Daily Archives: June 21, 2016

Liberalism and Conservatism – Regis University

Posted: June 21, 2016 at 11:19 pm

Dr. Jim L. Riley Regis University Denver, CO

1990

Moderate Ideologies along with moderate political viewpoints may be correctly seen as occupying positions between the more extreme wings of the spectrum. In terms of the extent of power of the State moderate ideologies strike a balance between individual rights, freedoms and obligations and the coercive power of the State to mandate or prohibit certain behaviors by people. This "balanced" view brings forth various implications regarding governmental structure, electoral procedures, the rule of Law, economic concerns, and other important issues present in all organized societies. Likewise considerations regarding time help define the boundaries of moderate ideologies.

Change is inevitable in society, in governmental arrangements and relationships, in leadership, in public policies and throughout the political world. Ideologies of the moderate varieties seek change at a pace that enables progress to occur but neither so fast that the destruction of stability and order in society becomes more likely, nor so slow as to foster stagnation and status quo permanence. Clearly then, there is considerable room for disagreement and dispute over what is the proper balance in all of these concerns. These disputable arenas contribute profoundly to struggles among those who support different moderate ideologies.

Liberalism has occupied an important position in the moderate varieties of political ideologies for well over two centuries. Although its dimensions differ from society to society (where it is permitted to endure), there do exist core elements which can be identified, examined and understood. At the outset let it be noted that common parlance often misapprehends and violates the reality of liberalism. Calling someone a "bleeding heart liberal" is worse than an insult, it is largely meaningless insofar as conveying accurate information. Describing one public policy or another as "liberal" sheds precious little light on the nature of governmental activities.

The first glimmerings of liberalism may be discovered in the expansive political role being sought by increasingly large numbers of individuals and, more significantly, discreet groups of people with identifiable common interests. In the latter part of the 18th Century great forces were at work undermining existing political arrangements in Europe. Whereas the British had been experiencing a gradual expansion of the rights of ordinary citizens as well as the landed nobility as against the Monarch, such forces were largely held in check in France until the Revolution of 1789. Unlike in France the British had no central instrument of oppression such as a centrally controlled standing army ready to do the bidding of the monarch. British liberalism sought not to overthrow the Monarchy but to reign in its powers by expanding the role of the representatives of the people.

Certainly it was John Locke (1632-1704) who best expressed the principles of Liberalism in the British (and American) tradition. His Two Treatises of Government (first published in 1690) constitutes a most important statement on the liberal political philosophy that has so much influenced politics in succeeding centuries. At the center of his writings are basic values that today remain as under girding for the entire liberal view. Government exists to serve the people and community it governs. Its power is limited by concepts of natural rights of individuals and moral or natural law. Among these natural rights was the concept of the right to acquire and dispose of property. "Life, liberty and estate" belonged to individuals quite apart from any grant from society or its instrument Government.

The basic duty of government is to protect the common good and private rights which were seen to be inextricably related if not the same thing. Individuals agree to limits on their behavior by granting to government certain limited powers but only if the government rules on behalf of the common good and in the protection of private rights. For reasons of convenience and mutual benefit people enter into a compact whereby they willingly relinquish some of their freedom of action and in return gain security and stability in their daily lives. As Locke wrote: "Men being, as has been said, by Nature, all free, equal, and independent, no one can be put out of this Estate, and subjected to the Political Power of another, without his own Consent."

The only way whereby any one divests himself of his Natural Liberty, and puts on the bonds of Civil Society is by agreeing with other Men to join and unite into a Community for their comfortable, safe, and peaceable living amongst another, in a secure Enjoyment of their Properties, and a greater Security against any that are not of it. (Locke, Two Treatises of Government, NY: New American Library, 1963, pp.374-75.)

Should government become tyrannical and deviate from this Compact with the people, then the people had the right of revolution to overthrow the government which had broken the Compact. This right of revolution is based solidly on the notion that people may, when confronted with injustice, take actions to bring about basic changes in government. Society and government were separate entities and the dissolution of the latter did not imply the destruction of the former. Governments were bound by laws just as were individuals. Moreover, these laws, could not legitimately violate principles of natural justice; indeed if a contravening of principles of natural justice were was done then the actions of the government were not laws in the true sense of the term.

For Locke principles of natural justice were grounded in a right to own and dispose of property. Debate over what constitutes these principles has continued to the present time. In France the development of liberalism took decidedly different turns. A corrupt and parasitic nobility sought to maintain its grip on power at all costs and with no recognition of the rights of the populace at large. The demand for equality as part of the concept of liberalism was an invitation to complete rejection of the ancien regime and to do so in an uncompromising and violent manner.

A revolution devoted in 1789 to principles of individual rights degenerated by 1793 into the dictatorship of the Jacobins and the accompanying terror of mob rule. At this point in time the ideology supporting the French Revolution became extremist rather than moderate and laid the foundation for the eventual success of Napoleon Bonaparte who offered stability and order in place of the chaos of post-revolutionary France.

Because of common ethnic, cultural, legal, political and even geographic factors, liberal development in the United States initially took more from the British than the French. While the early stages of the American Revolution did borrow heavily from British political thought subsequent development had more in common with the French. Thomas Jefferson certainly was influenced by developments in both countries. The Declaration of Independence written by Jefferson in 1776 contains concepts developed by Locke and others in the British liberal tradition. However, following his tenure as Ambassador to France during the 1780's Jefferson was evidently deeply influenced by French political thought and attempted to channel American liberal political development in directions parallel to those in France. These views contained a greater emphasis on popular control of government, deeply ingrained suspicions of institutionalized power, a decidedly anti-clerical orientation and in general an
almost fanatical faith in the common people and their wisdom.

These initial successes of liberal movements had, as the name itself implies, a fundamental purpose: to liberate people from oppression. While the methods of liberation, as well as the sources of the oppression may be quite different depending on the time and the place in question, liberation is inevitably the fundamental purpose of liberal political thinking and liberal political movements.

To seek such a goal certain assumptions, not necessarily provable, had to be made. Natural rights as expanded upon by Locke is the first of these. As Jefferson wrote, there are "inalienable" rights that each individual has that may not be legitimately denied by government or any other instrument of society. Initially these rights were to be protected primarily from governments whose tendency it was to diminish, ignore or abuse these rights. Restraints on government in the form of Constitutions or other devices were necessary to the goal of individual freedom. Among the early restraints on government were those protecting largely unfettered rights to acquire and dispose of property, both real and personal. These so-called "economic freedoms" were supplemented with a host of political freedoms including rights to express controversial political views and to organize political opposition to the prevailing group in power.

Natural rights and limited government are corollary concepts. The acceptance of one concept necessarily implies acceptance of the other. Whenever there is a parent there is a child; whenever there is a husband there is a wife. Similarly, whenever there is a right belonging to an individual there is a duty on the part of some other entity -- government or person -- to respect and/or protect that right. If people have the right to freely express their ideas then it necessarily follows that government cannot legitimately suppress such expression or punish those who utter unpopular remarks or otherwise offend government officials. Not only is government power to restrain and to punish limited, but government also has the duty to protect those who, because of their unconventional views, may be in danger from non-governmental threats.

In Europe by the late 19th Century and in the United States by the early 20th Century liberalism began to shift its emphasis from protecting individuals from oppressive governments to using government as a device to enable individuals to achieve a more meaningful and rewarding life. Government was seen as a positive force in shaping human affairs and society, but only if it was used properly and controlled by the people. Liberalism had come to recognize that powerful institutions in society had to be controlled and regulated by the instrument of the people if true liberation was to occur.

