Daily Archives: June 21, 2016

Oppression How Is it Defined in Women s History?

Posted: June 21, 2016 at 6:47 am

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Updated February 29, 2016.

Definition: Oppression is a type of injustice. Oppression is the inequitable use of authority, law, or physical force to prevent others from being free or equal. The verb oppress can mean to keep someone down in a social sense, such as an authoritarian government might do in an oppressive society. It can also mean to mentally burden someone, such as with the psychological weight of an oppressive idea.

Feminists fight against the oppression of women. Women have been unjustly held back from achieving full equality for much of human history in many societies around the world. Feminist theorists of the 1960s and 1970s looked for new ways to analyze this oppression, often concluding that there were both overt and insidious forces in society that oppressed women.

These feminists also drew on the work of earlier authors who had analyzed the oppression of women, including Simone de Beauvoir in The Second Sex and Mary Wollstonecraft in A Vindication of the Rights of Woman.

Many common types of oppression are described as isms such as sexism, racism and so on.

The opposite of oppression would be liberation (to remove oppression) or equality (absence of oppression).

In much of the written literature of the ancient and medieval world, we have evidence of women's oppression by men in European, Middle Eastern and African cultures. Women did not have the same legal and political rights as men, and were under control of fathers and husbands in almost all societies.

In some societies in which women had few options for supporting their life if not supported by a husband, there was even a practice of ritual widow suicide or murder. (Asia continued this practice into the 20th century with some cases occurring in the present as well.)

In Greece, often held up as a model of democracy, women did not have basic rights, and could own no property nor could they participate directly in the political system.

In both Rome and Greece, women's very movement in public was limited. There are cultures today where women rarely leave their own homes.

Many cultures and religions justify the oppression of women by attributing sexual power to them, that men must then rigidly control in order to maintain their own purity and power. Reproductive functions -- including childbirth and menstruation, sometimes breast-feeding and pregnancy -- are seen as disgusting. Thus, in these cultures, women are often required to cover their bodies and faces to keep men, assumed not to be in control of their own sexual actions, from being overpowered.

Women are also treated either like children or like property in many cultures and religions. For example, the punishment for rape in some cultures is that the rapist's wife is given over to the rape victim's husband or father to rape as he wishes, as revenge. Or a woman who is involved in adultery or other sex acts outside monogamous marriage is punished more severely than the man who is involved, and a woman's word about rape is not taken as seriously as a man's word about being robbed would be.

Women's status as somehow lesser than men is used to justify men's power over women.

In Marxism, women's oppression is a key issue. Engels called the working woman "a slave of a slave," and his analysis in particular was that oppression of women rose with the rise of a class society, about 6,000 years ago. Engels' discussion of the development of women's oppression is primarily in "The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State," and drew on anthropologist Lewis Morgan and German writer Bachofen. Engels writes of "the world historical defeat of the female sex" when Mother-right was overthrown by males in order to control inheritance of property. Thus, he argued, it was the concept of property that led to women's oppression.

Critics of this analysis point out that while there is much anthropological evidence for matrilineal descent in primal societies, that does not equate to matriarchy or women's equality.

In the Marxist view, the oppression of women is a creation of culture.

Cultural oppression of women can take many forms, including shaming and ridiculing women to reinforce their supposed inferior "nature," or physical abuse, as well as the more commonly acknowledged means of oppression including fewer political, social and economic rights.

In some psychological views, the oppression of women is an outcome of the more aggressive and competitive nature of males due to testosterone levels. Others attribute it to a self-reinforcing cycle where men compete for power and control.

Psychological views are used to justify views that women think differently or less well than men, though such studies don't hold up to scrutiny.

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Oppression How Is it Defined in Women s History?

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The History of Gambling – Complete Gambling History Timeline

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The history of humanity is inextricably linked with the history of gambling, as it seems that no matter how far back in time you go there are signs that where groups of people gathered together gambling was sure to have been taking place. Now we are not going to attempt to track every single twist and turn in the evolution of gambling in this article, but what we are going to do is to pick out some of the most important dates to act as milestones on the road to todays gambling experience.

2300bc

2300bc

While it is almost certain that some forms of betting have been taking place since the dawn of human history, the earliest concrete evidence comes from Ancient China where tiles were unearthed which appeared to have been used for a rudimentary game of chance. The Chinese Book of Songs makes reference to the drawing of wood which suggests that the tiles may have formed part of a lottery type game. We have evidence in the form of keno slips which were used in about 200bc as some sort of lottery to fund state works possibly including construction of the Great Wall of China. Lotteries continued to be used for civic purposes throughout history Harvard and Yale were both established using lottery funds and continue to do so until the present day.

c.500bc

The Greek poet Sophocles claimed that dice were invented by a mythological hero during the siege of Troy, and while this may have somewhat dubious basis in fact, his writings around 500bc were the first mention of dice in Greek history. We know that dice existed far earlier than this, since a pair had been uncovered from an Egyptian tomb from 3000bc, but what is certain is that the Ancient Greeks and Romans loved to gamble on all manner of things, seemingly at any given opportunity. In fact all forms of gambling including dice games were forbidden within the ancient city of Rome and a penalty imposed on those caught which was worth four times the stake being bet. As a result of this, ingenious Roman citizens invented the first gambling chips, so if they were nabbed by the guards they could claim to be playing only for chips and not for real money. (Note that this ruse will not work if attempted at a Vegas casino).

c.800ad

c.800ad

Most scholars agree that the first playing cards appeared in China in the 9th century, although the exact rules of the games they were used for have been lost to history. Some suggest that the cards were both the game and the stake, like trading card games played by children today, while other sources believe the first packs of cards to have been paper forms of Chinese domino. Certainly the cards used at this time bore very little relation to the standard 52 card decks we know today.

1400s

The earliest game still played in casinos today is the two player card game of Baccarat, a version of which was first mentioned as long ago as the 1400s when it migrated from Italy to France. Despite its early genesis, it took hundreds of years and various evolutions to arrive at the game we know today. Although different incarnations of the game have come and gone, the standard version played in casinos all over the world came from Cuba via Britain to the US, with a few alterations to the rules along the way. Although baccarat is effectively more of a spectator sport than a game, it is a feature of just about every casino due to its popularity with high rolling gamblers.

c.1600

c.1600

Some suggest that the earliest forms of blackjack came from a Spanish game called ventiuna (21) as this game appeared in a book written by the author of Don Quixote in 1601. Or was it the game of trente-un (31) from 1570? Or even quinze (15) from France decades earlier? As with all of these origin stories, the inventors of games of chance were rarely noted in the historical annals. The French game of vingt-et-un in the seventeenth century is certainly a direct forefather of the modern game, and this is the game that arrived in the US along with early settlers from France. The name blackjack was an American innovation, and linked to special promotions in Nevada casinos in the 1930s. To attract extra customers, 10 to 1 odds were paid out if the player won with a black Jack of Clubs or Spades together with an Ace of Spades. The special odds didnt last long, but the name is still with us today.

1638

The earliest gambling houses which could reasonably be compared to casinos started to appear in the early 17th century in Italy. For example, in 1638, the Ridotto was established in Venice to provide a controlled gambling environment amidst the chaos of the annual carnival season. Casinos started to spring up all over continental Europe during the 19th century, while at the same time in the US much more informal gambling houses were in vogue. In fact steam boats taking prosperous farmers and traders up and down the Mississippi provided the venue for a lot of informal gambling stateside. Now when we think of casinos we tend to picture the Las Vegas Strip, which grew out of the ashes of the Depression in America.

1796

1796

Roulette as we know it today originated in the gaming houses of Paris, where players would have been familiar with the wheel we now refer to (ironically enough) as the American Roulette wheel. It took another 50 years until the European version came along with just one green zero, and generations of roulette players can be grateful for that. During the course of the 19th century roulette grew in popularity, and when the famous Monte Carlo casino adopted the single zero form of the game this spread throughout Europe and most of the world, although the Americans stuck to the original double zero wheels.

1829

Its hard to pin down the precise origin of poker as with a lot of the games mentioned here, poker seems to have grown organically over decades and possibly centuries from various different card games. Some have pokers antecedents coming from seventeenth century Persia, while others say that the game we know today was inspired by a French game called Poque. What we do know for sure is that an English actor by the name of Joseph Crowell reported that a recognizable form of the game was being played in New Orleans in 1829, so that is as good a date as any for the birth of poker. The growth of the games popularity was fairly sluggish up until world poker tournaments started being played in Vegas in the 1970s. However poker really exploded with the advent of online poker and televised events allowing spectators to see the players hands. When amateur player Chris Moneymaker qualified for and won the 2003 world poker championship after qualifying through online play, it allowed everyone to picture themselves as online poker millionaires.

1891

1891

The first gambling machine which resembled the slots we know today was one developed by Messrs Sittman and Pitt in New York, which used the 52 cards on drum reels to make a sort of poker game. Around the same time the Liberty Bell machine was invented by a Charles Fey in San Francisco. This machine proved much more practical in the sense that winnings could be precisely regulated, and marked the beginning of the real slot game revolution. The fact that some new video slot games still feature bell symbols dates back to this early invention. While early machines spewed out cigars and gum instead of money, the money dispensing versions soon became a staple in bars and casinos around the globe, and when the first video slot was invented in 1976 this paved the way for the online video slots which were to follow.

1910

1910

The United States has always had an up and down relationship with gambling, dating back to when the very first European settlers arrived. Whereas Puritan bands of settlers banned gambling outright in their new settlements, those emigrating from England had a more lenient view of gambling and were more than happy to tolerate it. This dichotomous relationship has continued until now, and in 1910 public pressure led to a nationwide prohibition on gambling. Just like the alcohol prohibition of the same era, this proved somewhat difficult to enforce and gambling continued on in an only slightly discreet manner. The Wall Street Crash and the Great Depression that this spawned in the early 1930s led to gambling being legalized again, as for many this was the only prospect of alleviating the grinding poverty which they suffered through. Although gambling is legal in a number of States today most famously in Las Vegas, Nevada - online gambling is still something of a grey area in the United States. Right now, many international internet casinos are unable to accept American clients, although the signs are that this will change in the near future.

