown, like an old painting in oil, the color of a fading masterpiece. Long streaks of grime ran from under the pinnacles down the slender, soot-eaten walls. High on the side of a tower there was a crack in the shape of a motionless lightning, the length of ten stories. A jagged object cut the sky above the roofs; it was half a spire, still holding the glow of the sunset; the gold leaf had long since peeled off the other half. The glow was red and still, like the reflection of a fire: not an active fire, but a dying one which it is too late to stop.
No, thought Eddie Willers, there was nothing disturbing in the sight of the city. It looked as it had always looked.
He walked on, reminding himself that he was late in returning to the office. He did not like the task which he had to perform on his return, but it had to be done. So he did not attempt to delay it, but made himself walk faster.
He turned a corner. In the narrow space between the dark silhouettes of two buildings, as in the crack of a door, he saw the page of a gigantic calendar suspended in the sky.
It was the calendar that the mayor of New York had erected last year on the top of a building, so that citizens might tell the day of the month as they told the hours of the day, by glancing up at a public tower. A white rectangle hung over the city, imparting the date to the men in the streets below. In the rusty light of this evenings sunset, the rectangle said: September 2.
Eddie Willers looked away. He had never liked the sight of that calendar. It disturbed him, in a manner he could not explain or define. The feeling seemed to blend with his sense of uneasiness; it had the same quality.
He thought suddenly that there was some phrase, a kind of quotation, that expressed what the calendar seemed to suggest. But he could not recall it. He walked, groping for a sentence that hung in his mind as an empty shape. He could neither fill it nor dismiss it. He glanced back. The white rectangle stood above the roofs, saying in immovable finality: September 2.
Eddie Willers shifted his glance down to the street, to a vegetable pushcart at the stoop of a brownstone house. He saw a pile of bright gold carrots and the fresh green of onions. He saw a clean white curtain blowing at an open window. He saw a bus turning a corner, expertly steered. He wondered why he felt reassuredand then, why he felt the sudden, inexplicable wish that these things were not left in the open, unprotected against the empty space above.
When he came to Fifth Avenue, he kept his eyes on the windows of the stores he passed. There was nothing he needed or wished to buy; but he liked to see the display of goods, any goods, objects made by men, to be used by men. He enjoyed the sight of a prosperous street; not more than every fourth one of the stores was out of business, its windows dark and empty.
He did not know why he suddenly thought of the oak tree. Nothing had recalled it. But he thought of itand of his childhood summers on the Taggart estate. He had spent most of his childhood with the Taggart children, and now he worked for them, as his father and grandfather had worked for their father and grandfather.
The great oak tree had stood on a hill over the Hudson, in a lonely spot on the Taggart estate. Eddie Willers, aged seven, liked to come and look at that tree. It had stood there for hundreds of years, and he thought it would always stand there. Its roots clutched the hill like a fist with fingers sunk into the soil, and he thought that if a giant were to seize it by the top, he would not be able to uproot it, but would swing the hill and the whole of the earth with it, like a ball at the end of a string. He felt safe in the oak trees presence; it was a thing that nothing could change or threaten; it was his greatest symbol of strength.
One night, lightning struck the oak tree. Eddie saw it the next morning. It lay broken in half, and he looked into its trunk as into the mouth of a black tunnel. The trunk was only an empty shell; its heart had rotted away long ago; there was nothing insidejust a thin gray dust that was being dispersed by the whim of the faintest wind. The living power had gone, and the shape it left had not been able to stand without it.
Years later, he heard it said that children should be protected from shock, from their first knowledge of death, pain or fear. But these had never scarred him; his shock came when he stood very quietly, looking into the black hole of the trunk. It was an immense betrayalthe more terrible because he could not grasp what it was that had been betrayed. It was not himself, he knew, nor his trust; it was something else. He stood there for a while, making no sound, then he walked back to the house. He never spoke about it to anyone, then or since.