In particular the growth of vast economic empires in the hey-day of capitalism generated a widely held view that only government could reign in these powerful enterprises and provide the citizenry with the means to deal with them effectively. Rights to form labor unions for the purpose of collective bargaining were among the major liberal goals. Regulations were promulgated regarding safety rules, wages, maximum hours, minimum wages and working conditions generally. The liberal credo thus shifted dramatically from a call for less government to cries for more government but in the name of empowering people to deal effectively with the vast powers of modern society.

Faith in the potential reasonableness and goodness of people runs as another constant thread throughout the liberal ideology. This is not to say that the liberal view rested on the assumption that all people were reasonable and good, but that it is the responsibility of society in general and government in specific, to adopt structures and policies that maximize this potential. Taken to its ultimate conclusion this position reaches the absurdity of a totally rationalistic society where all is planned carefully and with perfect premeditation.

Rationality constitutes a similar if not identical cornerstone of liberal philosophy. This emphasis on mankind's rational potential supports quite well the modern liberal position calling for the use of government to solve social, political and economic problems. Government is viewed as the only representative agent of people capable of bringing to bea both rational problem solving techniques and the authority to carry such policies out at the societal level. Social development ought not to be left to chance but planning and governmental power must be brought to bear on problems that are too large, too intractable, or too complex for the private or non-public sector to deal with effectively and/or equitably.

Capitalism or the free market economy runs counter to this Twenthieth Century version of liberalism. A free market, by definition, is uncontrolled by government and is, therefore, in opposition to the modern liberal emphasis on rational social planning. The original liberal orientation toward freedom from social, economic, religious and governmental institutions fit much more comfortably with capitalism than does the modernist version of liberalism.

It must be remembered that liberalism and capitalism were products of roughly the same period of history: the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Each had as its core the concept of liberation. What were called the "excesses" of capitalism -- massive concentrations of wealth in the hands of a relative few individuals and corporations, urban blight, worker alienation and exploitation, environmental degradation, etc. -- became targets for liberal rationalists.

These social maladies demanded, in the liberal view, governmental remedies. Uncontrolled economic activity was thus viewed as a new form of oppression and thereby in need of regulation, restraint and control by government. The nature and scope of the limits on government have inevitably been and will continue to be a source of never ending debate and disagreement. Students of politics have a never ending dispute over what constitutes the proper balance between necessary governmental power and restraints needed to protect individual rights.

In general, the Twenthieth Century liberal view has been to stress the need for governmental restraints in the "political" realm such as freedoms of expression, but to seek expansive governmental powers in "economic" and "social" arenas in the name of protecting the disadvantaged and powerless groups who otherwise find themselves at the mercies of entrenched institutions criticized for running roughshod over hapless and helpless adversaries. Corporations must be controlled. The economy must be regulated. Moneyed interests must be tightly restricted. Private discrimination against individual members of minority groups that have been traditionally borne the brunt of societal bigotry must be outlawed and vigorously pursued by governmental agents. Thus, governments must be selectively limited in this modern liberal view.

The initial liberal concept that the government which governs least, governs best has been discarded by liberals and, ironically, claimed, at least in part, by conservatives. Government itself, in the liberal view, must be popularly controlled and directed. While modern liberal purists might opt for direct democracy in which each adult member of the citizenry takes a personal hand in making policies, the existence of governmental units with populations in the millions makes this impracticable if not undesirable. Even Locke did not support "direct democracy." Indeed, he would have denied the right to vote to the poor unp
ropertied segments of society.

The modern liberal position is that representatives, chosen in freely contested elections permitting universal adult participation, should act in the name of and on behalf of the people. Majority rule through popularly elected representatives is imperative for a legitimate government to exist. People would be morally obliged to follow the limited dictates of the majority dominated government but only if its policies observed the rights of the people.

One of the most important political rights is that of the minority to criticize government polices and to try and become the majority. Minority rights are part of the concept of majority rule in the liberal view. The nature of these rights is subject to change over time as has been seen. Change in society is warmly embraced by liberal supporters. A brighter day can be obtained by combining the various precepts discussed above. Society is constantly evolving. Thoughtful and responsible people should nurture and guide this process in the name of human liberation and progress. That which exists is not sacred nor perfect. Nothing is protected by divine intervention. Through careful analysis, using mankind's rational capabilities institutions, beliefs, and values can be consciously shaped and molded to produce a better world.

In summary, liberalism has embraced several fundamental but imprecise elements. Moreover, at different points in history the liberal ideology has emphasized different aspects of its basic principles. Those elements which have appeared as fundamental to liberalism may be seen as: 1. the idea of a compact between the people and their government 2. the right of revolution if the compact is violated 3. natural rights as belonging to all people 4. faith in and support of human rational potential 5. limited powers of government 6. majority rule tempered by minority rights 7. support of change in society

Frederich Hegel's (1770-1831) view was that the process of dialectics constitutes the mechanism by which ideas change. Out of each thesis (or idea) necessarily arises an anti-thesis (or challenging idea) which inevitably becomes a synthesis of the two. Whether this is indeed the driving force in human intellectual development may never be known, but the development of conservatism bears a close resemblance to this process.

Whereas liberalism sought to liberate mankind from oppressive institutions (be they governments, religious institutions, oppressive social customs and traditions, or vast economic enterprises), conservatism developed as a reaction to what was perceived as dangerous tendencies within the liberal movements toward radicalism and a wholesale rejection of the past as valuable. There was and is an element within conservatism that holds the past in reverence and views with skepticism most change, particularly if it was planned change. If, however, conservatism means nothing more than a rationale' justifying the maintenance of the status quo then it cannot be correctly adjudged an ideology for it would be content neutral. Conservatism could, in that instance, be used to support political systems ranging from democratic to communist to fascist to anarchistic.

A closer examination of conservatism does reveals a more meaningful doctrine than merely conserving that which exists. Whereas liberalism embraces societal and governmental change as both necessary and desirable, conservatism does indeed adopt a much more doubtful view of the desirability of altering proven institutions and societal values. Respect for authority, custom, and tradition permeate a conservative value system. In particular, changes in the moral ordering of society are seen as very suspicious and probably harmful. Aside from this ingrained suspicion of change there are at rock bottom values within the conservative tradition that remain constant.

Once again it is an Englishman who first expounded the moderate political doctrine in question. Edmund Burke (1729-97) did not create conservatism but as Locke did for liberalism, became its most eloquent spokesman and advocate. In numerous pamphlets this scholar-politician put on paper what was to become the anti-thesis to liberalism run riot (in Burke's view). Throughout his long and lustrous career within the British political system Burke expressed a profound admiration for the success of the British "Glorious Revolution" of 1688-89 in which the Parliament asserted its power as against royal prerogatives.

The Bill of Rights was adopted which limited the power of the Monarch and protected itself from arbitrary royal enactments. His was a passion for justice, sound governmental administration, devotion to religion and unrelenting opposition to tyranny. For over twenty-five years he was the leading intellectual force in Whig party politics in Great Britain. As a Member of Parliament he supported the American independence movement largely on practical grounds. He continuously advocated policies that produced peace and prosperity.

What galvanized Burke most intensely was the French Revolution. In his work Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) ideas were set forth that shaped political thinking down to the present time. His intense opposition to and condemnation of the French Revolution as destructive to French society did irreparable damage to his political career and caused estrangements with old friends. Ultimately the Whig party itself was split asunder over this issue.