1994

Microgaming is one of the largest casino and slot game developers in the world today, and they are also considered to be pioneers of online gambling. The leap into the world of virtual casinos was taken all the way back in 1994, which in internet terms is kind of like 2300bc! Online gaming was worth over a billion dollars within 5 years, and today is a multibillion dollar industry with over a thousand online casinos and growing. The first live dealer casinos appeared in 2003 courtesy of Playtech, bringing us closer to a hybrid between brick and mortar casinos and the virtual world.

2016

2016

Since New Jersey legalized online gambling in 2011, there has been a boom in the interest people have in it. America has seen a move towards legalizing it state by state, as well as experiencing the rapid rise in mobile gambling. Across the globe, internet users are gradually veering away from their desktops and towards their handheld devices. This is true of online gamblers too, wanting to be able to enjoy their favorite games whilst on the go. The top gambling sites out there have recognized a market and have stepped up to deliver. With a wave of impressive mobile focused online gambling destinations taking the world by storm, it's safe to say that desktops are being left far behind in favour of more mobile alternatives.

What Comes Next?

It is just about as difficult to predict the future for gambling as it is to uncover some of the origins of the gambling games we know so well today. Much of the focus at the moment is on the mobile gaming market, with online casinos scrambling to make more content compatible with the latest hand held devices. Virtual reality technology is just taking its first steps as a commercial proposition, and you can be sure that there will be gambling applications down the road. How would you like to sit around a virtual poker table with a bunch of your friends from all over the world, share a few laughs, try to tell if you can spot a tell-tale facial tick; and all this from the comfort of your home? VR Headsets can make it happen maybe not today, but certainly just a few years down the track if technology continues to advance in bounds and leaps.

And after that? Well who knows, but when it comes to gambling all things are possible.

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The History of Gambling - Complete Gambling History Timeline

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Euthanasia – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Posted: at 6:47 am

This article is about euthanasia of humans. For mercy killings performed on other animals, see Animal euthanasia.

Euthanasia (from Greek: ; "good death": , eu; "well" or "good" , thanatos; "death") is the practice of intentionally ending a life in order to relieve pain and suffering.[1]

There are different euthanasia laws in each country. The British House of Lords Select Committee on Medical Ethics defines euthanasia as "a deliberate intervention undertaken with the express intention of ending a life, to relieve intractable suffering".[2] In the Netherlands and Flanders, euthanasia is understood as "termination of life by a doctor at the request of a patient".[3]

Euthanasia is categorized in different ways, which include voluntary, non-voluntary, or involuntary. Voluntary euthanasia is legal in some countries. Non-voluntary euthanasia (patient's consent unavailable) is illegal in all countries. Involuntary euthanasia (without asking consent or against the patient's will) is also illegal in all countries and is usually considered murder.[4] As of 2006, euthanasia is the most active area of research in contemporary bioethics.[5]

In some countries there is a divisive public controversy over the moral, ethical, and legal issues of euthanasia. Those who are against euthanasia may argue for the sanctity of life, while proponents of euthanasia rights emphasize alleviating suffering, and preserving bodily integrity, self-determination, and personal autonomy.[6] Jurisdictions where euthanasia is legal include the Netherlands, Canada,[7]Colombia, Belgium, and Luxembourg.

Like other terms borrowed from history, "euthanasia" has had different meanings depending on usage. The first apparent usage of the term "euthanasia" belongs to the historian Suetonius, who described how the Emperor Augustus, "dying quickly and without suffering in the arms of his wife, Livia, experienced the 'euthanasia' he had wished for."[8] The word "euthanasia" was first used in a medical context by Francis Bacon in the 17th century, to refer to an easy, painless, happy death, during which it was a "physician's responsibility to alleviate the 'physical sufferings' of the body." Bacon referred to an "outward euthanasia"the term "outward" he used to distinguish from a spiritual conceptthe euthanasia "which regards the preparation of the soul."[9]

In current usage, euthanasia has been defined as the "painless inducement of a quick death".[10] However, it is argued that this approach fails to properly define euthanasia, as it leaves open a number of possible actions which would meet the requirements of the definition, but would not be seen as euthanasia. In particular, these include situations where a person kills another, painlessly, but for no reason beyond that of personal gain; or accidental deaths that are quick and painless, but not intentional.[11][12]

Another approach incorporates the notion of suffering into the definition.[11] The definition offered by the Oxford English Dictionary incorporates suffering as a necessary condition, with "the painless killing of a patient suffering from an incurable and painful disease or in an irreversible coma",[13] This approach is included in Marvin Khol and Paul Kurtz's definition of it as "a mode or act of inducing or permitting death painlessly as a relief from suffering".[14] Counterexamples can be given: such definitions may encompass killing a person suffering from an incurable disease for personal gain (such as to claim an inheritance), and commentators such as Tom Beauchamp and Arnold Davidson have argued that doing so would constitute "murder simpliciter" rather than euthanasia.[11]

The third element incorporated into many definitions is that of intentionality the death must be intended, rather than being accidental, and the intent of the action must be a "merciful death".[11] Michael Wreen argued that "the principal thing that distinguishes euthanasia from intentional killing simpliciter is the agent's motive: it must be a good motive insofar as the good of the person killed is concerned."[15] Similarly, Heather Draper speaks to the importance of motive, arguing that "the motive forms a crucial part of arguments for euthanasia, because it must be in the best interests of the person on the receiving end."[12] Definitions such as that offered by the House of Lords Select Committee on Medical Ethics take this path, where euthanasia is defined as "a deliberate intervention undertaken with the express intention of ending a life, to relieve intractable suffering."[2] Beauchamp and Davidson also highlight Baruch Brody's "an act of euthanasia is one in which one person... (A) kills another person (B) for the benefit of the second person, who actually does benefit from being killed".[16]

Draper argued that any definition of euthanasia must incorporate four elements: an agent and a subject; an intention; a causal proximity, such that the actions of the agent lead to the outcome; and an outcome. Based on this, she offered a definition incorporating those elements, stating that euthanasia "must be defined as death that results from the intention of one person to kill another person, using the most gentle and painless means possible, that is motivated solely by the best interests of the person who dies."[17] Prior to Draper, Beauchamp and Davidson had also offered a definition that includes these elements. Their definition specifically discounts fetuses in order to distinguish between abortions and euthanasia:[18]

"In summary, we have argued... that the death of a human being, A, is an instance of euthanasia if and only if (1) A's death is intended by at least one other human being, B, where B is either the cause of death or a causally relevant feature of the event resulting in death (whether by action or by omission); (2) there is either sufficient current evidence for B to believe that A is acutely suffering or irreversibly comatose, or there is sufficient current evidence related to A's present condition such that one or more known causal laws supports B's belief that A will be in a condition of acute suffering or irreversible comatoseness; (3) (a) B's primary reason for intending A's death is cessation of A's (actual or predicted future) suffering or irreversible comatoseness, where B does not intend A's death for a different primary reason, though there may be other relevant reasons, and (b) there is sufficient current evidence for either A or B that causal means to A's death will not produce any more suffering than would be produced for A if B were not to intervene; (4) the causal means to the event of A's death are chosen by A or B to be as painless as possible, unless either A or B has an overriding reason for a more painful causal means, where the reason for choosing the latter causal means does not conflict with the evidence in 3b; (5) A is a nonfetal organism."[19]

Wreen, in part responding to Beauchamp and Davidson, offered a six-part definition:

"Person A committed an act of euthanasia if and only if (1) A killed B or let her die; (2) A intended to kill B; (3) the intention specified in (2) was at least partial cause of the action specified in (1); (4) the causal journey from the intention specified in (2) to the action specified in (1) is more or less in accordance with A's plan of action; (5) A's killing of B is a voluntary action; (6) the motive for the action specified in (1), the motive standing behind the intention specified in (2), is the good of the person killed."[20]

Wreen also considered a seventh requirement: "(7) The good specified in (6) is, or at least includes, the avoidance of evil", although as Wreen noted in the paper, he was not convinced that the restriction was required.[21]

In discussing his definition, Wreen noted the difficulty of justifying euthanasia when faced with the notion of the subject's "right to life". In response, Wreen argued that euthanasia has to be voluntary, and that "involuntary euthanasia is, as such, a great wrong".[21] Other commentators incorporate consent more directly into their definitions. For example, in a discussion of euthanasia presented in 2003 by the European Association of Palliative Care (EPAC) Ethics Task Force, the authors offered: "Medicalized killing of a person without the person's consent, whether nonvoluntary (where the person in unable to consent) or involuntary (against the person's will) is not euthanasia: it is murder. Hence, euthanasia can be voluntary only."[22] Although the EPAC Ethics Task Force argued that both non-voluntary and involuntary euthanasia could not be included in the definition of euthanasia, there is discussion in the literature about excluding one but not the other.[21]

Euthanasia may be classified according to whether a person gives informed consent into three types: voluntary, non-voluntary and involuntary.[23][24]

There is a debate within the medical and bioethics literature about whether or not the non-voluntary (and by extension, involuntary) killing of patients can be regarded as euthanasia, irrespective of intent or the patient's circumstances. In the definitions offered by Beauchamp and Davidson and, later, by Wreen, consent on the part of the patient was not considered as one of their criteria, although it may have been required to justify euthanasia.[11][25] However, others see consent as essential.

Euthanasia conducted with the consent of the patient is termed voluntary euthanasia. Active voluntary euthanasia is legal in Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. Passive voluntary euthanasia is legal throughout the U.S. per Cruzan v. Director, Missouri Department of Health. When the patient brings about his or her own death with the assistance of a physician, the term assisted suicide is often used instead. Assisted suicide is legal in Switzerland and the U.S. states of California, Oregon, Washington, Montana and Vermont.

Euthanasia conducted when the consent of the patient is unavailable is termed non-voluntary euthanasia. Examples include child euthanasia, which is illegal worldwide but decriminalised under certain specific circumstances in the Netherlands under the Groningen Protocol.

Euthanasia conducted against the will of the patient is termed involuntary euthanasia.