Eddie Willers shook his head, as the screech of a rusty mechanism changing a traffic light stopped him on the edge of a curb. He felt anger at himself. There was no reason that he had to remember the oak tree tonight. It meant nothing to him any longer, only a faint tinge of sadnessand somewhere within him, a drop of pain moving briefly and vanishing, like a raindrop on the glass of a window, its course in the shape of a question mark.
He wanted no sadness attached to his childhood; he loved its memories: any day of it he remembered now seemed flooded by a still, brilliant sunlight. It seemed to him as if a few rays from it reached into his present: not rays, more like pinpoint spotlights that gave an occasional moments glitter to his job, to his lonely apartment, to the quiet, scrupulous progression of his existence.
He thought of a summer day when he was ten years old. That day, in a clearing of the woods, the one precious companion of his childhood told him what they would do when they grew up. The words were harsh and glowing, like the sunlight. He listened in admiration and in wonder. When he was asked what he would want to do, he answered at once, Whatever is right, and added, You ought to do something great . . . I mean, the two of us together. What? she asked. He said, I dont know. Thats what we ought to find out. Not just what you said. Not just business and earning a living. Things like winning battles, or saving people out of fires, or climbing mountains. What for? she asked. He said, The minister said last Sunday that we must always reach for the best within us. What do you suppose is the best within us? I dont know. Well have to find out. She did not answer; she was looking away, up the railroad track.
Eddie Willers smiled. He had said, Whatever is right, twenty-two years ago. He had kept that statement unchallenged ever since; the other questions had faded in his mind; he had been too busy to ask them. But he still thought it self-evident that one had to do what was right; he had never learned how people could want to do otherwise; he had learned only that they did. It still seemed simple and incomprehensible to him: simple that things should be right, and incomprehensible that they werent. He knew that they werent. He thought of that, as he turned a corner and came to the great building of Taggart Transcontinental.
The building stood over the street as its tallest and proudest structure. Eddie Willers always smiled at his first sight of it. Its long bands of windows were unbroken, in contrast to those of its neighbors. Its rising lines cut the sky, with no crumbling corners or worn edges. It seemed to stand above the years, untouched. It would always stand there, thought Eddie Willers.
Whenever he entered the Taggart Building, he felt relief and a sense of security. This was a place of competence and power. The floors of its hallways were mirrors made of marble. The frosted rectangles of its electric fixtures were chips of solid light. Behind sheets of glass, rows of girls sat at typewriters, the clicking of their keys like the sound of speeding train wheels. And like an answering echo, a faint shudder went through the walls at times, rising from under the building, from the tunnels of the great terminal where trains started out to cross a continent and stopped after crossing it again, as they had started and stopped for generation after generation. Taggart Transcontinental, thought Eddie Willers, From Ocean to Oceanthe proud slogan of his childhood, so much more shining and holy than any commandment of the Bible. From Ocean to Ocean, foreverthought Eddie Willers, in the manner of a rededication, as he walked through the spotless halls into the heart of the building, into the office of James Taggart, President of Taggart Transcontinental.
James Taggart sat at his desk. He looked like a man approaching fifty, who had crossed into age from adolescence, without the intermediate stage of youth. He had a small, petulant mouth, and thin hair clinging to a bald forehead. His posture had a limp, decentralized sloppiness, as if in defiance of his tall, slender body, a body with an elegance of line intended for the confident poise of an aristocrat, but transformed into the gawkiness of a lout. The flesh of his face was pale and soft. His eyes were pale and veiled, with a glance that moved slowly, never quite stopping, gliding off and past things in eternal resentment of their existence. He looked obstinate and drained. He was thirty-nine years old.
He lifted his head with irritation, at the sound of the opening door.
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HART: ObamaCare Bill: A game of hide and seek – Odessa American
Posted: at 6:14 pm
As ObamaCare predictably collapses and the Senate decides how to vote on the House repeal, here is a column I wrote in March, 2010:
Obama says we have been debating the Obamacare bill for a year, and now its time to ram it through in a down or up yours vote. Democrats view this bill as a cure-all elixir, Republicans view it as a suppository.