Burke had long be reluctant to engage in a discussion of the general principles of his ideas. He initially felt that broad abstractions were to be avoided. The French Revolution, however, forced his basic views out in the open. In his refutation of the justifications of the French Revolution Burke attempted to destroy the logic behind the revolutionist reliance on reason and logic as tools guiding social change. Human beings did have rights, Burke did readily admit, but they were conventional not natural. These rights were organically related to society and could not be divorced from it.

People need to have a sense of belonging to something larger than themselves; something that will endure beyond their own short lives. Base feelings of love and loyalty bind members of society together giving them a sense of purpose that permits and encourages self-sacrifice for the larger purposes of the community. Deep emotional attachment will nurture a sense of duty and responsibility that ultimately produce a better society for all. Society is not held together by abstract principles such as a "social contract" but by people bound together through a sense of history, shared experiences and common beliefs. The role of irrationality in society can be ignored only at the risk of misunderstanding a most important inherent characteristic in all mankind. Human institutions have evolved over time and are not the product of rationally constructed plans of action.

Society is indeed a contract. Subordinate contracts for objects of mere occasional interest may be dissolved at pleasure -- but the state ought to be considered as something far better and more significant "than a partnership agreement in a trade of pepper and coffee, calico or tobacco, or some other such low concern." The State us not to be taken as something of a little temporary interest, and to be dissolved by the fancy of the parties. It is to be looked on with other reverence. . . "It is a partnership in all science; a partnership in all art; a partnership in every virtue, and in all perfection. . . . Each contract of each particular state is but a clause in the great primeval contract of eternal society, l
inking the lower with the higher natures connecting the visible and invisible world, according to a fixed compact sanctioned by the inviolable oath which holds ass physical and all moral natures, each in their appointed place." (Reflections 1790, Works, Vol. II p. 368)In this statement Burke makes little distinction between state and society.

The overall message is crystal clear: that which binds humans together is far more than any commercial contract which is subject to abrogation at will. No well-reasoned rationale' can justify overturning what time immemorial has produced. Moreover, reason running rampant becomes raging radicalism inevitably destined to destroy much of what generations of human experience has produced.

The religious foundations of society almost inexorably come to support conservative political doctrine. Burke himself exhibited a devotion to religion and to the religious foundations of the just state. Government, the State and society in general were all part of a divine order though which God's will exhibits itself. This religious orientation in Burke's conservatism may be found in most, if not all, conservative movements. Regimes that call themselves "Marxist" have been seen to resort to religious-like defenses when confronted with serious challenges. Stalin urged Soviet citizens in the second world war to come to the defense of "Mother Russia." More commonly those espousing a conservative position refer to some "divine" purpose inherent in their society and state. At best this places moral obligations on the state to follow policies that are just and fair (however these terms may be defined). At worst this "divine" purpose becomes a justification for domination of peoples outside the "chosen" ones. Without this religious anchor the development of some "special" social cause or purpose becomes very difficult to maintain.

Just as mankind's need to have some transcendental system of belief in an ordered universe was seen an necessary, so too was a government which emphasized order, custom, and tradition. Order is needed to reign in mankind's ingrained selfish tendencies and proclivity toward savagery. The state, which is the enforcement arm of society, must rule in a strong and resolute manner providing swift, sure and harsh punishment for those who violate the law. Proper respect for the roles and responsibilities of private institutions must be observed by government and support should be provided. Custom and tradition should receive their due for they are the outgrowth of generations of experience. Reverence for that which has stood the test of time is ignored at the risk of instability, disorder and social disintegration. A sense of community that is both broad and deep is needed if long-term adherence to social values is to be obtained. This sense of community is no conscious, voluntary and rational decision that one chooses to accept. Society is no debating group says the conservative.

Moreover, people must feel they are a part of something larger and more important than themselves. Pride in and love for the institutions and traditions of one's society go beyond mere knowledge and willful acceptance of these things. From the earliest childhood and continuing throughout life individuals need to be made a part of the great traditions of his/her people. Accomplishments in the arts and sciences, cherished customs, linguistic uniqueness, religious traditions, economic practices, and especially established human relationships including marriage and family values must be embraced and supported with fervor. Symbols need to be revered and treated with the utmost respect for they represent the very basic elements of society.

The nature of humanity, according to conservative doctrine, is far less admirable than seen in the liberal view. All humans are essential self oriented and in pursuit of their own best interests as they see those interests These irrational drives and self-serving tendencies must be tempered by social control mechanisms that are the outgrowth of centuries of experience. In addition to this selfish characteristic of humans, conservatives believe that the concept of equality is both inaccurate and undesirable. People are not equal in their abilities or value to society. Those who are more able and who contribute more to the well being of their community are deserving of greater rewards. These rewards include not only enhanced material wealth, elevated social status but also a greater role in the governance structure. While traditional conservative doctrine supported the notion of a hereditary aristocracy, modern conservatives support what might be called an aristocracy of talent and morality. Societies leaders should be chosen from those individuals who have by their own talents demonstrated superior abilities through recognized achievements.

But even they cannot properly be given unlimited powers because like all humans they are flawed and cannot be trusted to do what is right. They too must be restrained in their powers by the same institutions and customs operating to maintain stability in society. Just as great societal changes (industrialization, organization, technological innovations, and modernization generally) forced liberalism to alter its stance regarding the proper role of government in economic matters, so too has conservatism changed its position in the face of such great forces. Regarding the important question of the proper relationship between government and the economy conservative doctrine has taken the somewhat ambivalent position of supporting government actions that simultaneously encourage and yet does not control or even closely regulate business activities. This often amounts to a "hands off" policy insofar as government regulation is concerned, but a "helping hand" policy regarding such matters as favorable taxation rates, beneficial tariffs (legislation protecting home business from foreign competition), price supports and countless other schemes.

As liberalism began to espouse the need for increased governmental regulation of business enterprises conservatives, particularly during the depression years in the United States, adopted increasingly anti-regulatory positions. Cries of "creeping socialism" were raised against liberal efforts to increase governmental control over the economy. Aside from questions of economics conservatism has retained, and in recent years emphasized, its original emphasis on maintaining traditional values and institutions. Social maladies that seem to accompany Twentieth Century intensive urbanization (family disintegration, drug and alcohol abuse, soaring street crime rates, and a general loss of a sense of safety) are seen by conservatives as clear evidence of a need to return to basics: faith in God, hope for a better future, love of country and family, instillation of self-discipline in the young, willingness to sacrifice immediate gratification for future goals, industriousness, and a sense of belonging.

Exactly how these values are to be implanted remains controversial even among conservatives but the goal of returning them to their proper place in society drives conservatives to offer a wide range of governmental policies: swift and harsh punishment for criminals, "no frills" education with strict discipline in schools, governmental protection of institutions devoted to maintaining traditional values (including churches), elimination of welfare programs believed to encourage immorality and indolence, expansive (and expensive) military policies ostensibly protecting the home country from foreign threats and a host of other proposals.

In summary, conservatism does con
tain basic beliefs and values beyond a mere mistrust of change. Certain core concepts remain throughout the long spectrum of the conservative ideology. They may be seen as: 1. high value on existing institutions as produced by custom and tradition 2. a belief in mankind's essential base and irrational nature 3. faith in some supernatural force guiding human affairs 4. acceptance of human inequality and the attending consequence of social hierarchy 5. recognition of the need for a sense of community among individuals that will bind them emotionally to their society.