Voluntary, non-voluntary and involuntary euthanasia can all be further divided into passive or active variants.[26] Passive euthanasia entails the withholding of common treatments, such as antibiotics, necessary for the continuance of life.[2] Active euthanasia entails the use of lethal substances or forces, such as administering a lethal injection, to kill and is the most controversial means. A number of authors consider these terms to be misleading and unhelpful.[2]

According to the historian N. D. A. Kemp, the origin of the contemporary debate on euthanasia started in 1870.[27] Euthanasia is known to have been debated and practiced long before that date. Euthanasia was practiced in Ancient Greece and Rome: for example, hemlock was employed as a means of hastening death on the island of Kea, a technique also employed in Marseilles. Euthanasia, in the sense of the deliberate hastening of a person's death, was supported by Socrates, Plato and Seneca the Elder in the ancient world, although Hippocrates appears to have spoken against the practice, writing "I will not prescribe a deadly drug to please someone, nor give advice that may cause his death" (noting there is some debate in the literature about whether or not this was intended to encompass euthanasia).[28][29][30]

The term "euthanasia" in the earlier sense of supporting someone as they died was used for the first time by Francis Bacon (1561-1626). In his work, Euthanasia medica, he chose this ancient Greek word and, in doing so, distinguished between euthanasia interior, the preparation of the soul for death, and euthanasia exterior, which was intended to make the end of life easier and painless, in exceptional circumstances by shortening life. That the ancient meaning of an easy death came to the fore again in the early modern period can be seen from its definition in the 18th century Zedlers Universallexikon:

The concept of euthanasia in the sense of alleviating the process of death goes back to the medical historian, Karl Friedrich Heinrich Marx, who drew on Bacon's philosophical ideas. According to Marx, a doctor had a moral duty to ease the suffering of death through encouragement, support and mitigation using medication. Such an "alleviation of death" reflected the contemporary Zeitgeist, but was brought into the medical canon of responsibility for the first time by Marx. Marx also stressed the distinction between the theological care of the soul of sick people from the physical care and medical treatment by doctors.[32][33]

Euthanasia in its modern sense has always been strongly opposed in the Judeo-Christian tradition. Thomas Aquinas opposed both and argued that the practice of euthanasia contradicted our natural human instincts of survival,[34] as did Francois Ranchin (15651641), a French physician and professor of medicine, and Michael Boudewijns (16011681), a physician and teacher.[29]:208[35] Other voices argued for euthanasia, such as John Donne in 1624,[36] and euthanasia continued to be practised. In 1678, the publication of Caspar Questel's De pulvinari morientibus non subtrahend, ("On the pillow of which the dying should not be deprived"), initiated debate on the topic. Questel described various customs which were employed at the time to hasten the death of the dying, (including the sudden removal of a pillow, which was believed to accelerate death), and argued against their use, as doing so was "against the laws of God and Nature".[29]:209211 This view was shared by many who followed, including Philipp Jakob Spener, Veit Riedlin and Johann Georg Krnitz.[29]:211 Despite opposition, euthanasia continued to be practised, involving techniques such as bleeding, suffocation, and removing people from their beds to be placed on the cold ground.[29]:211214

Suicide and euthanasia became more accepted during the Age of Enlightenment.[35]Thomas More wrote of euthanasia in Utopia, although it is not clear if More was intending to endorse the practice.[29]:208209 Other cultures have taken different approaches: for example, in Japan suicide has not traditionally been viewed as a sin, as it is used in cases of honor, and accordingly, the perceptions of euthanasia are different from those in other parts of the world.[37]

In the mid-1800s, the use of morphine to treat "the pains of death" emerged, with John Warren recommending its use in 1848. A similar use of chloroform was revealed by Joseph Bullar in 1866. However, in neither case was it recommended that the use should be to hasten death. In 1870 Samuel Williams, a schoolteacher, initiated the contemporary euthanasia debate through a speech given at the Birmingham Speculative Club in England, which was subsequently published in a one-off publication entitled Essays of the Birmingham Speculative Club, the collected works of a number of members of an amateur philosophical society.[38]:794 Williams' proposal was to use chloroform to deliberately hasten the death of terminally ill patients:

That in all cases of hopeless and painful illness, it should be the recognized duty of the medical attendant, whenever so desired by the patient, to administer choloroform or such other anaesthetic as may by-and-bye supersede chloroform so as to destroy consciousness at once, and put the sufferer to a quick and painless death; all needful precautions being adopted to prevent any possible abuse of such duty; and means being taken to establish, beyond the possibility of doubt or question, that the remedy was applied at the express wish of the patient.

The essay was favourably reviewed in The Saturday Review, but an editorial against the essay appeared in The Spectator.[27] From there it proved to be influential, and other writers came out in support of such views: Lionel Tollemache wrote in favour of euthanasia, as did Annie Besant, the essayist and reformer who later became involved with the National Secular Society, considering it a duty to society to "die voluntarily and painlessly" when one reaches the point of becoming a 'burden'.[27][39]Popular Science analyzed the issue in May 1873, assessing both sides of the argument.[40] Kemp notes that at the time, medical doctors did not participate in the discussion; it was "essentially a philosophical enterprise... tied inextricably to a number of objections to the Christian doctrine of the sanctity of human life".[27]

The rise of the euthanasia movement in the United States coincided with the so-called Gilded Age, a time of social and technological change that encompassed an "individualistic conservatism that praised laissez-faire economics, scientific method, and rationalism", along with major depressions, industrialisation and conflict between corporations and labour unions.[38]:794 It was also the period in which the modern hospital system was developed, which has been seen as a factor in the emergence of the euthanasia debate.[41]

Robert Ingersoll argued for euthanasia, stating in 1894 that where someone is suffering from a terminal illness, such as terminal cancer, they should have a right to end their pain through suicide. Felix Adler offered a similar approach, although, unlike Ingersoll, Adler did not reject religion. In fact, he argued from an Ethical Culture framework. In 1891, Alder argued that those suffering from overwhelming pain should have the right to commit suicide, and, furthermore, that it should be permissible for a doctor to assist thus making Adler the first "prominent American" to argue for suicide in cases where people were suffering from chronic illness.[42] Both Ingersoll and Adler argued for voluntary euthanasia of adults suffering from terminal ailments.[42] Dowbiggin argues that by breaking down prior moral objections to euthanasia and suicide, Ingersoll and Adler enabled others to stretch the definition of euthanasia.[43]

The first attempt to legalise euthanasia took place in the United States, when Henry Hunt introduced legislation into the General Assembly of Ohio in 1906.[44]:614 Hunt did so at the behest of Anna Hall, a wealthy heiress who was a major figure in the euthanasia movement during the early 20th century in the United States. Hall had watched her mother die after an extended battle with liver cancer, and had dedicated herself to ensuring that others would not have to endure the same suffering. Towards this end she engaged in an extensive letter writing campaign, recruited Lurana Sheldon and Maud Ballington Booth, and organised a debate on euthanasia at the annual meeting of the American Humane Association in 1905 described by Jacob Appel as the first significant public debate on the topic in the 20th century.[44]:614616

Hunt's bill called for the administration of an anesthetic to bring about a patient's death, so long as the person is of lawful age and sound mind, and was suffering from a fatal injury, an irrevocable illness, or great physical pain. It also required that the case be heard by a physician, required informed consent in front of three witnesses, and required the attendance of three physicians who had to agree that the patient's recovery was impossible. A motion to reject the bill outright was voted down, but the bill failed to pass, 79 to 23.[38]:796[44]:618619

Along with the Ohio euthanasia proposal, in 1906 Assemblyman Ross Gregory introduced a proposal to permit euthanasia to the Iowa legislature. However, the Iowa legislation was far broader in scope than that offered in Ohio. It allowed for the death of any person of at least ten years of age who suffered from an ailment that would prove fatal and cause extreme pain, should they be of sound mind and express a desire to artificially hasten their death. In addition, it allowed for infants to be euthanised if they were sufficiently deformed, and permitted guardians to request euthanasia on behalf of their wards. The proposed legislation also imposed penalties on physicians who refused to perform euthanasia when requested: a 612 month prison term and a fine of between $200 and $1000. The proposal proved to be controversial.[44]:619621 It engendered considerable debate and failed to pass, having been withdrawn from consideration after being passed to the Committee on Public Health.[44]:623

After 1906 the euthanasia debate reduced in intensity, resurfacing periodically but not returning to the same level of debate until the 1930s in the United Kingdom.[38]:796

The Voluntary Euthanasia Legalisation Society was founded in 1935 by Charles Killick Millard (now called Dignity in Dying). The movement campaigned for the legalisation of euthanasia in Great Britain.