In the first tough interview of his presidency, he told Fox News that we would know what is in the bill 72 hours before the House tries to pass it. Obama seemed frustrated that the vast majority of the country is against his bill. It turns out that president-ing is harder than community organizing.
Well worth reading, the Obama Administration was foretold in Atlas Shrugged, which is 1,300 pages long. It took me two weeks to read and it was well-written. This health care reform bill runs 2,000-plus pages and is written in cryptic Washington-speak. No one understands it. It feels like we are getting the last-minute hard sell, like the one from a car salesman when he gets you in that little room with the closing guy, starts shoving documents at you to sign, and tells you not to worry your pretty little head over it.
What we saw in the past year was the Democrats having to bribe, using our tax dollars, their own supermajority party to pass this massive takeover of one-sixth of our economy. President Obama said all aspects of the bill are agreed upon except, of course, minor details like how to pay for it, whether it covers illegal immigrants, and how to cover more than 30 million more people who currently do not have health insurance, all without adding doctors and/or rationing care. Other than that, Pelosi and Reid seem to have it done.
Since our representatives have not read the bill, I will not read the bill for you and tell you what it says.
1. On the issue of how we are going to cover the predicted 30 million-plus new ObamaCare enrollees, Dr. Ahmed Patel of Manhattan, Kansas has agreed to see these patients. While he readily admits Manhattan was not quite the place he saw in the pictures before he moved to our country three years ago, he thinks the additional 30 million patients will be good for his business. He says hes centrally located in Kansas, making him convenient to all Americans, and is willing to expand his waiting room.
2. There is a provision in the bill to hire all Democrats booted out of office because they voted for this bill. Where? In the government monstrosity they just created. As Representative Billy Tauzin of the politically honest state of Louisiana found out when he championed the Bush Medicare prescription drug entitlement disaster, there are $2 million-a-year jobs with pharmaceutical companies waiting for you once you leave Congress (a.k.a. the scene of the crime).
3. Obama has promised not to stump for Democrats who vote for this bill. Political pundits and the Congressional Budget Office score this as being worth 12 points for any Democrat who can keep Obama out of his district.
4. One of the more egregious deceits of ObamaCare is that it front-loads the goodies: Adults up to age 26 and preexisting conditions would be immediately covered. Costs and regulations were pushed to the back end, 2017, when Obama is gone. Simple economics tells us that you cannot get something for free. Premiums and deductibles will rise as insurance companies price in all the government mandates. ObamaCare seems like a flimsy hospital gown; you seem to be covered up front, but youre very exposed from the rear.
5. Obamas Julius Caesar haircut should serve as fair warning of his ultimate goal; making sure this idea blows up and forcing us to single payer. As you know, Julius Caesar overthrew the Roman Republic in a series of bold power grabs and set in motion the end of the once-proud Roman Empire. Consider yourself notified. Entitlements, once given, are hard to take away.
6. The South will not buy into Obamacare. Since we Southerners value our self-reliance, southern governors will continue to fight this law. Keep in mind, we still do Civil War re-enactments and thats for a war we lost.
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Daily Inter Lake , Libertarian Mark Wicks stumps in the Flathead – Daily Inter Lake
Posted: at 6:13 pm
In the less than three months since the race began to fill the vacancy in Montanas at-large U.S. House seat, political groups have spent millions of dollars in television ads portraying the Republican and Democratic hopefuls as beholden to out-of-state interests or out of touch with Montana values. Against that largely negative backdrop, Libertarian candidate Mark Wicks is presenting himself as an outlet to what he sees as growing disillusionment with the two dominant parties in American politics.
Most people just want to be left alone, to live their life, and thats the Libertarian principle. If youre not hurting me, youre not hurting anybody else, go ahead and do it and thats fine, Wicks said Saturday. People should be happy to do whatever they want, so long as theyre not hurting anybody else.
