Daily Archives: March 12, 2017

Readers Write (March 12): Fishing fees, teacher shortages, urban/rural divide and culture, Uber discounts and … – Minneapolis Star Tribune

Posted: March 12, 2017 at 8:40 pm

Since the late 1950s, when my stepdad and I fished what later became the Boundary Waters, I have been an avid outdoorsman and fisher; thus, I feared I would take a significant step down in quality of these experiences when I moved to St. Louis in 1998. I was wrong. From home, I was 50 minutes from Boundary Waters-like experiences, wading a clear, spring-fed stream in the Ozarks, casting for smallmouths, which, though smaller than most in Minnesota, were as feisty; and although I didnt catch walleye or northerns, I did catch rainbow and brown trout bigger than most Minnesota specimens, and large crappies and sunnies. I recently moved back to Minnesota and, after reading in the Star Tribune about proposed fishing license fee increases, thought I would cost comparison, state vs. state, these experiences.

Last year in Missouri, being over 65, I paid nothing for a resident fishing license, just $7 for trout. In Minnesota, I would pay $22, though if 90 (past my life expectancy), I would also be able to fish free (thank you) plus $10 for trout. In Minnesota, I can fish with one line and two over ice. In Missouri, I once calculated that, between pole, jug and trot, I could fish with 23 lines (plus two hands for noodling). And its easier to fish in Missouri. One page in that states fishing regulations book lists all license fees; in Minnesotas, its three pages. Missouris regs book is 48 pages; Minnesotas, 92. Now, Missouri has few natural lakes but many reservoirs and fishable ponds, and though Minnesota, with 12,000-plus lakes, has more fishing opportunities, its probably worthwhile to put all this in perspective.

William Pilacinski, Blaine

TEACHER SHORTAGES

So theyre flaming out. The question, then, is: Why?

The March 5 article on teacher shortages in Minnesota with emphasis on the metro area was interesting, alarming to a point and woefully short of information. The information included the numbers of teaching vacancies posted last month for special education, science and math (more than 200). Statistics included 46 percent leaving the profession since 2008, 15 percent leaving after year one and a three-year retention rate of 55 percent for St. Paul schools. Not a strand of information about why teachers are leaving the profession other than use of the term flaming out. Good solutions require good problem definition. Until the Minnesota Department of Education and the Legislature take a good look at why teachers leave the profession, I would imagine their solutions will be ineffective. Thats a shame for a state that used to be a net exporter of well-qualified teachers.

Alan Briesemeister, Delano

As a former student in a special education teaching program, I believe there is more to the deficit in qualified teachers than stringent licensing requirements. I lost interest in a career as a public school educator once I actually spent time in a classroom. When 15 percent of new teachers leave after one year, we need to look at the education system as a whole.

Our public schools are designed like factories, rather than being a reflection of the communities they serve. Million-dollar, state-of-art facilities with the latest in technology are not what our teachers or children need to succeed. Strict schedules, one-size-fits-all curriculum and an emphasis on indoor work is not helping our national test scores surpass those of other countries, especially Finland. Finnish classrooms emphasize play, creativity, outdoor learning and the arts, according to Timothy D. Walker, an American teacher who moved to Finland and runs the Taught by Finland website.

Minnesota has options for private or charter schools offering a different learning focus, including Montessori programs and arts-focused schools like Da Vinci Academy. However, for new teachers who want a job, these smaller, private programs may not be geographically or financially feasible, or even be hiring. Why cant our public schools evolve? We should be empowering teachers to creatively form their own learning spaces, rather than focusing on fulfilling bureaucratic testing goals. Our kids need art class more than iPads, outdoor learning more than technology, and play time more than work sheets. Lets encourage our local public schools to be more open to hiring teachers who passionately implement different learning tools and unique ideas, rather than alienating those who cant (or wont) conform.

Danielle Wiener, Stacy, Minn.

URBAN/RURAL DIVIDE

At least us country mice know how to dress at the theater

The March 5 commentary Bridging our city mouse/country mouse divide contained some very interesting points. I would question who the hayseeds are, though.

My wife and I, residents of West Central Minnesota, attended The King and I on a recent Saturday night at the beautiful Orpheum Theatre in downtown Minneapolis. We felt overdressed. My wife wore a dress, and I wore a sport coat with a tie. I saw two other ties on men in a crowd of approximately 2,000.

After the play, we noticed some people on the sidewalk taking selfies with the marquee in the background. These hayseeds had dresses and sport coats on and were obviously excited to be at a high-caliber performance.

I wonder what the Lincoln Center touring company thought when they looked out over the audience and saw stocking caps, bluejeans, T-shirts and tennis shoes. And most of those outfits suggested that the wearer had just left a burning house.

Gordy Wagner, Glenwood, Minn.

UBER

Journalists should steer away from pitching its promotions

Shilling for Uber, as occurred in a short item the March 5 Minnesota section, is not appropriate. While noting the companys expansion is one thing, listing its promotion codes is an entirely different and unethical matter. Especially given an earlier article on Ubers lack of ethics (Uber used its app to identify, block law enforcement, March 4). Star Tribune, please revisit your policies and editing.

Christine Soderling, Eagan

TRUMP AND AYN RAND

She would have adored him, and Democrats are obstructionists

When Democrats made a movie about Republican Ayn Rands book, Atlas Shrugged, it was docile, as expected.

Now Ive read Jennifer Burns We just might miss the heartless Ayn Rand (March 5).

After the first three paragraphs, I was done. They were wrong, wrong and again wrong.

Then, for some inexplicable reason, I started back on it, as she was trying to tie Milo Yiannopoulus into the mix.

Well, Ms. Burns, I think Trump is the absolute capitalist outsider Rand would have loved.