In January 1936, King George V was given a fatal dose of morphine and cocaine in order to hasten his death. At the time he was suffering from cardio-respiratory failure, and the decision to end his life was made by his physician, Lord Dawson.[45] Although this event was kept a secret for over 50 years, the death of George V coincided with proposed legislation in the House of Lords to legalise euthanasia. The legislation came through the British Volunteer Euthanasia Legalisation Society.[46]

Euthanasia opponent Ian Dowbiggin argues that the early membership of the Euthanasia Society of America (ESA) reflected how many perceived euthanasia at the time, often seeing it as a eugenics matter rather than an issue concerning individual rights.[42] Dowbiggin argues that not every eugenist joined the ESA "solely for eugenic reasons", but he postulates that there were clear ideological connections between the eugenics and euthanasia movements.[42]

A 24 July 1939 killing of a severely disabled infant in Nazi Germany was described in a BBC "Genocide Under the Nazis Timeline" as the first "state-sponsored euthanasia".[47] Parties that consented to the killing included Hitler's office, the parents, and the Reich Committee for the Scientific Registration of Serious and Congenitally Based Illnesses.[47]The Telegraph noted that the killing of the disabled infantwhose name was Gerhard Kretschmar, born blind, with missing limbs, subject to convulsions, and reportedly "an idiot" provided "the rationale for a secret Nazi decree that led to 'mercy killings' of almost 300,000 mentally and physically handicapped people".[48] While Kretchmar's killing received parental consent, most of the 5,000 to 8,000 children killed afterwards were forcibly taken from their parents.[47][48]

The "euthanasia campaign" of mass murder gathered momentum on 14 January 1940 when the "handicapped" were killed with gas vans and killing centres, eventually leading to the deaths of 70,000 adult Germans.[49] Professor Robert Jay Lifton, author of The Nazi Doctors and a leading authority on the T4 program, contrasts this program with what he considers to be a genuine euthanasia. He explains that the Nazi version of "euthanasia" was based on the work of Adolf Jost, who published The Right to Death (Das Recht auf den Tod) in 1895. Lifton writes: "Jost argued that control over the death of the individual must ultimately belong to the social organism, the state. This concept is in direct opposition to the Anglo-American concept of euthanasia, which emphasizes the individual's 'right to die' or 'right to death' or 'right to his or her own death,' as the ultimate human claim. In contrast, Jost was pointing to the state's right to kill.... Ultimately the argument was biological: 'The rights to death [are] the key to the fitness of life.' The state must own deathmust killin order to keep the social organism alive and healthy."[50]

In modern terms, the use of "euthanasia" in the context of Action T4 is seen to be a euphemism to disguise a program of genocide, in which people were killed on the grounds of "disabilities, religious beliefs, and discordant individual values".[51] Compared to the discussions of euthanasia that emerged post-war, the Nazi program may have been worded in terms that appear similar to the modern use of "euthanasia", but there was no "mercy" and the patients were not necessarily terminally ill.[51] Despite these differences, historian and euthanasia opponent Ian Dowbiggin writes that "the origins of Nazi euthanasia, like those of the American euthanasia movement, predate the Third Reich and were intertwined with the history of eugenics and Social Darwinism, and with efforts to discredit traditional morality and ethics."[42]:65

On January 6, 1949, the Euthanasia Society of America presented to the New York State Legislature a petition to legalize euthanasia, signed by 379 leading Protestant and Jewish ministers, the largest group of religious leaders ever to have taken this stance. A similar petition had been sent to the New York State Legislature in 1947, signed by approximately 1,000 New York physicians. Catholic religious leaders criticized the petition, saying that such a bill would "legalize a suicide-murder pact" and a "rationalization of the fifth commandment of God, 'Though Shalt Not Kill.'"[52] The Right Reverend Robert E. McCormick stated that

"The ultimate object of the Euthanasia Society is based on the Totalitarian principle that the state is supreme and that the individual does not have the right to live if his continuance in life is a burden or hindrance to the state. The Nazis followed this principle and compulsory Euthanasia was practiced as a part of their program during the recent war. We American citizens of New York State must ask ourselves this question: 'Are we going to finish Hitler's job?'"[52]

The petition brought tensions between the American Euthanasia Society and the Catholic Church to a head that contributed to a climate of anti-Catholic sentiment generally regarding issues such as birth control, eugenics, and population control.[42]

The petition did not lead to a law.

Historically, the euthanasia debate has tended to focus on a number of key concerns. According to euthanasia opponent Ezekiel Emanuel, proponents of euthanasia have presented four main arguments: a) that people have a right to self-determination, and thus should be allowed to choose their own fate; b) assisting a subject to die might be a better choice than requiring that they continue to suffer; c) the distinction between passive euthanasia, which is often permitted, and active euthanasia, which is not substantive (or that the underlying principlethe doctrine of double effectis unreasonable or unsound); and d) permitting euthanasia will not necessarily lead to unacceptable consequences. Pro-euthanasia activists often point to countries like the Netherlands and Belgium, and states like Oregon, where euthanasia has been legalized, to argue that it is mostly unproblematic.

Similarly, Emanuel argues that there are four major arguments presented by opponents of euthanasia: a) not all deaths are painful; b) alternatives, such as cessation of active treatment, combined with the use of effective pain relief, are available; c) the distinction between active and passive euthanasia is morally significant; and d) legalising euthanasia will place society on a slippery slope,[53] which will lead to unacceptable consequences.[38]:7978 In fact, in Oregon, in 2013, pain wasn't one of the top five reasons people sought euthanasia. Top reasons were a loss of dignity, and a fear of burdening others.[54]

In the United States in 2013, 47% nationwide supported doctor-assisted suicide. This included 32% of Latinos, 29% of African-Americans, and almost nobody with disabilities.[54]

West's Encyclopedia of American Law states that "a 'mercy killing' or euthanasia is generally considered to be a criminal homicide"[55] and is normally used as a synonym of homicide committed at a request made by the patient.[56]

The judicial sense of the term "homicide" includes any intervention undertaken with the express intention of ending a life, even to relieve intractable suffering.[56][57][58] Not all homicide is unlawful.[59] Two designations of homicide that carry no criminal punishment are justifiable and excusable homicide.[59] In most countries this is not the status of euthanasia. The term "euthanasia" is usually confined to the active variety; the University of Washington website states that "euthanasia generally means that the physician would act directly, for instance by giving a lethal injection, to end the patient's life".[60]Physician-assisted suicide is thus not classified as euthanasia by the US State of Oregon, where it is legal under the Oregon Death with Dignity Act, and despite its name, it is not legally classified as suicide either.[61] Unlike physician-assisted suicide, withholding or withdrawing life-sustaining treatments with patient consent (voluntary) is almost unanimously considered, at least in the United States, to be legal.[62] The use of pain medication in order to relieve suffering, even if it hastens death, has been held as legal in several court decisions.[60]

Some governments around the world have legalized voluntary euthanasia but most commonly it is still considered to be criminal homicide. In the Netherlands and Belgium, where euthanasia has been legalized, it still remains homicide although it is not prosecuted and not punishable if the perpetrator (the doctor) meets certain legal conditions.[63][64][65][66]

A survey in the United States of more than 10,000 physicians came to the result that approximately 16% of physicians would ever consider halting life-sustaining therapy because the family demands it, even if they believed that it was premature. Approximately 55% would not, and for the remaining 29%, it would depend on circumstances.[67]

This study also stated that approximately 46% of physicians agree that physician-assisted suicide should be allowed in some cases; 41% do not, and the remaining 14% think it depends.[67]

In the United Kingdom, the pro-assisted dying group Dignity in Dying cite conflicting research on attitudes by doctors to assisted dying: with a 2009 Palliative Medicine-published survey showing 64% support (to 34% oppose) for assisted dying in cases where a patient has an incurable and painful disease, while 49% of doctors in a study published in BMC Medical Ethics oppose changing the law on assisted dying to 39% in favour.[68]

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victimless crimes – Southeast Missouri State University

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Victimless Crimes

Carol A. Veneziano, Ph.D., Professor, Southeast Missouri State University, cveneziano@semo.edu

A victimless crime is an illegal act that involves consenting adults and lacks a complaining participant (Schur, 1965). Such acts have been defined as illegal, but there is no victim that claims to have been harmed; either no harm has occurred, or if harm has occurred to those involved, it is negated because its willing participants have given informed consent to the activity (Stitt, 1988). Victimless crimes are also sometimes referred to as public order offenses. Although there has been some disagreement over which crimes are victimless, five of the most commonly identified victimless crimes are gambling, drug use, pornography, prostitution, and homosexuality. Additionally, abortion is sometimes referred to as a victimless crime, although this classification has been highly controversial (Brown, Esbensen and Geis, 2010). Adultery and fornication might formerly be referred to as victimless crimes, but in most states these acts are no longer crimes (Harcourt, 1999).

Victimless crimes have been the topic of heated debate, primarily centering on the question as to whether these acts ought to be crimes at all. The arguments take several forms. One of the controversies involves the importance of personal freedom versus societys imperative to uphold moral standards. A second issue addresses the problem of the concept of harm. Concerns are raised as to whether victimless crimes are harmful not only to the participants but to others in society, and whether such acts result in negative consequences that might not be immediately apparent. In addition, a final issue is whether attempts to control victimless crimes are helpful or detrimental to the criminal justice system and society in terms of cost effectiveness.

The oldest argument concerning victimless crimes concerns personal freedom. If the individuals involved are consenting adults, they should be free in a democratic society to engage in these behaviors, even if that conduct should be unwise for the individual (Feinberg, 1984). According to this perspective, the government should not be involved in enforcing morality and coercing its citizens to follow particular standards of behavior, thus interfering with their liberty. On the other hand, some scholars have argued that it is important to uphold moral standards in society. Such acts should be against the law because they are wrong (sometimes referred to as legal moralism). If a society does not have standards, there will be chaos. There are acts that are generally regarded as immoral in a culture; a policy that allows such acts would weaken the social cohesion and consensus about appropriate behavior and ultimately lead to the collapse of society (Devlin, 1965).

The second argument against victimless crimes is that they harm no one else, except possibly the individuals involved, who are free to do as they please. Some scholars, however, have argued that participants in these crimes do not hurt only themselves. The offenders families may be hurt, and victimless crimes could even lead to other problems where there are unwilling victims (Meier and Geis, 1997). For example, prostitution and homosexuality might lead to the spread of AIDS. Drug abusers might commit crimes to obtain drugs; pornography, it is argued, leads to the degradation not only of the participants but of women in general. In response, critics of victimless crime laws point out that families are often hurt by many acts a family member could commit, and people generally may engage in acts that are indirectly harmful to others, such as investing unwisely in the stock market, eating fast food that results in medical bills which increase insurance costs, and other practices that are not illegal. The law cannot begin to prohibit so many potentially harmful practices, so it should not forbid other practices that are less socially acceptable.

However, some researchers have indicated that victimless crimes are harmful in ways that do argue for their control and criminalization. The broken windows argument of crime prevention (Wilson and Kelling, 1982) has altered the harm argument significantly. This theory states that if such phenomena as minor disorderly conduct, prostitution, liquor shops, illicit drugs and the sale of pornography go unattended, serious crime will increase in a neighborhood. An area that appears disorderly, (broken windows), is vulnerable to invasion by criminals, thus affecting the quality of lives of its residents and with potentially devastating economic effects. Neighborhoods whose residents believe that they can regulate public behavior by informal controls tend to be areas which discourage potential offenders. On the other hand, areas which appear to tolerate disorder, where no one seems to care or to control the physical environment, tend to encourage other more serious types of crime. Thus disorder and victimless acts should be discouraged so as to protect neighborhoods and residents.