The 47-year-old rancher and Army veteran from Inverness was speaking during an interview at his Ugly Truck Contest campaign stop in Whitefish, an event built around his closing statement during the special elections only debate last month. He compared Republican candidate and Bozeman businessman Greg Gianforte to a luxury car that is only comfortable when hes parked at the country club with other luxury cars, and Democratic candidate Rob Quist to a little, half-ton pickup that breaks down easily despite having a great sound system.
Wicks sees himself as a work truck candidate, running reliably on small-government ideals and equipped with the tools needed to get the job done in Congress.
When I really started thinking about doing it was right after Trumps election, and we were seeing rioting in the streets. The country started looking like it was tearing itself apart, he said. It was getting very obvious that we need some change in Washington.
Hailing from a remote, rural community on the Hi-Line, Wicks said that his political philosophy entered his life from an early age. Following a violent Memorial Day storm that knocked out power to most of his agricultural community on the outskirts of Havre, he said the farmers banded together to prop up telephone poles and reconnect electrical wiring, so that the electric company had only to flip the breakers to restore power to a town that had been without electricity for five days.
They were just amazed that we went out and did that, Wicks recalled. But thats how people work together out there. They didnt need people from the outside.
Wicks describes himself as a Constitutional Libertarian, meaning his fiscal conservatism and liberal stances on social issues (pro-choice and favoring marijuana legalization) are focused through a constitutional lens that questions the federal governments right to regulate.
Notably, he feels that health care falls outside the purview of federal jurisdiction. But he also acknowledged that its a complicated issue.
Were gonna have to keep some Medicaid. Were going to have to work on that make sure its viable and protect these people, he said. ... One way or another, were gonna pay for this, whether theyre walking in and getting in the door and not paying their bill in the hope were gonna pick it up on part of our bill, or were gonna pay an insurance program to help them.
Wicks faces a steep uphill climb against the other two candidates on the ballot a Republican who narrowly lost a hard-fought campaign for governor last year and a Democrat who has campaigned aggressively across the Treasure State since his March nomination.
While Montana voters are historically more receptive to Libertarian candidates for federal office than the national average, U.S. House and presidential candidates still only attract 3 to 5 percent of the states vote. Last November, Libertarian presidential candidate Gary Johnson received 5.7 percent of the vote in Montana, improving over the 2.9 percent he captured in 2012. And longtime Libertarian Mike Fellows averaged around 4 percent in his recent bids for Montanas U.S. House seat, peaking at 5.7 percent in 2010.
But Flathead Countys chapter of the Libertarian Party believes the states electorate feels increasingly under-represented by the two major parties, and that the appetite to take politics in a new direction is growing, despite the arguments that third-parties act as spoilers by siphoning votes away from voters second-choice candidates.
You kind of gotta bite the bullet and realize that your vote isnt for the opposition. If you vote Libertarian, youre voting for a Libertarian future, Flathead Libertarian Party Vice-Chairman Sid Daoud said Friday during the groups Liberty Think Bash event.
Both he and Wicks saw the outsider candidates inclusion in the April 29 televised debate, hosted by KTVH in Great Falls, as a victory in itself.
If theres two podiums there, you get one guy standing up and saying Im not him, so you should vote for me, Daoud said. If you get a third podium up there, then you have to actually stand for something.
While only about a dozen supporters milled around the Firebrand Hotels parking lot for Wicks Ugly Truck campaign rally, Larry Seydell represented the type of disillusioned voter with whom Wicks is hoping to connect.
Im just tired of it. The millions of dollars they spend on bullsh--, they could have done a lot of good stuff with it, the Columbia Falls carpenter said of the largely negative campaign advertisements hes seen so far in the race.
Seydell happened to hear Wicks during a talk-radio interview on Friday, and said he was struck by the message the third guy presented and decided to drop in on Saturdays event to meet him in person.
I was impressed. I think Im going to vote after all, Seydell said. ... Here we have a real guy with a real job and real problems like we all have.