My liberal friends are screaming at me every day that Trump is failing (OK Monday through Friday). Well, he doesnt even have his full Cabinet in place sheesh!

Tell Sen. Al Franken to give Trump some breathing room. How can we possibly evaluate his progress when Franken and Sen. Amy Klobuchar havent even voted in his Cabinet?

Rob Godfrey, St. Louis Park

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Readers Write (March 12): Fishing fees, teacher shortages, urban/rural divide and culture, Uber discounts and ... - Minneapolis Star Tribune

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Libertarians pick Inverness rancher for congressional race – The Spokesman-Review

Posted: at 8:39 pm

SUNDAY, MARCH 12, 2017, 2:42 P.M.

Mark Wicks, standing, addresses Montana Libertarians gathering for their party's nominating convention in Helena, Mont., on Saturday, March 11, 2017. Wicks will represent the Libertarian Party in the May 25 special election to fill the state's vacant congressional seat. (Bobby Caina Calvan / AP)

HELENA Montanas Libertarian Party picked Mark Wicks to be its candidate in the May 25 special election, finalizing the slate to fill the states vacant congressional seat.

The 46-year-old cattle rancher and writer from Inverness will be up against Democrat Rob Quist, a political newcomer, and Republican Greg Gianforte, who unsuccessfully ran for governor last fall.

The Libertarian Party selected Wicks during a nominating convention Saturday in Helena attended by about three dozen people.

Wicks acknowledged the long odds against him.

I know its an uphill battle, he said. I can see where I have a lot of advantages. My party is not fighting with anybody. The other parties are fighting back and forth. Im going to stand up and show that Montana can send somebody back to Washington who can stand up for Montana.

After being nominated, Wicks brushed off questions about his ability to mount a serious campaign. He said he would travel the state to convince voters that his candidacy represents an opportunity to set aside the hyper-partisanship in Washington.

With just $1,000 in the bank, Wicks has little chance of getting the necessary attention from voters across the expansive state.

He said he would draw votes from Republicans and Democrats alike, but rejected that he would act as a spoiler.

He took a jab at Gianforte, a wealthy Bozeman entrepreneur, who Wicks noted has the ability to self-finance his congressional campaign as he did in his bid for governor. And Wicks asserted Quist as out of touch with the philosophical and political convictions of most Montanans.

A tight race between Gianforte and Quist could put Wicks in a position to influence the outcome of the race.

In the 2016 gubernatorial campaign, the Libertarian ticket drew 3 percent of the vote just below the 4 percent margin separating Gianforte and Gov. Steve Bullock, who was re-elected with slightly more than half of all votes cast.

Each candidate has their own ideas about the direction we should take for our country, but Gregs running for Congress to be on Montanas side, said the Republicans spokesman, Shane Scanlon.

Quist said he welcomed Wicks in the race.

Its good for Montanans to have choices in this election and we are confident that Rob Quist will earn Montanans vote as an independent voice for Montana, said Quists spokeswoman, Tina Olechowski.

Quist, a well-known entertainer, stumped for votes in Helena and Butte on Saturday and was scheduled to hold a rally in Polson later in the evening. He was expected to meet with supporters in Whitefish on Monday.

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Libertarians pick Inverness rancher for congressional race - The Spokesman-Review

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The Golden Rule | Our Daily Bread – odb.org

Posted: at 8:39 pm

The concept of The Golden Ruletreat others as you would like to be treatedappears in many religions. So what makes Jesus version of the saying so exceptional?

Its uniqueness lies in a single word, therefore, that signals the generosity of our heavenly Father. Here is what Jesus said: If you then, being evil, know how to give good gifts to your children, how much more will your Father who is in heaven give good things to those who ask Him! Therefore, whatever you want men to do to you, do also to them (Matt. 7:11-12 italics added).

All of us fall short of what we know to be true: We do not love others the way God loves us. Jesus lived out that admirable ethic with perfect love by living and dying for all our sins.

We have a loving, giving Father who set aside His own self-interest to reveal the full measure of His love through His Son Jesus. Gods generosity is the dynamic by which we treat others as we would like to be treated. We love and give to others because He first loved us (1 John 4:19).

Our heavenly Father asks us to live up to His commands, but He also gives us His power and love to carry it out. We need only to ask Him for it.

Heavenly Father, I know that I lack Your patience and mercy and love. Please show Your perfect love through me in some small way today. In Your Son Jesus name I pray.

We have committed The Golden Rule to memory; now let us commit it to life. E. Markham

In the reading today, we see how our Lord emphasized the importance of persistence in prayer. The actual Greek grammar might be better translated as Seek and keep on seeking. Knock and keep on knocking. Ask and keep on asking. Sometimes sincere believers may believe that a sign of faith is to ask God once for a request and never repeat it. But the teachings of the New Testament do not support such a concept. In the parable of the judge and the widow who repeatedly asked him to hear her case, the idea of persistence is central (Luke 18:1-8). As is the case with Job, King David, and other biblical characters, faith is often expressed through repeated prayers and pleading.

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The Golden Rule: Not So Golden Anymore | Issue 74 …

Posted: at 8:38 pm

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Stephen Anderson analyses as he would be analysed.

Pluralism is the most serious problem facing liberal democracies today. We can no longer ignore the fact that cultures around the world are not simply different from one another, but profoundly so; and the most urgent area in which this realization faces us is in the realm of morality. Western democratic systems depend on there being at least a minimal consensus concerning national values, especially in regard to such things as justice, equality and human rights. But global communication, economics and the migration of populations have placed new strains on Western democracies. Suddenly we find we must adjust to peoples whose suppositions about the ultimate values and goals of life are very different from ours. A clear lesson from events such as 9/11 is that disregarding these differences is not an option. Collisions between worldviews and value systems can be cataclysmic. Somehow we must learn to manage this new situation.