In the 1960s and 1970s, victimless crimes were being decriminalized in many states. As a consequence of the broken windows concept, some places, particularly large cities such as Chicago and New York, have made more aggressive efforts to apprehend those involved in victimless crimes. The rationale for this change in policy has been on the basis that victimless crimes lead to more crime which tends to discourage economic enterprises such as business and tourism, and to interfere with the quality of life of its residents (Harcourt, 1999).

The impact of victimless offenses on other crimes and on community economy has not been well researched. One empirical study was conducted concerning gambling, which has been made legal in many communities as a result of casinos. Analysis found few consistent findings. Crime rates increased significantly in some casino communities, remained relatively stable in others, and decreased in some communities. It was concluded that crime does not inevitably increase when legalized gambling is available, but that the effects of casinos on crime appear to be related to a variety of variables that are not yet well understood (Stitt, Nichols and Giacopassi, 2003). In order to examine the effects of legalization of gambling, as well as other victimless crimes, more empirical studies are clearly needed.

A further issue that has been the focus of considerable debate concerns the impact of victimless crime laws on the criminal justice system. The enforcement of victimless crime laws has been associated with police discretion and increased police corruption, and may also be associated with the violation of civil liberties against citizens (Acuri, Gunn and Lester, 1987). The enforcement of victimless crime laws might also lead its perpetrators to commit other crimes that they would not commit if these victimless acts were legal (for example, if drug use was legal, some perpetrators would not commit property or other crimes to obtain money for their drugs). Additionally the enforcement of victimless crime leads to increased jail populations at considerable cost (Taylor, 2001). Furthermore, there is concern that enforcement of victimless crime laws may divert time and funds for the criminal justice system from other more serious crime and more important issues. Since it is not even the case that police can be particularly effective at enforcing these law, some scholars argue that it is not worthwhile, since there are so many other pressing crime issues (Skolnick, 1978; Barkan, 1997).

Yet another problem is that victimless crime provides revenue for organized crime. Victimless crimes often provide goods and services (such gambling, prostitution, and drugs) for which there is considerable demand. Organized crime has been able to provide these desired commodities, and victimless crimes serve to fund these groups, creating a lucrative market and keeping such groups in business. The argument has been made that organized crime contributes to corruption of criminal justice officials; however, the counterargument has been that there would still be opportunities for corruption even if victimless crimes were legal. Yet, although the goods and services provided might not involve a complaining victim, it is the case that members of organized crime engage in other corrupt and dangerous criminal practices such as loansharking and extortion, thus contributing to the serious and violent crime rates. There are thus arguments both for and against legalization of victimless crimes with respect to the role of organized crime (Kenney and Finckenauer, 1995).

More subtly, the enforcement of victimless crime laws might lead to public disrespect for the law. If citizens believe that such laws are overreaching and interfere with their liberties, this perception might affect their general views of the criminal justice system. These laws are difficult to enforce, since they are usually not even reported, and provide goods and services that are in demand. As such, the laws are likely to be violated, weakening law abiding behaviors. If they are associated with police corruption and organized crime enterprises, negative views of the police and the law again seem likely to result (Skolnick, 1978; Kenney and Finckenauer, 1995).

Furthermore, it has been pointed out that victimless crimes tend to reflect the moral beliefs of the powerful, and as such reflect social inequality. Those citizens who influence lawmaking have tended to be white middle and upper class Protestants, and the laws tend to affect the poor and minorities. There are numerous examples. The temperance movement of the late 1800s and early 1900s was led by white Protestants who considered alcohol a sin and disliked Catholics, immigrants and the poor who used alcohol (Kenney and Finkenauer, 1995). When prostitution laws are enforced, poor streetwalkers are much more likely to be arrested than call girls who cater to richer clients, and prostitutes in general are legally more at risk than their male customers. Gambling by the poor, such as running the numbers has been illegal, but gambling on the stock market or in the casinos is legal (Barkan, 1997). Some drugs, such as tobacco and alcohol, are legal even though they cause harm. Recently drug laws have been criticized as racist, because the penalties have disproportionately affected African Americans, as their incarceration rates have risen dramatically relative to white drug users (Bobo and Thompson, 2006). The homeless tend to be arrested for victimless crimes for acts which actually involve maintaining survival without housing (Fischer, 1988). Given the inconsistencies, the perception can be created that the laws apply only to the powerless, and that victimless crimes are used as surrogates for other political issues concerning class and race (Dombrink, 1993).

A small number of studies of public perceptions of victimless crimes have indicated that the public finds these acts less serious than other types of crimes, ranking them relatively low in terms of crime seriousness (Miethe, 1982; Veneziano and Veneziano, 1993). A religious affiliation and a higher level of religiosity are associated with a stronger condemnation of victimless crime (Koster and Heike, 2009). However, victimless crimes are perceived to be harmful in a number of studies, to self, family and society (Veneziano and Veneziano, 1993; Harcourt, 1999). Other perceptual research has focused on the police. A survey found that police officers differ greatly in their use of discretion and that discretion is most often used for traffic violations and victimless crimes. Another study indicated that police did not view such crimes as a serious problem, and tended to believe that it is futile to attempt to control such acts (Wilson, Cullen, Latessa and Wills, 1985). Research with sheriffs found that they tended to believe that attempts to police public order offenses had a detrimental effect on their departments, but that they were unwilling to decriminalize such these acts (Kincade and Leone, 1993). More research in the area of perceptions would appear to be indicated.

Policies and prosecution of victimless crimes have changed significantly. Despite the debates that have conducted for decades, the trend has been that most victimless crimes have gradually been decriminalized, sometimes referred to as decriminalization drift (Brown, Esbensen and Geis, 2010). Adultery and fornication have been removed from state statutes. Abortion, although still a matter of great controversy, is legal under certain conditions. Gambling, once permitted only in Nevada, is legal today in almost all jurisdictions through lotteries and casinos. Homosexuality, while illegal in some states, is seldom prosecuted; the major issues in recent years have concerned gay marriage and policies concerning military service. Only streetwalker prostitutes, largely powerless and catering to the marginal client, continue to be prosecuted (sporadically) by the criminal justice system (Harcourt, 1999; Brown, Esbensen, and Geis, 2010). On the other hand, drug use, once allowed and even socially acceptable, is now punished much more severely, and increases in prison populations reflect this change in policy. Therefore, the prosecution of victimless crimes also reflects changes in attitudes and moral standards, as well as political factors and social forces, complicating the debate even further.

Victimless crimes highlight a significant number of issues concerning crime, morality and the criminal justice system. More research needs to be conducted in a number of areas, including: (1) perceptions of the public and police concerning various victimless crimes, including perceived seriousness and harm; (2) the impact of victimless crimes on other members of society, including quality of life issues; (3) the potential economic impact of the various victimless acts (both positive and negative), and the community factors that affect economic impact; and (4) further study of the effect of specific acts on police, other members of the criminal justice system, and on organized crime.

It seems unlikely that the debates concerning such acts as homosexuality, prostitution, drug use, gambling and pornography will be resolved. There are not clearly accepted definitions of consensus or harm or offender or victim concerning such acts (de Haan. 1990). The issue of harm is a major point of contention in the debate. It is not clear whether the concept of harm should be confined to the actions of the individuals involved, or whether potential harm to others or society should be a factor, and to what degree. Even then, the question is whether ignoring victimless crime does more harm than good versus prosecuting such acts, as either policy potentially appears to have both positive and negative consequences, for both citizens and the criminal justice system.

SEE ALSO: Prostitution, Gambling, Pornography, Drug Crimes, Homosexuality, Public Order Crimes, Abortion, Crime and Morality, Broken Windows, Decriminalization

References

Arcuri, A., Gunn, M. & Lester, D. (1987). Measuring police discretion. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 64 (3), 774785.

Barkan, S.E. (1997). Criminology: A sociological understanding. Upper Saddle River N.J.: Prentice-Hall.

Bobo, L.D. & Thompson, V. (2006). Unfair by design: The war on drugs, race and the legitimacy of the criminal justice system. Social Research, 73 (2), 445-474.

Brown, S.E. & Esbensen, F. & Geis, G. (2010). Criminology: Explaining crime and its context. New Providence, NJ: Matthew Bender & Company.

De Haan, W. (1990). The Politics of Redress: Crime, punishment and penal abolition. Boston: Unwin Hyman.

Devlin, P. (1965). The Enforcement of Morals. London: Oxford University Press.

Dombrink, J. (1993). Victimless Crimes and the Culture Wars of the 1990s. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 9 (1), 30- 40.

Feinberg, J. (1984). Harm to Self: The moral limits of the Criminal law. New York: Oxford University Press.

Fischer, P. J. (1988). Criminal activity among the homeless: A study of arrests in Baltimore. Hospital & Community Psychiatry, 39 (1), 46-51.

Harcourt , B. (1999). The collapse of the harm principle. Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology, 90 (1), 109-194.

Kenney, D.J. & Finchenauer, J.O. (1995). Organized Crime in America. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co.

Kincade, P. & Leone, M. (1993). Victimizing the system: The sheriffs perspective on public order criminality and criminal justice. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 9 (1), 1529.

Koster, F., & Heike, G. (2009). Shame and Punishment: An International Comparative Study on the Effects of Religious Affiliation and Religiosity on Attitudes to Offending. European Journal of Criminology, 6 (6), 481495.

Meier, R.F. & Geis, G. (1997). Victimless crime? Prostitution, Drugs, Homosexuality, Abortion. Los Angeles: Roxbury Press.

Miethe, T. (1982). Public consensus on crime seriousness. Criminology, 20 (1), 515-526.

Schur, E. (1965). Crimes without Victims: Deviant behavior and public policy. Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Skolnick, J. H. (1978). The legalization of deviance. Criminology, 16 (2), 193208.

Stitt, B. G. (1988). Victimless crime: A definitional issue. Journal of Crime and Justice, 11 (2), 87102.