Although early forecasts gave Gianforte a substantial lead over Quist, recent polls indicate the race is narrowing to single digits.
Some Flathead Libertarians at Fridays and Saturdays events worried that support for Wicks could erode as Election Day nears, with voters increasingly worried that a third-party vote will throw the election to what they see as the worse of two evils.
Longtime Libertarian and Bigfork resident Angie Killian said during Saturdays rally that her friends both Republican and Democrat have pleaded with her to not throw her vote away on a third-party candidate.
I would rather see the Quist people vote for Wicks, and then maybe he could have a chance against Gianforte, Killian said.
Since casting her ballot for President Ronald Reagan in 1984, she was mostly a Republican voter until supporting Libertarian Gary Johnsons bid for the nations top office in 2012. For Killian, Republican stances on gay marriage, medical marijuana and abortion rights ultimately moved her to support the third party.
Id love to see a Libertarian in Congress. I think we need to start making breakthroughs to get away from the two-party system, she said. If we all voted for who we believe in, we might have a chance here.
Montanas special election for its statewide U.S. House district takes place May 25.
Reporter Sam Wilson can be reached at 758-4407 or by email at swilson@dailyinterlake.com.
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Daily Inter Lake , Libertarian Mark Wicks stumps in the Flathead - Daily Inter Lake
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Why the Left Should Become Libertarian (And Why the Right Doesn’t Want That) – Being Libertarian
Posted: at 6:13 pm
Why the Left Should Become Libertarian (And Why the Right Doesn't Want That) Being Libertarian I didn't become a libertarian that day (and in fact, I found the aforementioned book to be boring) but I began to see that maybe I wasn't as much of a Blue Dog liberal as I had previously thought. By the time I graduated in 2000, being faced with the ... |
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Why the Left Should Become Libertarian (And Why the Right Doesn't Want That) - Being Libertarian
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Libertarian Lawmakers Criticize Trump Administration’s Support Of Mandatory Minimum Policies – The Liberty Conservative
Posted: at 6:13 pm
The Liberty Conservative | Libertarian Lawmakers Criticize Trump Administration's Support Of Mandatory Minimum Policies The Liberty Conservative The two libertarian lawmakers have been long-time advocates for criminal justice reform. They feel that the Trump Administration under Sessions is clearly headed in the wrong direction on this particular policy, which will only serve to clog the ... AG Sessions Urges More Mandatory Minimums, Rand Paul Slams Back |
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Black, liberal woman dumps Obama to run Trump store – WND.com
Posted: at 6:12 pm
Nicole Mincey is black, comes from a liberal Democrat background and watched closely what Barack Obama did for blacks during his presidency.
So why is she now running theonline ProTrump45 store featuring Adorable Deplorable shirts, Make America Great Again caps, Deplorable Lives Matter slogans and more?
Because shes black, comes from a liberal Democrat background and watched closely what Barack Obama did for blacks during his presidency.
Honestly, the reason I switched to being a Republican was I realized Obama didnt necessarily help black people during his presidency like he promised, she told WND.
On her store site, she saysTrump represents conservative and middle America.
The silent majority of America, the hard-working, military-serving, God-fearing conservative Americans. He doesnt ignore the middle states of America like most presidents but gives a voice.
Her store site includes a blogwith headlines such asFAKE NEWS EXPOSED!! Caught lying about Comeys words!! and Conservative federal judges coming SOON!!!
For her part in Trumps Make America Great Again agenda, she employs Americans and sells American-made products.
Her plan is simply to be a part of the rebuilding of America.
My idea is to spread a more conservative message, she said.
Shes received both positive and negative feedback.
People claim that Im a sellout, because Im black, she explained.
But the positive the praise for her store, products and entrepreneurship outweighs the negative, she said.
Were hoping to make it very successful.
She told WND her background made her ideally suited to bea Democrat.
I am from Newark, New Jersey. I was raised in a bad neighborhood, she said.