It has been said that no one who has a heart can resist being a liberal and that no one who has a brain can avoid being a conservative. Like most aphorisms this one contains a trace of truth wrapped in a maze of misperceptions. These two political ideologies offer to government leaders, policy makers, and thoughtful citizens a set of guides permitting some semblance of coherent conclusions regarding compelling social, economic and political issues.

Their common features include rejection of radicalism and its attending violent uprooting of established institutions and practices, acceptance of the need for restraints on the powers of government, advocacy of balance in society regarding individual rights and societal powers, and ultimately some root concerns for individual dignity. Most certainly disagreement abounds between the two ideologies when the outlines of such values are given clarity, but support of such basic principles enables supporters of each doctrine to work within the same governmental framework. This agreement to disagree in a civil manner surely constitutes one of mankind's most noble political achievements.

Liberalism and Conservatism - Regis University

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War-On-Drugs.net

Posted: at 11:19 pm

US Admits Failings As Afghan Poppy Output Doubles (And A Staggering 36 Times More Than The Taliban)

by Arianna Huffington, April 2, 2002

In an infuriating blow to reason, logic, fairness, compassion and equal justice, the Supreme Court ruled last week that people living in public housing can be evicted for any drug activity by any household member or guest -- even if the drug use happened blocks away from the housing project and even if the tenant had no inkling that anything illegal was taking place.

Chew on that for a second. The highest judicial body in the land has said --unanimously -- that it's OK to toss people who the court acknowledges are innocent out of their houses for crimes they didn't commit and didn't even know about. The generals in the drug war are getting mighty desperate --and silly.

The justices did not just uphold the constitutionality of the "One Strike and You're Out" eviction policy, first implemented by the Clinton administration in 1996; they also rushed to its defense, calling it "reasonable," "unambiguous" and "not absurd."

But try to tell Pearlie Rucker that the law's not absurd. She was the named defendant in the case the court ruled on, a 63-year-old great-grandmother who found herself and everyone living with her facing eviction when her mentally disabled daughter was caught possessing cocaine -- three blocks away from Rucker's apartment. Or to co-defendant Herman Walker, a disabled 79-year old man, who now stands to lose his home because his full-time health care worker was found with drug paraphernalia in the apartment. You'd think that if the Supremes didn't understand the hardship of poverty, they'd at least understand the hardships of old age.

When the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals had struck down this draconian policy, it ruled that it perverted the intent of the law, which was meant to improve the lives of public housing residents -- not destroy them.

The high court's opinion, written by Chief Justice William Rehnquist no less, tried to buttress its cold-hearted argument by claiming that so-called "no fault" evictions are justified because drug use leads to "murders, muggings, and other forms of violence." But he failed to point out how locking up innocent people solves that. Or what social ills will be avoided by Pearlie and Herman being cast out on their innocent rear ends. Surely even the most brutal and utilitarian calculus would at least balance the cost of punishing so many blameless victims against whatever perceived good is achieved.

But, no, the justices couldn't be bothered. In adopting such one-sided reasoning and hyperbolic "Reefer Madness" rhetoric the Supreme Court is following in the fear-mongering footsteps of the administration, whose latest whacko anti-drug ad campaign tried to draw a link between teenage drug use and violent acts of terrorism.

In reality, two of the four plaintiffs in the case before the court were elderly women whose grandchildren were caught smoking pot in a housing project parking lot. I have a feeling the grandkids were far more interested in the munchies than in murder and mayhem.

The ruling is not only a galling example of drug war lunacy, but also a gut-wrenching reminder of just how differently America treats its rich and its poor. The multi-million dollar homes of Beverly Hills or the Upper East Side of Manhattan have more than their share of kids struggling with drug problems. But as concerned as these kids' parents are, you can bet that their problems are not compounded by the additional worry that the entire family will be tossed out onto the street because their kid is seen smoking a joint three blocks away. Why should we hold poor people to a standard of accountability most of us could never meet?

"A tenant who cannot control drug crime," wrote Justice Rehnquist in the majority opinion, "is a threat to other residents and the project." I wonder if the Chief Justice would apply the same condemnatory logic to Gov. Jeb Bush, who also lives in public housing and was also unable to control his troubled daughter.

Indeed, our political establishment, whether ensconced in plush public housing or not, is filled with people unable to "control drug crime" by a household member. But none of them -- including Sens. Ted Kennedy, Richard Lugar, and Richard Shelby, and Reps. Dan Burton, Spencer Bachus, John Murtha, Duke Cunningham and Maurice Hinchey -- were punished for the sins of their kids. What's more, unlike the thousands of poor and minority drug offenders who have had the book thrown at them, these lawmakers' lawbreaking offspring were frequently granted special treatment.

Take the amazing case of Rep. Burton's son, Dan II, who, in 1994, was arrested for transporting seven pounds of marijuana across state lines with the intent to distribute. He pleaded guilty and received probation, community service and house arrest. Soon after, he was discovered growing 30 pot plants in his apartment but skated on the charges once again -- a federal felony carrying a mandatory-minimum sentence of five years in jail having been miraculously transformed into a state level misdemeanor.

It's not surprising that poor kids are routinely sent to jail while rich kids are given a slap on the wrist and a ticket to rehab, or that poor parents are thrown out of their houses for not knowing what their kids are doing while powerful parents are given our sympathy and understanding. But it is unjust. And isn't that ultimately what the Supreme Court is supposed to be about: dispensing justice?

Since Rehnquist and company were too busy taking hits from their double-standard bong, it's now up to Congress to undo this discriminatory policy. Here's a thought: Why don't Ted Kennedy and Dan Burton call a joint Senate-House hearing on "One Strike and You're Out" no-fault evictions. They can call Jeb Bush, Pearlie Rucker and their respective daughters (one taken to rehab, one taken to jail) as the first witnesses.

Source: http://www.alternet.org/story.html?StoryID=12747

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War-On-Drugs.net

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Ayn Rand – Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

Posted: at 11:19 pm

Ayn Rand, seudnimo de Alisa Zinvievna Rosenbaum (San Petersburgo, Imperio ruso, 2 de febrero de 1905-Nueva York, Estados Unidos, 6 de marzo de 1982), filsofa y escritora estadounidense de origen judo ruso, ampliamente conocida por haber escrito los superventas El manantial y La rebelin de Atlas, y por haber desarrollado un sistema filosfico al que denomin objetivismo.

Rand defenda el egosmo racional, el individualismo y el capitalismo laissez faire, argumentando que es el nico sistema econmico que le permite al ser humano vivir como ser humano, es decir, haciendo uso de su facultad de razonar. En consecuencia, rechazaba absolutamente el socialismo, el altruismo y la religin.

Entre sus principios sostena que el hombre debe elegir sus valores y sus acciones mediante la razn, que cada individuo tiene derecho a existir por s mismo, sin sacrificarse por los dems ni sacrificando a otros para s, y que nadie tiene derecho a obtener valores provenientes de otros recurriendo a la fuerza fsica.[1]

Teniendo la conviccin de que los gobiernos tienen una funcin legtima pero limitada, a Ayn Rand no se le puede confundir con una anarcocapitalista, pudiendo en cambio ser considerada liberal y minarquista, pese a que ella nunca aplic este ltimo trmino para referirse a s misma.

Ayn Rand ( , Alisa Zinvievna Rosenbaum) naci el 2 de febrero de 1905 en San Petersburgo (Imperio ruso), era la mayor de tres hermanos de una familia juda, cuyos padres no eran practicantes de esta religin. Desde muy joven sinti un fuerte inters por la literatura y por el arte cinematogrfico, empezando a escribir novelas y guiones a los siete aos. Ley las novelas de Alejandro Dumas, Walter Scott, entre otros escritores romnticos, y expres un apasionado entusiasmo por el movimiento romntico. Descubri a Vctor Hugo a los trece aos: qued prendada por sus novelas. Aprendi francs gracias a su madre.