Stitt, B.G., Nichols, M., & Giacopassi, D. (2003). Does the presence of casinos increase crime? An examination of casino and control communities. Crime and Delinquency, 49 (2), 253-284.

Taylor, R. (2001). Getting tough on crime: What does it mean? Free Inquiry, 21 (3), 3233.

Veneziano, L. & Veneziano, C.A. (1993). Are Victimless Crimes Actually Harmful? Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 9 (1), 114.

Wilson, G., Cullen, F., Latessa, E., & Wills, J. (1985). State Intervention and Victimless Crimes: A Study of Police Attitudes. Journal of Police Science & Administration, 13 (1), 2229.

Wilson, J.Q. & Kelling, G.L. (1982). Broken windows: The police and neighborhood safety. Atlantic 256, 29-38.

Further Readings

Chilton, R. & DeAmicis, J. (1975). Overcriminalization and the measurement of consensus. Sociology & Social Research, 59 (4), 318329.

Cohn, A. (1984). Drugs, crime and criminal justice: State-of-the-art and future directions. Federal Probation, 48 (3), 1324.

Farabee, D, Joshi, V. & Anglin, D. (2001). Addiction careers and criminal specialization. Crime & Delinquency, 47 (2), 196220.

Newman, G. & Trilling, C. (1975). Public Perceptions of Criminal Behavior: A Review of the Literature. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 2 (3), 217236.

Hart, H.L.A. (1963). Law, Liberty, and Morality. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press.

Mill, J.S. (1859). On Liberty. Indianapolis: Library of Liberal Arts.

Suggs, D., Leisure. D., Newton & Irvine (1981). A Qualitative and Quantitative Analysis of the Impact of Nebraskas Decriminalization of Marijuana. Law & Human Behavior, 5 (1), 45-71.

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Liberal Synonyms, Liberal Antonyms – Merriam-Webster

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1 not bound by traditional ways or beliefs Synonyms broad-minded, nonconventional, nonorthodox, nontraditional, open-minded, progressive, radical, unconventional, unorthodox Related Words advanced, contemporary, modern; forbearing, indulgent, large-minded, lenient, permissive, tolerant; extreme; impartial, objective, unbiased Near Antonyms hard, rigid, strict; doctrinal, dogmatic (also dogmatical); bigoted, blinkered, intolerant, narrow-minded; reactionary, unreconstructed Antonyms conservative, conventional, hidebound, nonprogressive, old-fashioned, orthodox, stodgy, traditional

2 being more than enough without being excessive Synonyms abundant, ample, aplenty, bounteous, bountiful, comfortable, cornucopian, galore, generous, plentiful, plenteous, plentyRelated Words extra, supernumerary, surplus; abounding, blooming, overflowing, plump, replete, rich, rife, teeming, wealthy; adequate, enough, sufficient; fat, fecund, fertile, fruitful, luxuriant, prodigal, prolific; copious, fulsome, lavish, profuseNear Antonyms deficient, inadequate, insufficient, lacking, wanting; meager (or meagre), niggardly, stingy; skimpy; least, minimum; light, slight, small; barren, infertile, sterile, unfruitful, unproductiveAntonyms bare, minimal, scant, spare

3 giving or sharing in abundance and without hesitation Synonyms bighearted, bounteous, bountiful, charitable, free, freehanded, freehearted, fulsome, generous, munificent, open, openhanded, unselfish, unsparing, unstintingRelated Words extravagant, handsome, lavish, overgenerous, profuse; altruistic, beneficent, benevolent, hospitable, humanitarian, philanthropic (also philanthropical); big, greathearted, largehearted, magnanimous, openhearted; compassionate, good-hearted, kind, kindly, samaritan, sympatheticNear Antonyms mean, petty, small; frugal, spare, sparing, thrifty; chary, stinting; acquisitive, avaricious, avid, coveting, covetous, desirous, grasping, hoggish, itchy, mercenary, rapacious; begrudging, envious, grudging, resentfulAntonyms cheap, close, closefisted, costive, illiberal [archaic], mingy, miserly, niggardly, parsimonious, penurious, selfish, stingy, stinting, tight, tightfisted, uncharitable, ungenerous

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Liberal Synonyms, Liberal Antonyms - Merriam-Webster

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Liberal, Kansas – City-Data.com

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Zip codes: 67901.

Liberal city income, earnings, and wages data

Estimated median house or condo value in 2013: $89,800 (it was $65,400 in 2000)

Median gross rent in 2013: $651.

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Ancestries: German (11.5%), Irish (4.2%), English (3.9%), United States (3.2%), French (1.8%), Scotch-Irish (1.0%).

Current Local Time: CST time zone

Elevation: 2836 feet

Land area: 11.1 square miles.

Population density: 1,900 people per square mile (low).

5,514 residents are foreign born (25.6% Latin America).

According to our research of Kansas and other state lists there were 42 registered sex offenders living in Liberal, Kansas as of June 21, 2016. The ratio of number of residents in Liberal to the number of sex offenders is 502 to 1.

Median real estate property taxes paid for housing units with mortgages in 2013: $1,495 (1.5%) Median real estate property taxes paid for housing units with no mortgage in 2013: $809 (1.4%)

Nearest city with pop. 50,000+: Amarillo, TX (137.5 miles , pop. 173,627).

Nearest city with pop. 200,000+: Wichita, KS (202.4 miles , pop. 344,284).

Nearest city with pop. 1,000,000+: Dallas, TX (375.8 miles , pop. 1,188,580).

Nearest cities: Tyrone, OK (3.1 miles ), Turpin, OK (3.5 miles ), Kismet, KS (4.1 miles ), Hooker, OK (4.5 miles ), Forgan, OK (4.8 miles ), Plains, KS (4.9 miles ), Moscow, KS (5.0 miles ), Hugoton, KS (5.0 miles ).

Number of permits per 10,000 residents

Latitude: 37.04 N, Longitude: 100.93 W

Daytime population change due to commuting: +843 (+4.1%) Workers who live and work in this city: 7,957 (82.2%)

Area code: 620

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Crime rate in Liberal detailed stats: murders, rapes, robberies, assaults, burglaries, thefts, arson Full-time law enforcement employees in 2014, including police officers: 50 (36 officers).

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Liberal-area historical tornado activity is slightly below Kansas state average. It is 39% greater than the overall U.S. average.

On 5/5/1993, a category F4 (max. wind speeds 207-260 mph) tornado 19.6 miles away from the Liberal city center caused between $500,000 and $5,000,000 in damages.

On 6/6/1951, a category F3 (max. wind speeds 158-206 mph) tornado 0.9 miles away from the city center injured 3 people and caused between $5000 and $50,000 in damages.

On 2/15/1974 at 13:33:49, a magnitude 4.6 (4.5 MB, 4.6 LG, Class: Light, Intensity: IV - V) earthquake occurred 39.8 miles away from the city center On 8/10/2005 at 22:08:22, a magnitude 5.0 (5.0 MB, 4.7 MS, 5.0 MW, Depth: 3.1 mi, Class: Moderate, Intensity: VI - VII) earthquake occurred 212.3 miles away from Liberal center On 6/16/1978 at 11:46:54, a magnitude 5.3 (4.4 MB, 4.6 UK, 5.3 ML) earthquake occurred 277.7 miles away from the city center On 1/3/2007 at 14:34:38, a magnitude 4.6 (4.6 MB, 4.4 MW, 4.4 LG, Depth: 3.1 mi) earthquake occurred 219.0 miles away from the city center On 9/15/1995 at 00:31:33, a magnitude 4.1 (3.8 LG, 4.1 LG, Depth: 3.1 mi) earthquake occurred 124.3 miles away from Liberal center On 9/5/2001 at 10:52:07, a magnitude 4.5 (4.5 LG, Depth: 3.1 mi) earthquake occurred 203.7 miles away from the city center Magnitude types: regional Lg-wave magnitude (LG), body-wave magnitude (MB), local magnitude (ML), surface-wave magnitude (MS), moment magnitude (MW)

Causes of natural disasters: Floods: 4, Storms: 4, Tornadoes: 3, Winter Storms: 2, Hurricane: 1 (Note: Some incidents may be assigned to more than one category).

Birthplace of: Jerame Tuman - 2005 NFL player (Pittsburgh Steelers, born: Mar 24, 1976), Melvin Sanders - Basketball player, Antonio Hanson - College basketball player (Tulsa Golden Hurricane), Martin Lewis (basketball) - Basketball player, Wayne Angell - Economist.

Political contributions by individuals in Liberal, KS

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Notable locations in Liberal: Liberal Country Club (A), Liberal Wastewater Treatment Plant (B), Liberal Water Plant (C), Seward County Fairgrounds (D), Fairgrounds Speedway (E), Union Pacific Railroad Yard (F), Lowry Industrial Park (G), Sage Industrial Park (H), Village Plaza (I), Mid America Industrial Park (J), Willow Tree Golf Course (K), Liberal Municipal Court (L), KZQD - FM (Liberal) (M), Seward County Sheriff's Department (N), Liberal Police Department (O), Seward County Courthouse (P), Seward County Fire Department (Q), Liberal Fire Department Station 3 (R), Liberal Fire Department Station 1 (S), Seward County Sheriff's Department Jail (T). Display/hide their locations on the map

Shopping Centers: Southgate Mall (1), Western Shopping Center (2), Southgate Shopping Center (3), South Ideal Shopping Center (4), Randall Park Mall (5). Display/hide their locations on the map

Churches in Liberal include: Central Christian Church (A), Deliverance Power House Church of God in Christ (B), Iglesia de Cristo Maranatha Elim (C), Latter House Church (D), Risen Glory Church (E), Templo Puerta del Cielo Asambleas de Dios (F), Faith Tabernacle Church (G), Grant Street Church of Christ (H), Church For All Nations - Liberal (I). Display/hide their locations on the map

Cemetery: Liberal Cemetery (1). Display/hide its location on the map

Parks in Liberal include: Redskin Field (1), Bellaire Park (2), Mahuron Park (3), Country Club Acres Park (4), Tower Park (5), Southlawn Park (6), Cooper Park (7), Blue Bonnet Park (8), Harrison Circle Park (9). Display/hide their locations on the map

Tourist attractions: Baker Arts Center (Museums; 624 North Pershing Avenue), Coronado Museum-Dorothy'S House (567 East Cedar Street), Mid-America Air Museum (Cultural Attractions- Events- & Facilities; 2000 West Second Street), Chamber of Commerce (4 Rock Island Road), Tourist Information Center (220 East Pancake Boulevard), Liberal City - Convention & Tourism Information Center- Visitors Information Ce (Tours & Charters; 1 Yellow Brick Road).