But she became an ex-Democrat because of the partys refusal to adopt self-responsibility.
Everyone is a victim in their eyes and you cant succeed unless the government helps you on someone elses expense. I went to a charter high school where we constantly received threats to [be] shut down by Democratic politicians. We had to always do fundraisers to stay afloat.
She said she was motivated by a desire to break liberal stereotypes.
The media has painted Republican conservatives as old, white people that are racist. Im a young black college student that is female. Liberals see me and dont know what to say because they cant throw the racist card at me.
While she used to be a regular college student with a job, now shes a college student with a small business and a job.
I saw a financial opportunity and took it. Thats the perks of capitalism, she explained, citing her 100,000 Twitter followers and the several thousand views each month of her store site.
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This Day in Liberal Judicial ActivismMay 14 – National Review
Posted: at 6:12 pm
1970President Richard M. Nixon, in one of the misdeeds for which he most deserves infamy, appoints Harry A. Blackmun to the Supreme Court. Blackmun, a boyhood friend of Chief Justice Warren Burger, had served on the Eighth Circuit since 1959. Before that, he had been in-house counsel for the Mayo Clinic. His appreciation for the outstanding work done by the fine doctors at the Mayo Clinic is said to have led him to regret that he himself did not become a doctor. Those with a proper appreciation of Blackmuns Supreme Court decisionmakingincluding, but by no means limited to, his notorious opinion in Roe v. Wade (see This Day for January 22)might fairly observe that the medical professions loss was the nationsloss.
2009Ramona Ripston, Executive Director of the ACLU Foundation of Southern California and (per its website) the individual responsible for all phases of the organizations programs, including litigation, takes part in a confidential strategy meeting with counsel planning to file a federal lawsuit against Proposition 8. After counsel files the complaint in Perry v. Schwarzenegger, Ripstons organization will file pre-trial and post-trial amicus briefs in support of plaintiffs, and Ripston will publicly rejoice over Judge Vaughn Walkers August 2010 ruling against Proposition 8.
But when Ripstons husband, arch-activist Stephen Reinhardt, is assigned to the Ninth Circuit panel charged with reviewing Walkers ruling, Reinhardt somehow will decline to recuse himself from the case.
2017Happy Mothers Day! No thanks to Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who in 1974 co-authored a report proposing that Congress abolish Mothers Day and Fathers Day and replace them with an androgynous Parents Day. Observing Parents Day would, she explained, be more consistent with a policy of minimizing traditional sex-based differences in parental roles.
In that same report, the oh-so-moderate Ginsburg stated her strong sympathy for the proposition that there is a constitutional right to prostitution and a constitutional right to bigamy; criticized the Boy Scouts and the Girl Scouts for perpetuating stereotyped sex roles; and urged that prisons be co-ed rather than single sex. (See relevant excerpts from the report.)
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Budget 2017: Why should Liberals support the principle-free Turnbull Coalition? – The Australian Financial Review
Posted: at 6:12 pm
These are Liberal principles and if you don't like them ... we have others.
Are there any principles that the Liberal Party still stands for?
Core Liberal convictions used to include: the importance of sound public finances; the need for honesty in budget forecasts; distrust of "government spending" as a solution to problems; and a preference for low taxes, to reward hard work and let individuals keep more of the income they earn.
Liberals used to subscribe fervently to all of these values and conservatives still do. But after this week's budget, it's unclear if the parliamentary Liberal Party still subscribes to any of them.
Consider them in turn.
After wavering during the Fraser years, the Howard government recommitted the Liberals to balanced budgets as a bedrock virtue. And it delivered, achieving 10 surpluses from 12 budgets and fully paying off the Commonwealth's net debt, despite inheriting large deficits and record debt from Labor. This success reaffirmed budget discipline as a central Liberal tenet, and was the firm anchor to which the politically successful Howard government was tethered.
Indeed, so effective was the Coalition in promoting budget discipline that, although the Rudd and Gillard governments failed to get the budget back to surplus post GFC, both felt compelled to repeatedly commit to that goal.