Durante sus aos en la escuela secundaria, fue testigo tanto de la Revolucin de Kerensky y la Revolucin Bolchevique en 1917. Para escapar de los combates, su familia se fue a Crimea, donde ella termin la escuela secundaria.

Una vez que su familia regres de Crimea, Ayn Rand se matricul en la Universidad de San Petersburgo para estudiar filosofa e historia. Se gradu en 1924. Como admiradora del cine, se inscribi en 1924 en el Instituto Estatal de Artes Cinematogrficas para aprender a escribir guiones cinematogrficos. Fue en esta poca cuando consigui publicar por primera vez: un folleto sobre la actriz Pola Negri (1925), y un folleto titulado Hollywood: American Movie City (1926); ambos han sido reimpresos en 1999 en los llamados Escritos de Rusia en Hollywood.

A finales de 1925 obtuvo permiso de salir de la Rusia sovitica para visitar a sus familiares en los Estados Unidos. Aunque les dijo a las autoridades soviticas que su visita sera corta, estaba decidida a no regresar nunca a Rusia. Pas los siguientes seis meses con sus parientes en Chicago, obtuvo una prrroga de su visado, y luego continu a Hollywood para seguir la carrera de guionista.

Descubri tambin en la Universidad a Nietzsche, de quien apreciaba mucho su exaltacin de lo heroico y del individuo heroico, aunque aos ms tarde critic fuertemente lo irracional de su filosofa.

Su mayor influencia la recibi de Aristteles, al que consideraba el mayor filsofo del mundo y apreciaba en especial su rganon (Lgica).

Ayn Rand detestaba a Rusia, sobre todo desde la revolucin de 1917, que haba expropiado a su padre su negocio de farmacia y empeorado an ms sus condiciones de vida. Conociendo Nueva York por las pelculas estadounidenses, Ayn Rand tena muy claro que quera emigrar a los Estados Unidos. Aos ms tarde escribi Los que vivimos, un relato de primera mano de esos aos y de la atmsfera de la Rusia de entonces, sobre el cual dijo: Es lo ms cercano a una autobiografa que haya escrito nunca.

A finales de 1925, Ayn Rand consigui un visado para abandonar el pas y visitar a parientes suyos ya establecidos en Estados Unidos, a donde lleg en febrero de 1926, con 21 aos.

Ayn estuvo un tiempo en casa de sus parientes en Chicago. Ms tarde se traslad a Hollywood, donde aceptaba cualquier tipo de trabajo para pagar sus gastos bsicos. Casualmente conoci all a Cecil B. De Mille, quien se interes por esta rusa recin llegada a Estados Unidos y fascinada por el mundo del cine. Cecil B. De Mille le mostr el funcionamiento bsico de un estudio de cine y le ofreci trabajo como extra, que Ayn Rand acept, y apareci as de forma visible entre los extras en el metraje definitivo de Rey de reyes [1] (metraje visible en el documental en el DVD Ayn Rand, a sense of life). En el rodaje de la pelcula conoci, adems, al que sera su marido el resto de su vida: el tambin actor Frank O'Connor, con quien se cas en 1929.

En 1931 Ayn Rand adquiri la ciudadana de los Estados Unidos de Amrica.

En 1936 escribi: Llmenlo destino o irona, pero yo nac, de entre todos los pases de la Tierra, en el menos conveniente para una fantica del individualismo: Rusia. Decid ser escritora a la edad de nueve aos, y todo lo que he hecho se ha circunscrito a tal propsito. Soy estadounidense por eleccin y conviccin. Nac en Europa, pero emigr a los Estados Unidos de Amrica porque este era el pas donde una poda sentirse totalmente libre para escribir.

Ayn Rand estaba muy satisfecha de ser ciudadana estadounidense, y en 1973 dijo en una conferencia que dio en West Point: Puedo decir, y no como un mero patrioterismo, sino con el conocimiento completo de las necesarias races metafsicas, epistemolgicas, ticas, polticas y estticas, que Estados Unidos de Amrica es el ms grande, noble y, en sus principios fundadores originales, el nico pas moral en la historia del mundo.

Ayn Rand fue sometida a ciruga por cncer de pulmn en 1974 luego de dcadas de fumar mucho.[2] En 1976, dej de escribir en su peridico y, a pesar de sus objeciones iniciales, le permiti a Evva Pryor, una trabajadora social de la oficina de su abogado, que la inscribiese en la Seguridad Social y Medicare.[3][4]

Ayn Rand muri en 1982. Est enterrada junto a su marido en el cementerio de Valhalla (Estado de Nueva York).

Las novelas ms importantes de Ayn Rand son los superventas El manantial (1943) y La rebelin de Atlas (1957).

Sus novelas crearon el arquetipo del hroe randiano, un individuo racional digno de vivir en la tierra, ya que puede lograr lo mejor de s mismo, un hombre cuya habilidad e independencia lo hacen entrar en conflicto con los hombres-masa, pero que aun as persevera, alcanzando finalmente la realizacin de sus valores.

En 1932 consigue vender su primer guion cinematogrfico, Red pawn (Pen rojo), a los estudios Universal.

En 1934 Ayn escribe la obra de teatro Night of January 16th (La noche del 16 de enero, conocida tambin como Penthouse Legend), que incorpora la novedad absoluta en el mundo del teatro de incorporar al pblico que desee participar en un jurado al final de la obra que debe decidir sobre la inocencia o culpabilidad de la protagonista. En la nota inicial dirigida al productor de la obra, Ayn Rand explica:

La obra est construida de tal manera que las pruebas de la culpabilidad o la inocencia de la acusada estn cuidadosamente contrapesadas, y la decisin se basar en el carcter y valores del jurado. Es realmente a la audiencia a la que se juzga. En palabras del abogado defensor: A quin se juzga en este caso? A Karen Andre [coprotagonista de la obra]? No!, son ustedes, damas y caballeros del jurado, quienes estn siendo juzgados. Son sus almas las que sern puestas
a la luz cuando hayan tomado su decisin.

Ayn Rand

La obra se sigue representando con xito como parte del repertorio clsico de obras de teatro para compaas de aficionados en Estados Unidos.

En 1936 publica We the living (Los que vivimos) que, segn Ayn Rand, fue lo ms parecido a una autobiografa que hubiese nunca escrito. En Los que vivimos se narra la vida dramtica de una mujer de espritu independiente bajo el rgimen totalitario sovitico.

La novela no fue bien recibida inicialmente en Estados Unidos, que estaba sumergido en la Gran Depresin y en lo que a veces all se llama la dcada roja, esto es, la dcada de mximo apogeo de las ideas socialistas y comunistas en aquel pas.