Hotels: Kansan Motel (310 East Pancake Boulevard), Super 8 Liberal KS (747 East Pancake Boulevard), Best Western La Fonda Motel (229 West Pancake Boulevard), Motel 9 (230 West Pancake Boulevard), Tumbleweed Motel (488 East Pancake Boulevard), Liberal Inn Restaurant (603 East Pancake Boulevard), SLEEP INN (405 E Pancake Blvd), Branding Iron Club (603 East Pancake Boulevard), Holiday Inn Express Hotel & Suites (1550 North Lincoln Avenue).

Court: Seward County - District Court Clerk (415 North Washington Avenue).

Detailed information about poverty and poor residents in Liberal, KS

Educational Attainment (%) in 2013

School Enrollment by Level of School (%) in 2013

Presidential Elections Results

1996 Presidential Elections Results

2000 Presidential Elections Results

2004 Presidential Elections Results

2008 Presidential Elections Results

2012 Presidential Elections Results

Graphs represent county-level data. Detailed 2008 Election Results

7.93% of this county's 2011 resident taxpayers lived in other counties in 2010 ($28,619 average adjusted gross income)

8.28% of this county's 2010 resident taxpayers moved to other counties in 2011 ($34,275 average adjusted gross income)

Fatal accident count (per 100,000 population)

Most commonly used house heating fuel:

Top Patent Applicants

Total of 4 patent applications in 2008-2016.

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What Is a Liberal – What Is Liberal Bias

Posted: at 6:46 am

The most familiar and influential national party for liberals in the US is the Democratic party.

A few definitions from dictionary.com for the term liberal include:

You'll recall that conservatives favor tradition and generally suspect things that that fall outside traditional views of "normal." You could say, then, that a liberal view (also called a progressive view) is one that is open to re-defining "normal" as we become more worldly and aware of other cultures.

Liberals favor government-funded programs that address inequalities that they view as having derived from historical discrimination. Liberals believe that prejudice and stereotyping in society can hamper the opportunities for some citizens.

Some people would see liberal bias in an article or book that seems sympathetic to and appears to lend support to government programs that assist poor and minority populations.

Terms such as "bleeding hearts" and "tax and spenders" refer to progressives support of public policies that are designed to address perceived unfair access to health care, housing, and jobs.

If you read an article that seems sympathetic to historic unfairness, there could be a liberal bias.

If you read an article that seems critical of the notion of historical unfairness, there could be a conservative bias.

How do you know if a media presentation or book has a liberal bias?

When critics claim that the press is too liberal, they are often basing the claim on the belief that the press is voicing a view that is too far outside outside traditional views (remember that conservatives value tradition) or they are supporting policy that is based on the idea of "fixing" an injustice.

Today some liberal thinkers prefer to call themselves progressives. Progressive movements are those that address injustice to a group that is in the minority. Liberals would say that the Civil Rights Movement was a progressive movement, for example. However, support for Civil Rights legislation was, in fact, mixed when it came to party affiliation.

As you may know, many people were not in favor of granting equal rights to African Americans during the Civil Rights demonstrations in the sixties, possibly because they feared that equal rights would bring about too much change. Resistance to that change wrought violence. During this tumultuous time of change, many pro-Civil Rights Republicans were criticized for being too "liberal" in their views and many Democrats (like John F. Kennedy) were accused of being too conservative when it came to accepting change.

Child labor laws provide another example. It may be hard to believe, but many people in industry resisted the laws and other restrictions that prevented them from putting young children to work in dangerous factories for long hours. Progressive thinkers changed those laws. In fact, the U.S. was undergoing a "Progressive Era" at this time of reform. This Progressive Era led to reforms in industry to make foods safer, to make factories safer, and to make many aspects of life more "fair."

The Progressive Era was one time when government played a large role in the U.S. by interfering with business on behalf of people. Today, some people think the government should play a large role as protector, while others believe that the government should refrain from taking a role. It is important to know that progressive thinking can come from either political party.

Conservatives lean toward the belief that the government should stay out of the business of individuals as much as possible, and that includes staying out of the individual's pocket book. This means they prefer to limit taxes.

Liberals stress that a well-functioning government has a responsibility to maintain law and order, and that doing this is costly. Liberals would lean toward the opinion that taxes are necessary for providing police and courts, ensuring safe transportation by building safe roads, promoting education by providing public schools, and protecting society in general by providing protections to those being exploited by industries.

Conservative thinkers might see bias in an article that expresses a favorable view to taxes or to increasing government spending for initiatives like those mentioned above.

For more information on liberal or progressive values, go to Liberal Politics.

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Liberal – RationalWiki

Posted: at 6:46 am

A liberal tends to champion liberty, individual rights and equality, although it depends on what measures are being taken to realize those rights. Due to this, liberalism can fall under many branches, some even self-contradictory; for instance, classical liberalism favors limiting government action to promote individual rights while social liberalism (aka "progressivism") tends to favor government action to protect individuals. Unlike conservatism, its traditional political opposite, liberalism may be against the status quo, favoring changes to what liberals perceive as a better society.

A lot of liberals believe conservatives are trying to curtail women's reproductive rights, impose religion on society, and preserve and promote corporate power and power for the historically privileged. Some liberals attack conservatives as general-purpose scapegoats for any ills of society as seen from their liberal perspective. (A lot of conservatives do make for an easy target. See Ann Coulter for just one of many examples.)

Europeans typically use the term to describe politics that draw on classical liberalism's basic touchstone of the individual operating in a free market economy, a notion similar to modern libertarianism. These liberals oppose government regulation on the free market to promote flow of goods in the market.

The left-wing in Europe today, however, is closer to the American interpretation of liberal. Most developed countries in the West are more left-wing than the U.S., with government playing a bigger role in general, handling universal health care, work vacations, and comprehensive sex education. The common accusations of socialism in the U.S. would've fallen face-flat in European ears, as several socialist leaders stand a significant chance or have won in elections. Not only this, but Europeans are frequently puzzled why Barack Obama is commonly called a "socialist" by his detractors. (See also ad hominem.)

A prominent example is the United Kingdom's politics. The UK Conservative Party would be called out as "liberals" by Republicans (or "socialists" depending on their mood) in the U.S. They support continuing the NHS while they allow abortions and same-sex marriage. Meanwhile, however, during economic recession, the party proposes spending cuts, something more in line with conservative thought in the States.

In the United States, liberalism is typically used to describe politics on the centre-left side of the political spectrum. Liberals tend to favor equal rights gained by government. For instance, liberals often favor the public option, gay marriage, banning the death penalty, environmentalism, increased government regulation on corporations as well as trade union presence. On other issues, to promote individual freedom, they tend to favor reproductive rights and the separation of church and state, so they may advocate secularism, removing religious symbols in public grounds, and disallowing creationism to be taught at public schools. As a result, the vast majority of liberals vote Democrat, although the party is not solidly on the left. It's probably a lesser of evils option.

The term "liberal" is used rather... liberally in the US, but most American liberals are advocates of social liberalism, which veers centre to centre-left, though it may also refer to advocates of the Third Way (If slightly to the right of social liberals) or social democracy (If slightly to their left) on economics.

Over the past few decades, the GOP has near-successfully framed it as a synonym for "socialist." This is partially due to their use of bullshit scare tactics and partially a legacy from the second Red Scare, when some people with communist sympathies, not wanting to state their affiliation openly, called themselves "liberals" or "progressives" instead. Liberalism is seen as pure evil by the Religious Right and its counterparts overseas; these groups work tirelessly to depict supporters as Satanic monsters, and to make the very word into an insult. (As a possible result of this, fewer people identify themselves as liberal compared to the amounts of self-identified conservatives and moderates, instead identifying themselves with the name of their party.)

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Liberal - RationalWiki

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Financial Independence: The Final Stage of Money Management

Posted: at 6:46 am

This is the last of a five-part series about the stages of personal finance. These stories have intentionally been less polished than most articles at Get Rich Slowly. This is a chance for me to think out loud, to explore an idea with you in an informal way.

In February, I wrote that I was entering the third stage of personal finance. As I made my way out of debt and began to save, I had noticed that many people passed through similar phases of financial development. We took similar steps along the way. In my own journey, the progress looked like this:

Financial Independence is my ultimate goal. Its the state in which I will no longer have to worry about money. I would have enough saved so that I could do whatever I pleased. But what exactly does this mean?

Defining Financial Independence One of the underlying philosophies of this site is that different things work for different people. We each have different goals, different strengths, and different weaknesses. Though Financial Independence is the goal for many Get Rich Slowly readers, we each mean something different by it.

In Yes, You CanAchieve Financial Independence [my review], James Stowers states: No person is free, in an economic sense, who does not have adequate investment income entirely unrelated to work. In other words, Financial Independence means that you earn enough from non-work income to fund your current lifestyle. I think this is the traditional definition of the term.

But the classic Your Money or Your Life offers a little more nuance:

When you are financially independent, the way money functions in your life is determined by you, not by your circumstances. In this way money isnt something that happens to you, its something you include in your life in a purposeful wayFinancial Independence is being free of the fog, fear, and fanaticism so many of us feel about money.

If this sounds like peace of mind, it is. Financial bliss. And if this sounds as unattainable as being rich, it isnt.

[...]

Financial Independence has nothing to do with rich. Financial Independence is the experience of having enough and then someThe old notion of Financial Independence as being rich forever is not achievable. Enough is. Enough for you may be different from enough for your neighbor but it will be a figure that is real for you and within your reach.