Yet now the Turnbull government has announced another $37 billion deficit this financial year, unchanged from two years ago, and at least a further three deficits to come to make 12 years of Commonwealth deficits in a row.
To put that in perspective, even after the severe early 1990s recession when unemployment topped 11 per cent, Australia only recorded seven consecutive deficits and one of those was negligible (just 0.1 per cent of GDP). Yet now, with unemployment below 6 per cent and projected to fall, the Turnbull government is untroubled by the prospect of adding at least six deficits to the six Labor already recorded.
Nor is it troubled by Commonwealth net debt hitting a new record level as a share of GDP, surpassing the previous mid-1990s peak, as it commits to huge new spending on health and education in a vain effort to out-Labor Labor.
What about the honesty of the latest fiscal projections?
It was the Howard government that brought in the Charter of budget Honesty and that introduced the underlying cash balance concept in 1996, to stop governments misleadingly claiming budget improvement through one-off asset sales. (Asset sales may or may not make sense each case must be judged on its own merits but they should never be done just to claim a temporary budget boost from "selling off the silver".)
And it was the Liberals that rightly attacked Rudd/Gillard Labor's approach of hiding big spending increases out beyond the budget forward estimates period; of using overly rosy economic projections to prop up its budget forecasts; and of employing accounting fiddles to ensure that billions of dollars of NBN spending never showed up in the budget bottom line.
Yet now the Turnbull government has embraced all three of these tricks.
With its sudden conversion to Gonski spending itself a complete reversal of the principles Liberals supposedly held dear until two weeks ago it now plans to splash $18.6 billion extra on schools over the next decade; yet 90 per cent of this spending is to occur in the final six years, hidden beyond the four-year horizon covered in the budget papers.
As for the budget's economic projections, the latest data show wages rising by less than 2 per cent a year. Yet this year's budget has wages growth rising to three per cent by 2018-19 and to 3.75 per cent two years thereafter enabling big projected increases in income tax revenue despite every single budget for at least the last six years having had wage growth forecasts that were more conservative but still proved over-optimistic.
And as for accounting fiddles, rather than reject Labor's fraudulent NBN approach, the Turnbull government has doubled down on it providing $14 billion to build the Inland Rail and the Western Sydney Airport without a cent showing up in the budget deficit. One doesn't have to oppose these projects to see that this is plainly deceptive.
Finally, what about Liberals' preference for small government and lower taxes? These also used to be defining Liberal values and still are for conservatives but Tuesday's budget shows that the Turnbull government doesn't even pretend to still believe in them.
After all, there's not much that's "small government, low tax" about raising taxes by $20.75 billion and spending by $14.5 billion or about being content for spending to remain at 25 per cent of GDP or more for seven straight years on your watch, the longest period at this level since the Second World War.
Clearly, the 2017-18 budget shows that the Turnbull Liberals have abandoned core Liberal principles on spending, on taxing, and on budget discipline and honesty just as they'd already abandoned other longstanding Liberal convictions on social matters, on valuing self reliance (think of the government's superannuation "reforms"), and on upholding Australian sovereignty (the mercifully thwarted effort to kowtow to China over extradition arrangements).
For Liberals who still believe in those principles, it's time to ask: why exactly should I continue to support a party that has no compunction about abandoning me?
Cory Bernardi is a South Australian Senator and leader of the Australian Conservatives
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Pope Francis Confounds Liberal Media, Refuses to Dis Trump – Breitbart News
Posted: at 6:12 pm
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During the brief press conference held aboard the papal plane returning to Rome from Fatima Saturday, the pontiff fielded a number of questions. One camefrom NBCs Claudio Lavanga, who pressed the Pope concerning his upcoming meeting with President Trump on May 24.
Without bothering to hide his evident dislike of the president, Lavanga set up an adversarial relationship between Trump and the Pope, telling the pontiff that while he is a bridge-builder, Trump is threatening to build walls.