For a long time, liberal democratic optimism in the West has been shored up by suppositions about other cultures and their differences from us. The cornerpiece of this optimism has been the assumption that whatever differences exist they cannot be too great. A core of basic humanity surely must tie all of the worlds moral systems together and if only we could locate this core we might be able to forge agreements and alliances among groups that otherwise appear profoundly opposed. We could perhaps then shelve our cultural or ideological differences and get on with the more pleasant and productive business of celebrating our core agreement. One cannot fail to see how this hope is repeated in order buoy optimism about the Middle East peace process, for example.

It seems clear there is some similarity in the various intuitions about moral responsibility that people have had in various times and places around the world. But what could the elusive universal core of the many diverse moralities be? For over a century now, the chief candidate has been the Golden Rule. The Golden Rule, whether articulated as Treat others as you would wish to be treated, or Do unto others as you would have them do unto you, or in any of the other several ways in which it has been stated, is by far the most oft-cited formulation of universal morality. Policy makers declare it. The media repeats it. School textbooks promote it. Many ordinary folks simply believe it. It is generally believed that not only does it appear in all major cultures and religions, but that it can be detected in some submerged form even in moralities that seem only dubiously compatible with it.

A few brief examples will have to suffice: there are simply too many I could list. For example, in A Short Essay on the Golden Rule, ethicist Harry Gensler writes,

The golden rule is endorsed by all the great world religions; Jesus, Hillel, and Confucius used it to summarize their ethical teachings. And for many centuries the idea has been influential among people of very diverse cultures These facts suggest that the golden rule may be an important moral truth.

In fact, Gensler argues that an awareness of the Golden Rule is the most important practical resource for the performance of ethical thinking. Likewise, theologian Wolfhart Pannenberg in When Everything is Permitted (First Things 80), calls this kind of rule of mutuality a basic concept of the natural law. Multiculturalism advocates also proudly cite the Golden Rule as the lynchpin of universal morality: the Scarboro Interfaith Mission presents what it perceives to be Golden Rule variations in twenty-one religious traditions from around the world (see later for some of them). It is also advocated by experts in moral education. For instance, in Moral Education: Theory and Application (eds Berkowitz & Oser, 1985), Thomas Lickona writes,

in a pluralistic society, respect for persons is common moral ground. It is something that all people, regardless of what else they believe, can agree on. Indeed, the best-known expression of the principle of respect the Golden Rule can be found in religions and traditions all over the world.

We can detect the Golden Rule in various forms even in ethical reflection of the most scholarly kind. For instance, it is not hard to see that it re-emerges as essential components of things such as John Rawls veil of ignorance and Jrgen Habermas U principle. Golden Rule Universalism is also commonly disseminated in the press. For instance, we find Heather MacDonald of the Manhattan Institute for Policy Studies announcing in USA Todayfor Oct 23rd, 2006, The Golden Rule and innate human empathy provide ample guidance for moral behavior. She goes on to argue that from these two things essential moral principles are available to people of all faiths or no faith at all.

Thus Golden Rule Universalism is a recurrent theme. Clearly there are large numbers of intelligent people operating under the assumption that something like the Golden Rule provides the essential core of a universal morality. It is hard, then, to fault the ordinary person for believing likewise.

That many people from a variety of situations seem intuitively to have discovered the values articulated by the Golden Rule would seem to imply that the Rule is not the exclusive possession of one culture or of a group of cultures, but taps into a universal moral recognition. At the very least, the Golden Rule seems to address the very widespread tendency to think that morality means equity: that everyone should be treating everyone else in the same way. Perhaps even if we agree upon nothing else, we can be said to agree upon this rule. This might well prove to be our moral salvation in an increasingly complex and conflicted world.

But is it plausible to argue that the Golden Rule or some close variation of it articulates the hidden core of human morality at all times and in all places? In order to answer that, we must look more closely at the Golden Rule itself, especially at the variations it appears in in our major religious and philosophical traditions.

It becomes obvious immediately that no matter how widespread we want the Golden Rule to be, there are some ethical systems that we have to admit do not have it. In fact, there are a few traditions that actually disdain the Rule. In philosophy, the Nietzschean tradition holds that the virtues implicit in the Golden Rule are antithetical to the true virtues of self-assertion and the will-to-power. Among religions, there are a good many that prefer to emphasize the importance of self, cult, clan or tribe rather than of general others; and a good many other religions for whom large populations are simply excluded from goodwill, being labeled as outsiders, heretics or infidels.

Humanist George Bernard Shaw also had no affection for the Rule. He famously (and paradoxically) quipped, The Golden Rule is that there is no golden rule. Shaw believed that to assert any universal moral principle was to deprive the individual of the chance to form his or her own morality.

Therefore, there are some views of morality that simply exclude the Golden Rule. But perhaps it would be unfair to say that this fact alone militates against our belief in the universality of the Golden Rule. Perhaps we can say that although there are marginal traditions that reject the Golden Rule, the bigger and more important traditions embrace it.

So lets consider some articulations of the Golden Rule as it appears in the various major religious traditions, and see how well we can get this last idea to work. Firstly, of course, there is the best-known account of the Golden Rule in the West. Here Jesus says, Do unto others what you would have them do unto you. Below is a list of some other articulations of this idea:

1) Buddhism: Hurt not others in ways that you yourself would find hurtful. (Udana-Varga 5:18)

2) Confucianism: Do not do to others what you do not want them to do to you. (Analects 15:23)

3) Hinduism: This is the sum of duty: do not do to others what would cause pain if done to you. (Mahabharata 5:1517)

4) Humanism: Dont do things you wouldnt want to have done to you. (The British Humanist Society)

5) Islam: None of you [truly] believes until he wishes for his brother what he wishes for himself. (#13 of Imam Al-Nawawis Forty Hadiths.)