Sin el permiso ni el conocimiento de Ayn Rand (quien se enter de toda la historia despus de la Segunda Guerra Mundial), la Italia de Mussolini rod en 1942 dos pelculas basadas en la novela: Noi vivi y Addio, Kira, de los estudios Scalara Films. Las pelculas eran un intento de propaganda antisovitica por parte del rgimen italiano, y fueron un gran xito en Italia. Orgullosos de su xito, prepararon copias que enviaron a los nazis alemanes, quienes se enfurecieron al ver la pelcula y aconsejaron a los italianos su inmediata retirada de la circulacin. Los jerarcas nazis, ms coherentes en su ideologa antiliberal que los italianos, percibieron inmediatamente que el mensaje del libro no era tan slo antisovitico, sino adems antitotalitario, y que el libro no criticaba slo el totalitarismo sovitico, sino cualquier forma de totalitarismo.[5]

Estas pelculas fueron tambin proyectadas sin permiso de Ayn Rand en la Espaa de Francisco Franco. Ayn Rand pidi derechos atrasados a ambos pases.[6] Finalmente, Ayn Rand an en vida autoriz una reedicin de estas pelculas, las cuales fueron finalmente comercializadas para vdeo domstico en 1986.[7]

Himno (Anthem, titulada Vivir! en las primeras ediciones en espaol) es una novela corta que presenta en trminos altamente simblicos la lucha de un individualista contra una sociedad del futuro en la cual el colectivismo ha triunfado. Se trata de una distopa en la que el concepto de individualidad ha desaparecido (por ejemplo, el pronombre yo ha sido eliminado del lenguaje) y en la que se aprecian numerosas similitudes con la novela Nosotros (1921), de Yevgeni Zamiatin, pero tambin notables diferencias en el tono (serio en Rand, satrico en Zamiatin) y en el discurrir de la historia. Los temas que constituyen el ncleo de Himno sern desarrollados en posteriores obras extensas de Rand, como El manantial y La rebelin de Atlas.

Himno no encontr editor en Estados Unidos y fue publicada primero en el Reino Unido en 1938. Por razones algo abstrusas, es la nica obra de Rand que se encuentra en el dominio pblico en Estados Unidos (no as en otros pases), lo que ha permitido incorporarla al Proyecto Gutenberg.

En 1943 vino el primer xito importante de Ayn Rand como novelista, con la publicacin de El manantial (The fountainhead). El libro, que haba tardado siete aos en escribir, fue rechazado por doce editores, hasta que, en la editorial Bobbs-Merrill, un editor joven le espet a su jefe: Si este no es un libro adecuado para usted, entonces yo tampoco debo trabajar para usted.[8]

En 1949 se realiz una versin flmica de El manantial, dirigida por King Vidor y protagonizada por Gary Cooper (Howard Roark), Patricia Neal (Dominique Francon), Raymond Massey (Gail Wynand) y Kent Smith (Peter Keating).

El guion fue escrito por Ayn Rand y controlado minuciosamente por ella misma de una forma completamente desacostumbrada en Hollywood, donde los estudios se toman todo tipo de libertades con los guiones originales. En varias ocasiones durante el rodaje, Ayn amenaz con suspender todo el proyecto si el guion sufra la ms leve modificacin. Tanto Gary Cooper como Ayn Rand no quedaron satisfechos con la pelcula. Gary Cooper, quizs ya demasiado mayor para un papel que en el libro corresponde a un hombre joven, pronunci el famoso discurso final sin entenderlo realmente, cosa que se nota en la entonacin y el nfasis. Ayn Rand tuvo que luchar mucho para mantener la integridad del guion, y aun as tampoco qued satisfecha con la pelcula, llegando a afirmar que lo nico bueno que tena era que conseguira nuevos lectores para la novela. No obstante, la pelcula es muy apreciada hoy en da en crculos objetivistas y, dado lo irregular de su distribucin, suele estar disponible en redes P2P.

El fundamento de El manantial es el individualismo y el colectivismo en el alma humana. La obra se concentra en las vidas de los cinco principales personajes. El hroe, Howard Roark, es la persona ideal para Rand: Un arquitecto intransigente que est completamente entregado firmemente, aun cuando de manera serena, a sus ideales, especialmente creyendo que ninguna persona debe jams copiar el estilo de otra, sobre todo en el campo de la arquitectura. A lo largo de la novela, todos los dems protagonistas en algn momento u otro, por diferentes razones y con distintos grados de nfasis, le piden que renuncie a algunos de sus principios. Sin embargo, Howard se mantiene inclume y no compromete su integridad. Un aspecto interesante e impactante de la personalidad de Howard es que, en contraste con las formas acostumbradas de los hroes tpicos, no se lanza a explicar sus puntos de vista y por qu el mundo no es lugar justo por medio de largos y apasionados sermones y monlogos; todo lo contrario, Howard lo hace de forma desdeosa, lacnica y altiva.

La rebelin de Atlas (Atlas Shrugged) es considerada por muchos la obra de ficcin ms completa y poderosa de Rand sobre la filosofa objetivista. En los aos ochenta, la Biblioteca del Congreso de los Estados Unidos hizo una encuesta, preguntando cul era el libro que mayor influencia haba tenido en la vida de los encuestados. El primero en el rnking fue La Biblia, el segundo, La rebelin de Atlas.

La rebelin de Atlas es el principal motivo, por encima de cualesquiera otros, por el que ms individuos confiesan haber llegado a ser libertarios o, dicho de otro modo, anarcocapitalistas.[9]

El libro narra la decadencia de los Estados Unidos como consecuencia del excesivo intervencionismo del gobierno. A pesar de que el libro se escribi entre los aos 1946 y 1957, algunas personas ven en la lectura del proceso de destruccin econmico que el libro narra, una situacin de deterioro econmico similar al vivido por Cuba a partir de 1960. [citarequerida]

El libro divide la fibra social de Estados Unidos en dos clases: la de los saqueadores y la de los nosaqueadores.

Galt, desde su escondite en las montaas, da rdenes, sugiere iniciativas y mueve todos los hilos. Junto con l, se refugian los principales empresarios. Durante el tiempo que dura la huelga y la desaparicin de los empresarios, el sistema estadounidense se va hundiendo bajo el peso del cada vez ms opresivo intervencionismo estatal. La obra termina cuando los empresarios deciden abandonar por completo el "Mundo Exterior" para volver a las "Montaas Rocosas" y comenzar una nueva sociedad.

Rand quera llamar a su novela La huelga. El ttulo La rebelin de Atlas le fue sugerido por su esposo, pues as equipara el empresario al titn mtico que carga a sus espaldas los destinos del mundo. Cuando la obra apareci, llam la atencin por lo atrevido y osado del planteamiento para ese entonces. Hasta ese momento, ni siquiera en Estados Unidos alguien se haba atrevido a realizar un planteamiento en el que los empresarios fuesen los buenos y el Estado el malvado.

Para Ayn Rand, el hecho de que una huelga pudiera hundir en el caos a los Estados Unidos es la
confirmacin de que el pas no puede vivir sin su clase empresarial, que la poltica debe subordinarse a las necesidades de la economa empresarial y, finalmente, que es preciso volver al espritu de los primeros colonos que se sublevaron contra Inglaterra en el siglo XVIII: lucharon contra el intervencionismo estatal y en defensa de sus derechos individuales. Lo que propone Rand es volver al origen de la tradicin americana, solo que el hroe ya no es un granjero que se subleva contra los ingleses, sino el patrono que lucha contra el intervencionismo subyugante del Estado y cuyo esfuerzo es el que verdaderamente crea riqueza.

Al poco tiempo de salir se vendieron cuatro millones de ejemplares de la obra. Luego de este libro, solo escribi ensayos, en los que desarroll explcitamente las premisas filosficas implcitas de La rebelin de Atlas. Uno de esos ensayos, La virtud del egosmo es considerado uno de los manifiestos principales de la corriente filosfica de Rand.