It seems that the president also has opinions and decisions different from you in other areas, for example regarding the need to act against global warming or concerning the acceptance of migrants, Lavanga continued. So, on the vigil of your meeting with him, what opinions have you formed of the policies that President Trump has adopted on these issues and what do you expect from a meeting with a head of state that appears to think and act the opposite of you?
Carefully sidestepping the minefield planted by the journalist, Pope Francis said it would be imprudent of him to judge someone he hasnt yet met.
I never form a judgment of a person without first listening to him, and I believe that I shouldnt do so, the Pope replied. In speaking between ourselves, things will come out: I will say what I think; he will say what he thinks. But I have never, ever wanted to form a judgment without hearing someone out.
The Pope seemed in part to be walking back a comparable conversation from a year ago, where another journalist caught him by using a similar subterfuge.
On that occasion, while Trump was still just a candidate for the Republican nomination, Reuters journalist Phil Pullella drew a verbal caricature of Trump as a family-dividing ogre who was prepared to deport 11 million illegal immigrants. After hearing the description, the Pope famously responded that a man who only thinks of building walls is no Christian.
The papal spokesman subsequently had to clarify the Popes words, saying his comments werent a personal attack or an instruction on how to vote.
Since then, whenever a journalist has asked the Pope to comment on Trump, he has always responded by counseling prudence and giving the president a chance to prove himself.
On Trumps inauguration day last January, Pope Francis warned against rash judgments of the new President Donald Trump.
The interviewer from the Spanish daily El Pas told the Pope that the whole world is tense over the election of President Trump, calling him a xenophobe filled with hatred for foreigners.
The Pope said that the new president deserved to be judged by his actions, not by prophecies of what he may or may not do.
I think that we must wait and see, Francis said. I dont like to get ahead of myself nor judge people prematurely. We will see how he acts, what he does, and then I will have an opinion.
The Pope said it is most unwise to be afraid of something that might happen. It would be like prophets predicting calamities or windfalls that dont take place. We will see. We will see what he does and then evaluate, he said. I prefer to wait and see.
In Saturdays in-flight press conference, NBCs Claudio Lavanga pressed the Pope further, repeating his question of how he would face a head of state with ideas in opposition to his (it should be mentioned that no journalist thought to ask the Pope this question regarding his meetings with Vladimir Putin, Ral Castro, Evo Morales or Barack Obama).
Once again, the Pope deftly parried the attack, counseling bridge-building rather than throwing up a wall.
There are always doors that arent closed, Francis said. We have to look for doors that are at least ajar, to pass through and speak of things we agree on and move forward from there. Step by step.
Peace is a work in progress, built day by day, he continued. And so is friendship between people, mutual understanding and esteem: they are built up every day. Respect for the other, saying what one thinks, but with respect, walking together Someone may see things in a certain way: that should be said, being very clear in what each one thinks.
Not giving up, Lavanga insisted one last time. So you think that he will soften his positions afterward?
To which the Pope responded: That is a political calculus that I would not allow myself to make. Even in the religious sphere, I am no proselytizer.
Despite Lavangas portrayal of the two leaders as polar opposites, in point of fact, the Pope and the President have a fair amount of common ground to build onarguably more than if Hillary Clinton had been elected.
Both leaders oppose abortion and euthanasia, defend religious liberty and conscientious objection, emphasize job creation, support the traditional family, and have spoken out strongly in defense of persecuted Christians in the Middle East and elsewhere.
Even on the question of immigration, Pope Francis asserted in January that every country has the right to control its borders, especially where the risk of terrorism exists. Here it is not so much a question of immigration vs. no-immigration, but legal immigration vs. illegal immigration.
In the end, the Pope is also aware that U.S. Catholics voted for Trump by a margin of 52 to 45 per cent. Both men represent something larger than themselves.
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Pope Francis Confounds Liberal Media, Refuses to Dis Trump - Breitbart News
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