6) Jainism: A man should wander about treating all creatures as he himself would be treated. (Sutrakritanga 1.11.33)

7) Judaism: you shall love your neighbor as yourself. (Leviticus 19:18)

8) Zoroastrianism: That nature alone is good which refrains from doing unto another whatsoever is not good for itself. (Dadistan-i-dinik 94:5)

(Quotations selected from the Scarboro Missions list.)

This provides us with a good sample of at least some of the major equivalents of the Golden Rule. Since the wording of each is somewhat different, we can begin by saying that probably the outstanding feature is that they all seem to suggest that there is some kind of relationship between how we ought to treat others and what we would wish for ourselves. Superficially, this might lead us to think these injunctions all amount to the same thing. But look again. Reading carefully, we will note that some of these statements appear in a positive form (Do) and some appear in a negative form (Do not do). Jesus version, plus numbers 5, 6 and 7, might be called positive, whereas all the rest are in the negative form.

Does it make a difference? Some people argue that the two types of versions are functionally the same thing. But they are not. Consider, for instance, that your children are fighting and you say to them, Leave each other alone! This would be the negative commandment. On the other hand, Be nice to your sibling! would be the positive commandment. Anyone who has had children (or siblings) will quickly recognize that it is easier to enforce commands in the negative (ie not to do things) than it is to enforce commands in the positive (ie to do something).

This difference is substantial, and we can see how it works out in practice. If we have only a negative duty, an obligation to avoid harming people, that can be construed as imposing minimal obligations. We simply are not allowed to do anything actively harmful anything additional is left to our discretion. In fact, the negative version may be fulfilled (if we wish to construe it that way) simply by ignoring our neighbor, for as long as we are not directly implicated in his harm, we have not transgressed the negative version of Golden Rule ethics.

This negative version of the Golden Rule is particularly minimal if we happen to be among those millions of people in the world who believe that a persons lot in life, even his suffering, is caused by fate or karma: to not do harm might then mean that we have a duty to leave him alone. Perhaps we might think it is in his ultimate best interest to suffer, and thereby to achieve his penance, enlightenment, or moksha. To be sure, we might not see things this way, and we might decide to help the sufferer. But and here is the key point under the negative version of the Golden Rule we would have no obligation to help him.

The positive version of the Golden Rule has somewhat different implications. Under it, we would be obliged to help a sufferer, on the assumption that if we ourselves were suffering we would want to be helped. Actually, ultimately the positive version imposes a burden on us to bring others up to whatever standard of well-being we would wish for ourselves. Of the three positive versions we have listed, 6 and 7 make this most clear, but 5 could also imply it.

Inevitably, this points to a supplementary problem. If it is our duty to love our neighbor (version 7) or our brother (version 5), then we might well ask, Who is my neighbor? or Who is my brother? Does it only include people of our own kind who live close to us and with whom we have natural sympathies? Or does it include people who live in distant lands, and whose suffering thus seems remote and unreal? Does it include men and women; children; people of a different tribe or language? Does it include those who deny our cultural or religious traditions? Does it include criminals, the unborn or the physically challenged? Thus one problem with even the positive version of the Golden Rule is that it is escapable depending upon who one identifies as the entitled recipient of the goodwill.

This problem arose when the Christian version was first articulated. A young scholar of the Jewish religious Law approached Jesus and asked him what he would have to do if he was to inherit eternal life. Jesus replied, quoting, among other things, the Judaic Golden Rule. But the passage says that the law student, wishing to justify himself, asked And who is my neighbor? to which Jesus told the famous Good Samaritan parable in reply (see Luke10:29). The problem highlighted by the young scholar is that people can still find an escape-clause from the positive version of the Golden Rule by choosing not to see someone as a neighbor.

Any rule, golden or otherwise, that demands no more than ignoring ones neighbor (ie, the negative version) has a doubtful claim to reflect the essential core of human morality. It would be only marginally better if it were improved to the point that it mandated goodwill only to a select membership, not to the human race at large (ie a limited positive version). Yet perhaps we still have a way to save the Golden Rule. Let us suppose that, as suggested earlier, we eliminated all those peripheral moral systems that reject the Golden Rule outright; and furthermore, that we add the claim (though it seems rather snobbish to say it) that traditions that have only the negative form of the Golden Rule are possessed of only part of the essential core of morality. But perhaps that is fair, and they are capable of taking the next step, and converting to a positive view of the Golden Rule. If, then, we could get all major religious and philosophical traditions to admit the validity of the positive Golden Rule, could we at last say we had discovered a secure core for a universal morality?

That might initially sound plausible. Perhaps we can get people to see that we owe our neighbor whatever we would wish for ourselves. Some Golden Rule advocates call this reciprocity. Reciprocity means equal give and return. It views morality as a balanced equation, in which a person who receives the benefit of a moral action has a responsibility to respond in kind. Such moral treatment of others requires things like being fair, equitable or even-handed. It means Im-okay-if-youre-okay, or you-scratch-my-back-and-Ill-scratch-yours. Reciprocal responsibility between citizens sounds like a pretty good way to run a society, especially a liberal democracy, at first.

However, there are good reasons to suspect reciprocity will not work on its own. Many aspects of society cannot work on simply an equitable give-and-take basis: something higher and much more morally demanding is involved in maintaining a society. Societies require the principle of sacrifice.