Ayn Rand sostena:

En La virtud del egosmo Rand escribi sobre la vida:

En Derechos del hombre dijo:

En La rebelin de Atlas escribi sobre el trabajo manual, los empresarios y los inventores:

Ayn Rand no se consideraba a s misma como de derechas (tampoco de izquierdas). En innumerables ocasiones Ayn Rand declar I am not a conservative (No soy conservadora), al mismo tiempo que declaraba vehementemente su oposicin a Ronald Reagan. En el espectro poltico usualmente se la ubica en la derecha poltica por su apego a un tipo de individualismo heroico y capitalista.

Desde cierto punto de vista, se la puede considerar como una seguidora del ideal liberal libertario o simplemente liberal. Ella estaba de acuerdo en buscar la maximizacin de los derechos del individuo desde un anlisis liberal individualista; sin embargo, Rand tambin buscaba maximizar lo que consideraba beneficios de la propiedad privada y del sistema capitalista, lo cual se identifica con los conservadores, quienes a su vez son considerados de derecha. No obstante, Ayn Rand denost hasta su muerte a los liberales libertarios, a los que llamaba hippies de derechas.

Algunos puntos de la ideologa de Ayn Rand sugeriran su no adscripcin ideolgica a la derecha conservadora:

Basndose en el principio de que la esfera de la libertad del individuo slo puede autorrealizarse a travs de la propiedad privada, Ayn Rand reconoce en el sistema poltico capitalista la afirmacin de la economa libre y el ideal del autointers personal mediante la cooperacin social en el mercado. Partiendo de esta base miseana, Rand procede a identificar mediante el principio de no agresin al trabajo personal. En esto la doctrina de Ayn Rand es coincidente con lo sostenido por lo que se considera la derecha liberal, por cuanto que las desigualdades no seran estructuralmente impuestas por la sociedad, sino producto de la utilidad desigual de los bienes productivos en el mercado libre, sean estos el capital o el trabajo asalariado. Desasociaba as cualquier relacin necesaria entre poder econmico (defensivo) y poder poltico (agresivo), presentndolos como opuestos naturales. Tambin reinterpret y legitim la desigualdad de oportunidades por no ser dependiente de la cuanta del dinero, sino de su uso productivo en el mercado, idea que desarroll junto a Alan Greenspan en Capitalism: the unknown ideal.

Su filosofa ha sido as apologtica del orden social capitalista puro sin intervencin gubernamental, y por ende el modelo, a la vez tico y utilitario, para muchos grandes empresarios en la bsqueda del xito en los negocios que no dependan de la coercin poltica. La influencia del egosmo individualista racional randiano se puede rastrear hasta la obra de Milton Friedman al respecto de la idea de internalizacin de las externalidades, limitando la responsabilidad corporativa al beneficio de los accionistas, as como en los trabajos de Robert Hessen y Stephen Hicks sobre la tica en los negocios.

Las ideas de Rand sobre esttica giran en torno al concepto de lo que ella llamara realismo romntico, que suele referirse al arte que trata los temas de la volicin y de los valores humanos, reconociendo tambin la importancia de la tcnica artstica y del reconocimiento de la realidad. El realismo romntico plasma frecuentemente a seres humanos heroicos en situaciones de alegra y triunfo vital, con un fondo optimista y una estimacin positiva de la Ciencia y de la Tcnica. A menudo hay referencias ms o menos sutiles a Ayn Rand en estas obras.

Aun habiendo sido utilizado anteriormente, el trmino fue popularizado por Ayn Rand. Ayn Rand defini al realismo romntico como la representacin de las cosas y de los seres humanos como podran ser y deberan ser, tomando estos conceptos de Aristteles.

Esta combinacin est basada en la idea de que los valores heroicos son racionales y realistas, ya que el realismo romntico considera como falsa la dicotoma entre realismo y romanticismo.

Tanto el trabajo literario como el trabajo filosfico de Ayn Rand han sido objeto de innumerables crticas. Tambin se ha criticado su metodologa y su personalidad egocntrica.

La lucha contra el altruismo por parte de Ayn Rand atrajo crticas de orden tico. El famoso escritor estadounidense izquierdista Gore Vidal escribi tratando el tema en 1961:

A partir del momento en que las personas deben vivir en comunidad, dependiendo los unos de los otros, el altruismo es necesario para la supervivencia.

Gore tambin explica el porqu de la popularidad de las ideas de Ayn Rand:

Rand siente una gran afinidad por las personas que se hallan a s mismas perdidas en una sociedad organizada. Son personas renuentes a pagar impuestos, que no soportan al Estado y sus leyes y que sienten remordimientos frente al dolor ajeno pero buscan endurecer sus corazones. A estas personas ella les ofrece una solucin muy atractiva: el altruismo es el origen de todos los males, el inters individual es el nico bien, y si alguien es estpido o incompetente, ese es su problema.

Los aspectos biogrficos de Ayn Rand tambin han sido centro de controversias. En la obra The Passion of Ayn Rand's Critics, James Valliant apoya su tesis sobre unas supuestas manipulaciones que Nathaniel Branden y su esposa hicieron a los hechos que tratan sobre la vida de Rand. Segn Valliant, los herederos de Ayn Rand exageraron su carrera y ocultaron anotaciones del diario de la filsofa.

El filsofo Robert Nozick critica la obra de Rand en su libro Socratic puzzles (ISBN 0-674-81654-4). Nozick es liberal libertario, por lo que simpatiza con varias de las conclusiones de Ayn Rand, aunque est en desacuerdo con aspectos fundamentales de su obra. En Socratic puzzles critica el argumento fundacional de la tica de Rand: la proclamacin de que la propia vida es, para cada hombre, el valor definitivo, ya que es el valor que hace posibles a todos los dems. Nozick afirma que Rand no explic por qu alguien no podra preferir racionalmente morir y el no tener ningn valor. De acuerdo con este argumento, la defensa de Rand del egosmo es una petitio principii (peticin de principio), y la solucin de Rand al problema del ser-deber ser de David Hume no es satisfactoria.

Las novelas de Rand, al ser publicadas, se convirtieron desde el principio en superventas, tanto dentro como fuera de los Estados Unidos, debido principalmente al boca a boca entre los lectores. Aunque recibieron algunas crticas especializadas positivas, fueron denostadas por la crtica literaria como terribles o simplemente malas. Los expertos en literatura inglesa y la lite cultural progresista en general han ignorado sus novelas.
Como excepcin, el crtico literario Harold Bloom encontr la obra de Rand lo suficientemente significativa como para incluirla en su antologa crtica American women fiction writers (escritoras estadounidenses de ficcin, 1998).[11]

El movimiento objetivista fundado por Rand y que fue disuelto tras su separacin de Nathaniel Branden en 1968 ha sido acusado de haber sido una secta destructiva, con Rand como la figura de culto.

En 1979, en una entrevista televisiva, Ayn Rand afirm: yo no soy una secta.[12]

Un seguidor ciego es precisamente lo que mi filosofa condena, y lo que yo rechazo. El objetivismo no es una secta mstica.

Cuando sucedi el colapso del instituto NBI (Nathaniel Branden Institute), Ayn Rand declar que ella ni siquiera haba querido tener un movimiento organizado:

Por lo tanto quiero aclarar enfticamente que el objetivismo no es un movimiento organizado y nadie lo debe considerar as.