Another view of Financial Independence is presented by George Kinder in The Seven Stages of Money Maturity. Kinder argues that when you understand what you want to do with your life, you can make financial choices that reflect your values. In his view, the final two stages of money management are what he calls Vision and Aloha. (Note that Kinders approach contains a spiritual element. He uses language in his definitions that some may find odd.)

With Vision we understand further that money is a conduit through which our souls flow into the world. We have produced as much as we personally need. We discover within us a capacity to reach out farther than we have ever imagined toward meeting the needs of our families and communities. We find no obstacle between what we want to accomplish and what we do.

[...]

Aloha conveys kindness, generosity, at-one-ness, and compassionWe give without expectation of return, understanding that living is giving. We know both the limitations and the power of money, yet money no longer agitates us. We rest calm before it. In that calmness we can serve one another from the natural generosity that lies within and waits to be offered tot he world.

In some ways, Financial Independence is just another term for retirement. Think about it. Most people retire at 60 or 65 because thats when they have enough saved to last the rest of their lives. If they dont have enough saved, they continue working. If they manage to save the money earlier, then they retire earlier. When you retire, youre essentially declaring that you are financially independent.

Moving forward What will Financial Independence, the fourth stage of money management, mean to me? Will it be a purely monetary state in which I have enough investment income to do whatever I like? Will it be the point at which I have enough? Or will it be something deeper, more spiritual, as suggested by George Kinder?

I dont know. In fact, I dont know if Ill ever actually reach this goal. But I intend to stick to the path, working my way through this third stage of personal finance, hoping one day to reach that destination.

Your turn: What does Financial Independence mean to you? If you were financially independent, what would you do? How would it change your life? Is this one of your goals? Why? If not, why not?

GRS is committed to helping our readers save and achieve their financial goals. Savings interest rates may be low, but that is all the more reason to shop for the best rate. Find the highest savings interest rates and CD rates from Synchrony Bank, Ally Bank, and more.

This article is about Planning, Basics, Planning, Retirement

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Minerva Reefs – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Posted: at 6:45 am

The Minerva Reefs (Tongan: Ongo Teleki), briefly de facto independent in 1972 as the Republic of Minerva, are a group of two submerged atolls located in the Pacific Ocean south of Fiji and Tonga. The reefs were named after the whaleship Minerva, wrecked on what became known as South Minerva after setting out from Sydney in 1829. Many other ships would follow, for example the Strathcona, which was sailing north soon after completion in Auckland in 1914. In both cases most of the crew saved themselves in whaleboats or rafts and reached the Lau Islands in Fiji. Of some other ships, however, no survivors are known.

Both North and South Minerva Reefs are used as anchorages by yachts traveling between New Zealand and Tonga or Fiji. While waiting for favourable weather for the approximately 800-mile (1,300km) passage to New Zealand, excellent scuba diving, snorkelling, fishing and clamming can be enjoyed. North Minerva (Tongan: Teleki Tokelau) offers the more protected anchorage, with a single, easily negotiated, west-facing pass that offers access to the large, calm lagoon with extensive sandy areas. South Minerva (Tongan: Teleki Tonga) is in shape similar to an infinity symbol, with its eastern lobe partially open to the ocean on the northern side. Due to the lower reef and large entrance, the anchorage at South Minerva can be rough at high tide if a swell is running. The lagoon also contains numerous coral heads that must be avoided. While presenting an attractive area to wait out harsh weather occurring farther south, the Minerva reefs are not a good place to be when the weather is bad locally. This does not occur often, but it is important to maintain awareness of the situation and put to sea if necessary.

Scuba diving the outside wall drop-offs at the Minerva Reefs is spectacular due to the superb water clarity and extensive coral, fish and other marine life. There are few suspended particles and the visibility is normally in excess of 100 feet (30m) since there is no dry land at high tide. Of particular note are the numerous fan coral formations near the pass at North Minerva and the shark bowl area located by the narrow dinghy pass on the western lobe of South Minerva. The inside of the lagoon at South Minerva is also home to numerous giant clams. Divers at Minerva must be entirely self-sufficient, with their own compressor, and should also be aware that the nearest assistance is a multiple-day boat ride away in Tonga. Due to the vertical drop off and water clarity, divers must watch their depth carefully.

It is not known when the reefs were first discovered but had been marked on charts as "Nicholson's Shoal" since the late 1820s. Capt H. M. Denham of the HMS Herald surveyed the reefs in 1854 and renamed them after the Australian whaler Minerva which collided with South Minerva Reef on 9 September 1829.[1]

The Republic of Minerva was a micronation consisting of the Minerva Reefs. It was one of the few modern attempts at creating a sovereign micronation on the reclaimed land of an artificial island in 1972. The architect was Las Vegas real estate millionaire and political activist Michael Oliver, who went on to other similar attempts in the following decade. Lithuanian-born Oliver formed a syndicate, the Ocean Life Research Foundation, which allegedly had some $100,000,000 for the project and had offices in New York and London. They anticipated a libertarian society with "no taxation, welfare, subsidies, or any form of economic interventionism." In addition to tourism and fishing, the economy of the new nation would include light industry and other commerce. According to Glen Raphael, "The chief reason that the Minerva project failed was that the libertarians who were involved did not want to fight for their territory."[2] According to Reason, Minerva has been "more or less reclaimed by the sea".[3]

In 1971, barges loaded with sand arrived from Australia, bringing the reef level above the water and allowing construction of a small tower and flag. The Republic of Minerva issued a declaration of independence on 19 January 1972, in letters to neighboring countries and even created their own currency. In February 1972, Morris C. Davis was elected as Provisional President of the Republic of Minerva.

The declaration of independence, however, was greeted with great suspicion by other countries in the area. A conference of the neighboring states (Australia, New Zealand, Tonga, Fiji, Nauru, Samoa, and territory of Cook Islands) met on 24 February 1972 at which Tonga made a claim over the Minerva Reefs and the rest of the states recognized its claim.

On 15 June 1972, the following proclamation was published in a Tongan government gazette:

PROCLAMATION

A Tongan expedition was sent to enforce the claim the following day. It reached North Minerva on 18 June 1972. The Flag of the Tonga was raised on 19 June 1972 on North Minerva and on South Minerva on 21 June 1972.[4]

Tongas claim was recognized by the South Pacific Forum in September 1972. Meanwhile, Provisional President Davis was fired by founder Michael Oliver and the project collapsed in confusion. Nevertheless, Minerva was referred to in O. T. Nelson's post-apocalyptic children's novel The Girl Who Owned a City, published in 1975, as an example of an invented utopia that the book's protagonists could try to emulate.

In 1982, a group of Americans led again by Morris C. Bud Davis tried to occupy the reefs, but were forced off by Tongan troops after three weeks. In recent years several groups have allegedly sought to re-establish Minerva. No known claimant group since 1982 has made any attempt to take possession of the Minerva Reefs.

In 2005, Fiji made it clear that they did not recognize any maritime water claims by Tonga to the Minerva Reefs under the UNCLOS agreements. In November 2005, Fiji lodged a complaint with the International Seabed Authority concerning Tonga's maritime waters claims surrounding Minerva. Tonga lodged a counter claim, and the Principality of Minerva micronation claimed to have lodged a counter claim. In 2010 the Fijian Navy destroyed navigation lights at the entrance to the lagoon. In late May 2011, they again destroyed navigational equipment installed by Tongans. In early June 2011, two Royal Tongan Navy ships were sent to the reef to replace the equipment, and to reassert Tonga's claim to the territory. Fijian Navy ships in the vicinity reportedly withdrew as the Tongans approached.[5][6]

In an effort to settle the dispute, the government of Tonga revealed a proposal in early July 2014 to give the Minerva Reefs to Fiji in exchange for the Lau Group of islands.[7] In a statement to the Tonga Daily News, Lands Minister Lord Maafu Tukuiaulahi announced that he would make the proposal to Fiji's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Ratu Inoke Kubuabola. Some Tongans have Lauan ancestors and many Lauans have Tongan ancestors; Tonga's Lands Minister is named after Enele Ma'afu, the Tongan Prince who originally claimed parts of Lau for Tonga.[8]

Area: North Reef diameter about 5.6 kilometres (3.5mi), South Reef diameter of about 4.8 kilometres (3.0mi). Terrain: two (atolls) on dormant volcanic seamounts.

Both Minerva Reefs are about 435 kilometres (270mi) southwest of the Tongatapu Group. The atolls are on a common submarine platform from 549 to 1,097 metres (1,801 to 3,599ft) below the surface of the sea. North Minerva is circular in shape and has a diameter of about 5.6 kilometres (3.5mi). There is a small sand bar around the atoll, awash at high tide, with a small entrance into the flat lagoon with a somewhat deep harbor. South Minerva is parted into The East Reef and the West Reef, both circular with a diameter of about 4.8 kilometres (3.0mi). Around both reefs are two small sandy cays, vegetated by low scrub and some trees[dubious discuss]. Several iron towers and platforms are reported to have stood on the atolls, along with an unused light tower on South Minerva, erected by the Americans during World War II.[citation needed]. Geologically, Minervan Reef is of a limestone base formed from uplifted coral formations elevated by now-dormant volcanic activity.

The climate is basically subtropical with a distinct warm period (DecemberApril), during which the temperatures rise above 32C (90F), and a cooler period (MayNovember), with temperatures rarely rising above 27C (80F). The temperature increases from 23C to 27C (74F to 80F), and the annual rainfall is from 170 to 297 centimeters (67-117 in.) as one moves from Cardea in the south to the more northerly islands closer to the Equator. The mean daily humidity is 80percent.

The Tuaikaepau ('Slow But Sure'), a Tongan vessel on its way to New Zealand, became famous when it struck the reefs on 7 July 1962. This 15-metre (49ft) wooden vessel was built in 1902 at the same yard as the Strathcona. The crew and passengers survived by living in the remains of a Japanese freighter. There they remained for three months in miserable circumstances and several of them died. Finally Captain Tvita Fifita decided to get help. Without tools, he built a small boat from the wood left over from his ship. With this raft, named Malolelei ('Good Day'), he and a few of the stronger crew members sailed to Fiji in one week.

Coordinates: 2338S 17854W / 23.633S 178.900W / -23.633; -178.900

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