This will come as no surprise to anyone who has been married, or who has had children. Marriages simply do not function unless the partners are prepared to make sacrifices without expectation of return, and children certainly cannot be expected to repay the sacrifices parents find it necessary to make in raising them. Those who have been in a serving profession a teacher, a cleric, a doctor, a charity worker, a counselor, or even a politician (sometimes) know that their profession could not continue without what they contribute to the public welfare without expectation of reciprocity. A society cannot survive without the things people do while not demanding that society should equitably repay them. But if reciprocity is not enough to ground a society, we can hardly argue that it represents the essential core of human morality.

No principle of equity would be sufficient to make people see the value of sacrifice. Rather, they need a reason to accept inequity. They must be content to render, for the good of others, things that cannot be returned. The very height of this behavior is the one who, like a soldier in a good cause, lays down his life in order that others may live freely. Such we regard nearly as moral saints.

There is even a level of morality above the level of simple sacrifice. Sacrifice for an acknowledged cause may have some attractions. Yet what about those who make sacrifices for those whom they do not know, or even for those who are, on some level, their enemies? Perhaps we would have to call the principle behind such sacrifices the Platinum Rule, for it seems so far above even the positive articulation of the Golden Rule that most of us find it hard to imagine. Yet its found in our moral traditions; for instance as, You have heard that it was said, Love your neighbor and hate your enemy. But I tell you: Love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you (Matthew 5:43-45.)

I think anyone who views the case objectively must admit that this principle of sacrifice represents a higher moral value than the laissez-faire attitude of the Golden Rule in its negative form, and a higher moral value than the reciprocity principle of its positive form as well. The chief criticism that can be raised against the Platinum Rule is that it requires more than most of us are able to deliver. However, that may say less about the Platinum Rule than about human nature.

Nevertheless, the Platinum Rule has influenced at least one modern political project, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. This aspires to transcend the reciprocal idea of justice, and to orient a solution to the higher values of mercy and forgiveness. Given that injustice and inequality have been so rife in modern history, it may never be possible to restore justice to our world through any principle of reciprocity. In such conditions, the higher principles of the Platinum Rule may offer the only hope, as it did in South Africa.

Several things become apparent even from this brief survey of the Golden Rule:

It is not actually universal.

It has two forms, negative and positive.

The two forms create very different results.

Both forms fall short of requiring the sacrifices society needs.

Neither form represents the highest moral standards.

At this point perhaps I may be accused of having a spoilsport disposition, for casting doubt upon a rule of life so widely celebrated, thus chipping away at a source of common moral optimism. I can only reply that it should be a source of wonder that a belief so open to criticism should be so widely celebrated, adding that optimism is no virtue if glibly invested. If, as I have suggested, we stand in need of a core universal morality upon which we can base liberal democratic social projects, then we would be ill-advised to embrace a counterfeit; for counterfeits notoriously prove unreliable at the crucial moment. Thus the Golden Rule, in either its positive or negative articulations, cannot be the gold standard of moral behavior: it cannot support the things liberal democratic nations need in the 21st Century like consensus on policy, general standards of justice, and a warrant for human rights. First, it is not universal; but even if it is generally reflected in all major cultures, the Golden Rule can still hardly be the core of all morality. It offers little resistance to weak, inconsistent or morally-questionable applications, and it fails to reflect our highest moral standards. Thus we should be concerned about the enthusiasm with which some people tend to embrace something like the Golden Rule as a cure-all for the modern problems of value pluralism; and we should wonder what that tendency tells us about our unwillingness to squarely face the fact that cultures have disharmonious moral styles. It is true that if we could find a universal rule of morality something like the Golden Rule it would help us resolve a great many serious moral and political problems. But the fact remains that the Golden Rule is very clearly not the core of morality, and yet it has been embraced as such nonetheless.

Moreover, whatever advantages to democratic politics may come from Golden Rule universalism, it also has an insidious side. Its subtext is the denial of the unique moral contributions of diverse societies in the name of creating superficial harmony. We may well doubt that people who indwell particular cultural/religious traditions and who have long labored under the impression that they have unique moral positions to contribute to humanity would be happy to hear that they have been wrong, and that their whole heritage can be boiled down to the same thing as everyone elses. We might also have a hard time convincing them that our attitude was not born more of cultural tone-deafness than of tolerance.

The arguments here against Golden Rule universalism are obvious ones. Very clearly, we ought to know better, but we appear to have a strong emotional stake in not knowing better. Our refusal to face this has to be troubling to any rational person, and a source of concern to anyone genuinely interested in pursuing mutual understanding in a pluralistic world.

Stephen L. Anderson 2009

Stephen L. Anderson is a high school teacher, and a PhD candidate in the Philosophy of Education at the University of Western Ontario.

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The Golden Rule: Not So Golden Anymore | Issue 74 ...

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‘Saturday Night Live’ goes after liberal snowflakes with Trump-loving dog – Philly.com (blog)

Posted: at 8:37 pm

Critics often complain that Saturday Night Live, especially this season, has a decided liberal bend. White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer has called the show mean, and President Trump himself has often referred to SNL as totally biased and not funny.

SNL largely stuck to the same script last night, featuring one sketch with Alec Baldwin mocking President Trump's leadership skills and another blasting his daughter, Ivanka. Butthe show also tore into liberals in a skit about scientists that have figured out a way to communicate to a lovable bulldog named Max.

"I like Trump. He's my man," Max tells the shocked scientists, including his owner Helen (portrayed by host Scarlett Johansson), who thinks there must be a glitch.

Theres no glitch. Donald Trump is our president, Max says. He carried the Electoral College fair and square.

As her team of horrified scientists try to fix the problem, Johannson scolds Max, telling him hes just a dumb dog that doesnt know anything.

Excuse me, Helen, but yes I do, Max shoots back. Its that condescending attitude that made people want to vote for Trump in the first place.

You just assume that because Im a Trump supporter that Im a xenophobic racist, Max says, pointing out that Johannson hasnt invited a single black person into their apartment.

Johansson mentions that Maxs best friend is a Chihuahua, and reminds the dog that Trump wants to deport Mexicans.

If Aquino was born here, he has nothing to worry about, Max says. This is a nation of laws.

Upset and angered by Maxs opinion of Trump, cast member Cecily Strong, who played an executive in charge of the project, bluntly tells Johanssons scientist, Youre dog is a monster.

Watch:

"SNL" has done a number of sketches this season that have hit the left. In one, the host of Black Jeopardy is surprised thata white Trump support has a lot in common with the other black contestants. In another,we see liberals in denial over Trumps electionwanting to move into a bubbleprotecting their progressive ideas from other forms of thinking.

There was also a sketch during an episode hosted by David Chappelle, wherewe seewhite New York liberals melt down during election nightas it becomes clear Trump is going to win.

Baldwin returns as Trump, Johansson savages Ivanka on 'SNL' 1:25 PM

'SNL' breaks its normal format to mock Kellyanne Conway's couch photo Mar 5 - 7:14 AM

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Published: March 12, 2017 12:35 PM EDT | Updated: March 12, 2017 8:12 PM EDT

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'Saturday Night Live' goes after liberal snowflakes with Trump-loving dog - Philly.com (blog)

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Trump-loving dog hilariously rips into liberal snowflakes on ‘SNL’ – Mashable

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Mashable
Trump-loving dog hilariously rips into liberal snowflakes on 'SNL'
Mashable
Every dog owner on the planet has imagined this scenario: if my dog could talk, what would it say? "I like Trump. He's my man," apparently. In an adorable guest appearance on Saturday Night Live, Max the dog put on a sci-fi helmet and spoke like people.

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Trump-loving dog hilariously rips into liberal snowflakes on 'SNL' - Mashable

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The Netherlands was once a liberal force for globalization. Has the country lost its way? – Washington Post

Posted: at 8:37 pm

By Afshin Molavi By Afshin Molavi March 12 at 8:08 AM

Afshin Molavi is co-director of the emerge85 Laband a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Instituteof the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies.

AMSTERDAM Tucked away in a side street across from a hip clothing store, a Surinamese restaurant and a marijuana shop selling bongs and cannabis-infused tea, a monument to our global, interconnected economy and our modern way of life is largely ignored by passing tourists, students and locals. Its no exaggeration to say that modern market capitalism was born on this spot on this month, exactly415 years ago, when a trading company known as the Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie the United East India Company was born.

Walk into the silent, empty courtyard of the Dutch East India Company, as it is better-known in English, and you will be taking steps inside the genesis of our modern world. The VOC, as its brand notes on the door, was arguably the worlds first modern multinational company, pioneering the kind of global trade networks that we take for granted today. If we barely bat an eyelash that we have apples from New Zealandat our local grocery store, or spices from India one click away, its partly because of the Dutch East India Companys trading prowess.

The Dutch East India Company drove what has become common to our modern way of life: consumerism. In the process, it also created whole groups of people and regions dependent on exporting goods abroad. In a sense, it lit the fire of modern globalization.The Dutch East India company also anchored Hollands 17th-century golden age, when Amsterdam had become the richest city in the world and European intellectuals from Rene Descartes to John Locke flocked to the city.

Amsterdam spawned the 17th-century Dutch enlightenment, which, as author Russell Shorto persuasively argues in his book Amsterdam: A History of the Worlds Most Liberal City,was a precursor to the enlightenment wave that swept through Europe in the 18th century. That enlightenment, in turn, spawned revolutions against the old order and led ultimately to the creation of a unique experiment in governance: the United States of America. In that sense, the Western world of democracies owes a debt to the Dutch of the 17th century.

Amsterdam had a secret sauce that made it, well, great: state-sanctioned religious tolerance (in an age when that was scarce), innovative and risk-taking entrepreneurs, an incipient individualism, government that invested in trade, and the most sophisticated capital markets known to mankind. (Amsterdams stock market also gave us what Warren Buffet called financial weapons of mass destruction, derivatives.)

All of this matters 415 years laternot purely for academic purposes but because we are, if we believe conservative French presidential hopeful Marine Le Pen, at a defining moment in history, when we are experiencing the end of one world and the birth of a new one. For Le Pen and others hoping for the end of one world, all eyes are on Geert Wilders, the Dutch firebrand anti-Islam populist slated for a strong showing in the parliamentary elections this week.

Wilders has a Trumpian way of dominating the headlines. With provocative tweets and a distinctive mane of bleached blond hair, the leader of the Party for Freedom, or PVV, is riding a wave of anxiety in the Netherlands aimed at political elites, globalization, migrants and what Wilders derisively calls the Islamization of the country. He has also referred to Moroccan scum, and, as the New York Times reports, has been the recipient of financing from U.S. organizations.

Agonized editorials in Europe wonder if famously liberal Netherlands has lost its way or, as this BBC report noted, What happened to liberal Netherlands?

Wilders is channeling an anti-immigrant sentiment and suspicion of Islam shared by at least a third of the country, according to Pew Research albeit maybe not as extreme. In his bombastic and hateful rhetoric, he is, in some senses, an extreme overreaction to famously liberal Netherlands, giving voice to a hinterland (or heartland, depending on your perspective) that sees elites in the capital, the Hague, or cosmopolitan Amsterdam, as out of touch. It has become a familiar story of our era, one that fueled Brexit in Britain and the election of Donald Trump in the United States.

For some two decades, Netherlands, under the guise of multiculturalism, hardly made much of an effort to integrate Muslim and other migrants. Indeed, the phenomenon of black schools composed mostly of children of migrants and white schools of Dutch natives reflects multiculturalism gone wrong. Dutch political leaders today are more strictly enforcing the integration of migrant families, especially those seeking citizenship.

Like most rabble-rousing populists, Wilders offers simple (and frightening) answers to complex matters. To say that the Islamic faith is worse than the Nazi Party is not only outrageous, but also a great insult to the 78 percent of Jews of Holland who died under Nazi rule the highest death rate of European Jewry. Pledging to ban all mosques will incense devout Muslims for sure, but, even more, will alienate the hundreds of thousands of Dutch Muslims who are neither extreme nor particularly devout or mosque-going and are getting along just fine in Dutch society. Identity will once again become a weapon of politics.

In a political season of rising populism, suspicion toward globalization and Muslims, and repudiations of the status quo, the elections in the Netherlands will send a signal to the world about where we are headed next.

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The Netherlands was once a liberal force for globalization. Has the country lost its way? - Washington Post

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Malcolm Turnbull under threat following Liberal’s WA election defeat – Starts at 60

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Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull is facing pressure in the party room to write off any future deals with One Nations following the Liberals crushing defeat in the Western Australian election at the weekend.

The Australian reports Turnbull is refusing to dismiss a similar preference deal with One Nation in the next federal election despite Deputy Leader Barnaby Joyce calling the idea a mistake.

The WA Liberals signed a preference deal with One Nation ahead of the weekend election in the hopes it would deliver them the win.

However, voters protested the move at the ballot box with a dramatic 15.7 primary vote swing against the party.

Finance Minister Mathias Cormann told media the deal was the only way to save seats, but was proved wrong on the day.

It was the first such deal between the two parties, with polling showing increasing support for One Nation around the country.

There have been talks that One Nation could become a major power player in the next federal election, but results from the weekend have thrown the idea into contention.

The party has been marred by in-fighting and scandal since its return, with a number of senators quitting or being forcibly removed.

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Malcolm Turnbull under threat following Liberal's WA election defeat - Starts at 60

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WA Liberal MPs must choose new leader – 9news.com.au

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Colin Barnett said he would move to the backbench if he didn't win a third term as WA premier. (AAP)

Western Australia's Liberal MPs are considering a new leader to replace Colin Barnett after the weekend's crushing election defeat.

Mr Barnett's deputy Liza Harvey is still viewed as the likely successor, but former corrective services minister Joe Francis also wants the job.

However, Mr Francis' electorate of Jandakot is one of the seats still in doubt.

Former corrective services minister Joe Francis could win the top job. (AAP)

The Liberals will have around 13 MPs in the new parliament, and face a tough task making a dent on new Labor government of Mark McGowan over the next four years.

Insiders believe Mr Francis, a tattooed former submariner, can be the "attack dog" to take on new premier Mark McGowan, while Ms Harvey is not seen as feisty enough.

However, she's been widely perceived as Mr Barnett's heir apparent, and is expected to stand.

The West Australian says former mines and small business minister Sean L'Estrange has also been floated as a candidate.

Ex-bank executive and transport minister Dean Nalder has dropped his leadership ambitions, at least for now.

Mr Barnett has said he'll sit on the opposition back bench, but there's speculation the former premier will retire from politics.

One of the confirmed Liberal MPs, Peter Katsambanis, said on Monday he would not be putting his hand up for the job.

He also denied he'd been drunk when he left a 3am voice message on the mobile of Rob Johnson, who quit the party after a falling out with Mr Barnett.

"The motivation was that Rob Johnson didn't have the good grace to call and concede," he told 6PR on Monday.

AAP 2017

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WA Liberal MPs must choose new leader - 9news.com.au

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In liberal Hollywood, a conservative minority faces backlash in the … – Los Angeles Times

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As an Academy Award-winning producer and a political conservative, Gerald Molen has worked in the entertainment business long enough to remember when being openly Republican in Hollywood was no big deal.

In the 90s, it was never really an issue that I had to hide. I was always forthright, recalled the producer, whose credits include Schindlers List and two Jurassic Park movies. It used to be we could have a conversation with two opposing points of view and it would be amiable. At the end, we still walked away and had lunch together.

Those days are largely gone, he said. The acrimony its there. Its front and center.

For the vast majority of conservatives who work in entertainment, going to set or the office each day has become a game of avoidance and secrecy. The political closet is now a necessity for many in an industry that is among the most liberal in the country.

Since the presidential election, some conservatives feel that their political beliefs are more of a career liability than ever even for those traditional Republicans disenchanted by President Trump.

I feel absolutely it has harmed me professionally, said Andrew Klavan, the L.A.-based screenwriter and novelist, and a reluctant Trump supporter. His credits include the 1990 Michael Caine dark comedy A Shock to the System and the novel True Crime, which was made into a movie directed by Clint Eastwood.

Klavan said that producers have called my agent asking, Why would you represent this guy? Anything that lowers your odds is going to hurt.

While no official tally exists, conservatives in the local entertainment industry estimate their numbers could be as high as a few thousand. Thats a small fraction of the nearly 240,000 entertainment-related jobs in the county estimated in the most recent Otis Report on the Creative Economy of the L.A. Region.

Friends of Abe the industrys largest conservative organization alone counts about 2,500 people on its roster, having started a decade ago with just a handful of individuals led by actor Gary Sinise.

The organization, which keeps the identities of its members secret, holds monthly social events as well as lunches for new members. A new member can only join through a recommendation by an existing member. The group doesnt endorse candidates, but does hold speaking events with past guests including Trump, Ted Cruz and Glenn Beck.

Hollywood conservatives are themselves a divided group when it comes to Trump, whose brash style and controversial policies on trade and immigration have alienated many Republicans.

Leaders of Friends of Abe said its members have sharply divergent views on the current president.

There are very conservative people in FOA who are troubled by his rhetoric, said executive director Jeremy Boreing, a filmmaker and self-described Trump skeptic. There are others who are very gung-ho and supportive of him. There are people who are cautiously optimistic and others who are just cautious.

He said it was too early to tell how Trump will affect the organization, but if Hollywood continues to overreact to Trump and toxify peoples professional lives, FOA will grow. We got started under [George W.] Bush, not under Obama. Hollywood was a more pleasant place for conservatives during Obamas tenure because Hollywood was in a good mood.

In casting his vote for Trump, screenwriter Roger L. Simon said it was because he believes Trump can enact change in the country. But the Oscar nominee said he isnt a social conservative. (He said he voted for Moonlight for best picture.)

I think most of the people on the right in Hollywood are on the right for reasons of foreign policy and the economy, said Simon.

Leaders of Friends of Abe said it has a large contingent of below the line talent technicians, artisans, musicians and other crew members who toil far from the limelight.

They fly under the radar, said Stephen Limbaugh, a film composer and a second cousin of conservative radio host Rush Limbaugh. Most dont advertise their political views and lead unpretentious lives. Its mostly beers after work.

But another concentration of conservatives can be found at the opposite end of the Hollywood spectrum: the corner offices of major entertainment companies.

Corporate Hollywood tends to be much more conservative and Republican, said Steve Ross, a professor of history at USC and author of the book Hollywood Left and Right.

That dates back to Louis B. Mayer, the MGM boss who was active in Californias Republican establishment and who would often mix business and politics.

Prominent Republican supporters today include NBCUniversal CEO Steve Burke, former Univision head Jerry Perenchio and producer Jerry Bruckheimer.

Steven Mnuchin, who was national finance chairman of Trump's campaign and is now Treasury Secretary, was a Wall Street executive and film financier whose executive producer credits include American Sniper, Mad Max: Fury Road and Sully.

Talent agency William Morris Endeavor has close ties to Trump. Co-CEO Ari Emanuel, a Democrat, is a friend of the president, having previously worked as his agent, while chief financial officer Chris Liddell recently left the company to become Trumps director of strategic initiatives.

But corporate Hollywood is far from being politically uniform. Rival agency UTA recently protested Trump by canceling its annual Oscars party and holding a pro-immigration street rally. During the recent presidential campaign, a slew of entertainment bosses lined up to give money to Hillary Clinton, including Barry Diller, Haim Saban and ICM Partners Chris Silbermann.

Some believe that deep down, corporate Hollywood is politically agnostic and that profits supersede partisanship.

Where is this liberal Hollywood agenda? The agenda seems to be whatever will entertain mass audiences, said screenwriter Craig Mazin, who has voted Democrat and Republican and now describes himself as a moderate. How could an industry have been successful this long if it was alienating half the country?

Industry insiders say this is especially true in the exhibition industry, which includes the countrys major cinema chains as well as small-town theater owners.

Film buyers are greedy. They want a good performing film, said Ron Rodgers, the retired co-founder of Rocky Mountain Pictures, an independent distributor of conservative and Christian-themed movies.

He said hes had no problems selling his films in blue states, so long as exhibitors think a movie will play well. They will change religions for it.

The same can be said of some studios. Lionsgate, the Santa Monica-based mini-major, has distributed films by left-wing documentarian Michael Moore, including Fahrenheit 9/11. But the company is also behind the most recent documentary by conservative rabble-rouser Dinesh DSouza.

Hillary's America: The Secret History of the Democratic Party was savaged by critics and even earned a Razzie Award for the worst movie of 2016. But it was also the years top-grossing documentary, bringing in more than $13 million theatrically. Lionsgate, which declined to comment, distributed the DVD in the U.S.

DSouza said that since the election, Trump derangement syndrome has set in and that a lot of creative Hollywood is up in arms. That probably doesnt bode well for any conservatives in the industry, especially the ones who are outspoken about Trump.

Numerous actors including Meryl Streep, Samuel L. Jackson and Jessica Chastain have publicly denounced Trumps policies. Alec Baldwin has lampooned Trump several times on Saturday Night Live, while Jimmy Kimmel took swipes at the president while hosting the Oscars.

In such a charged climate, many conservatives in Hollywood keep a low political profile.

Theres a McCarthyism coming from the left, said one prominent TV and movie actor who requested his name not be used for fear of professional repercussions. The actor, who is conservative but not a Trump supporter, said political shouting matches have erupted on the set of one of his shows and that a conservative producer he works with has been shunned by colleagues.

In 30 years of show business, Ive never seen it like this, said the actor. If you are even lukewarm to Republicans, you are excommunicated from the church of tolerance.

(Unless youre a star like Eastwood and Jon Voight, Oscar winners who have openly supported Republican candidates. Voight even spoke during Trumps inauguration festivities: God answered all our prayers... Let us rejoice in knowing that from this time on, we will see a renewed America.)

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Once you reach a certain level of success, its fine, said Michael Medved, the conservative film critic and radio host. It doesnt matter.

For Hollywood conservatives, a Republican in the White House doesnt necessarily herald a golden age of acceptance. In fact, its usually the opposite, said Lionel Chetwynd, the screenwriter and co-founder of Friends of Abe. He said industry liberals doubled down on their resentment toward conservatives during the Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush years.

Today, their anger toward Trump is even more intense. And many hold enough industry power where they can be vicious, said Molen, the Schindlers List producer.

Even so, Molen said he thinks conservatives should stand up for their beliefs.

But I wouldnt flaunt it.

david.ng@latimes.com

@DavidNgLAT

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