El trmino randroide (una mezcla de las palabras Rand y androide) se ha utilizado para evocar la imagen de los robots imitadores de Galt producidos por la secta.[15]

Las sugerencias de que la conducta sectaria de los objetivistas comenzaron durante los das del Nathaniel Branden Institute. Con la creciente cobertura de los medios, comenzaron a aparecer artculos que hablaban de la secta de Ayn Rand, y que la comparaban con varios lderes religiosos.[16]

Terry Teachout describi al Nathaniel Branden Institute como una casisecta que giraba en torno a la adoracin de Ayn Rand y de sus hroes de ficcin, una secta que se desintegr cuando Rand se separ de Nathaniel Branden.[17]

En 1968, el psiclogo Albert Ellis, a raz de un debate pblico con Nathaniel Branden, public un libro argumentando que el objetivismo era una religin, cuyas prcticas incluan la condenacin y la demonizacin, el puritanismo sexual, el absolutismo y la divinizacin hacia Ayn Rand y sus hroes de ficcin.[18]

En sus memorias, dice Nathaniel Branden del Colectivo y del Nathaniel Branden Institute que haba un aspecto de secta en nuestro mundo [...] ramos un grupo organizado en torno a un lder carismtico, donde cada miembro juzgaba el carcter del otro principalmente sobre la base de la lealtad hacia esa lder y sus ideas.[19]

En 1972, el autor libertario Murray Rothbard comenz a hacer circular de manera privada su ensayo The sociology of the Ayn Rand cult (la sociologa de la secta de Ayn Rand), en la que escribi:

Si las contradicciones internas evidentes de las sectas leninistas las convierten en intrigantes objetos de estudio, ms an lo es la secta de Ayn Rand [...] [p]orque que la secta Rand no solo era explcitamente atea, antirreligiosa y aduladora de la Razn, sino que tambin promueve la dependencia servil a un gur en nombre de la independencia; la adoracin y la obediencia hacia un lder en nombre de la individualidad de cada persona; y la emocin ciega y la fe en el gur en nombre de la Razn.[20]

Rothbard tambin escribi que

el espritu gua del movimiento randiano no era la libertad individual sino el poder personal de Ayn Rand y sus principales discpulos.[21]

En 1993, Michael Shermer fundador de The Skeptics Society, escribi sobre este tema el artculo The unlikeliest cult in History (La secta ms improbable de la historia).[22] Shermer argument que el movimiento objetivista mostraba caractersticas de las sectas religiosas, como la veneracin y la infalibilidad del lder; las intenciones ocultas, la explotacin sexual y financiera, y la creencia de que el movimiento ofreca la verdad absoluta y la moral absoluta. Shermer sostuvo que ciertos aspectos de la epistemologa y la tica objetivista promueve conductas sectarias:

{{cita|En el momento en que un grupo se establece como rbitro moral definitivo de las acciones de otras personas sobre todo cuando sus miembros creen que han descubierto patrones absolutos del bien y del mal es el principio del fin de la tolerancia, y por lo tanto de la razn y la racionalidad. Es esta caracterstica ms que cualquier otra la que convierte a una secta, a una religin, a una nacin o a cualquier otro grupo en algo peligroso para la libertad individual. El absolutismo es el mayor defecto del objetivismo de Ayn Rand, la cual es la secta ms improbable de la Historia.[23]

En 1999, Jeff Walker public The Ayn Rand cult (la secta de Ayn Rand). En un pasaje, Walker compar el objetivismo con las prcticas dianticas de la cienciologa, que muchos consideran como una secta destructiva. Segn Walker, ambos son conjuntos de creencias totalitarias que defienden una tica para las masas sobre la base de la supervivencia como un ente racional. Walker contina: La diantica utiliza un razonamiento un tanto similar al de Rand acerca de considerar el cerebro como una mquina. [...] Ambos hablan de una mente superior que puede reprogramar el resto de la mente. Walker seala adems que ambas doctrinas pretenden basarse en la ciencia y en la lgica.[24]

El libro de Walker provoc las crticas de los seguidores de Rand. Chris Matthew Sciabarra critic la objetividad y la academicidad de Walker.[25] Mimi Reisel Gladstein escribi que la tesis de Walker es cuestionable ya menudo depende de la insinuacin ms que de la lgica.[26] R.W.Bradford afirm que para los estudiosos el libro es simplemente aburrido.[27]

Las afirmaciones de la calidad sectaria de esta doctrina siguieron en aos ms recientes. En 2004, Thomas Szasz escribi en apoyo de 1972 el ensayo de Rothbard,[28] y en 2006, Albert Ellis public una edicin actualizada de su libro de 1968, donde incluy algunas referencias favorables a Walker.[29] Del mismo modo, Walter Block aunque expres su admiracin por algunas ideas y afirm la fuerte influencia de Rand sobre el libertarismo describi al movimiento objetivista como una diminuta secta implosiva.[30]

Personas que convivieron con Ayn Rand han escrito libros sobre ella en los que mezclan el elogio con la crtica personal.

Estos libros son The passion of Ayn Rand (La pasin de Ayn Rand), ISBN 0-385-24388-X, de Barbara Branden, y My years with Ayn Rand (Mis aos con Ayn Rand), ISBN 0-7879-4513-7, de Nathaniel Branden.

Ambos autores han sido asimismo criticados en el libro de James Valliant The passion of Ayn Rands critics (ISBN 1-930754-67-1).

A blind follower [el nfasis aparece en el original] is precisely what my philosophy condemns and what I reject. Objectivism is not a mystic cult.

Se puede encontrar esta cita en el sitio web NobleSoul.com.

I want, therefore, to make it emphatically clear that Objectivism is not an organized movement and is not to be regarded as such by anyone.

If the glaring inner contradictions of the Leninist cults make them intriguing objects of study, still more so is the Ayn Rand cult... [f]or not only was the Rand cult explicitly atheist, anti-religious, and an extoller of Reason; it also promoted slavish dependence on the guru in the name of independence; adoration and obedience to the leader in the name of every person's individuality; and blind emotion and faith in the guru in the name of Reason.

[A]s soon as a group sets itself up to be the final moral arbiter of other people's actions, especially when its members believe they have discovered absolute standards of right and wrong, it is the beginning of the end of tolerance, and thus reason and
rationality. It is this characteristic more than any other that makes a cult, a religion, a nation, or any other group, dangerous to individual freedom. Its absolutism was the biggest flaw in Ayn Rand's Objectivism, the unlikeliest cult in history.

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Ayn Rand Institute – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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The Ayn Rand Institute (ARI) is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit think tank in Irvine, California that promotes Ayn Rand's philosophy, Objectivism. It was established in 1985, three years after Rand's death, by Leonard Peikoff, Rand's legal heir. Its executive director is Yaron Brook.[2]

ARI's stated goal is:

. . . to spearhead a cultural renaissance that will reverse the anti-reason, anti-individualism, anti-freedom, anti-capitalist trends in today's culture. The major battleground in this fight for reason and capitalism is the educational institutionshigh schools and, above all, the universities, where students learn the ideas that shape their lives.[3]

ARI is mainly an educational organization, but also has "outreach programs." Its various programs include classes on Objectivism and related subjects offered through its Objectivist Academic Center, public lectures, op-ed articles, letters to the editor, competitions for essays about Rand's novels, materials for Objectivist campus clubs, supplying Rand's writings to schools and professors, and providing intellectuals for radio and TV interviews.[4]

During her lifetime, Rand helped establish The Foundation for the New Intellectual, to promote Objectivist ideas. The Foundation was dissolved some 15 years after her death, as having been made redundant by the Ayn Rand Institute. Although Rand never intended for Objectivism to become an organized movement, she heartily approved of rational individuals with the same ideas working toward a common goal.[5] Peikoff, her legal heir, was convinced to start the organization after businessman Ed Snider organized a meeting of possible financial supporters in New York in the fall of 1983.[6] Peikoff also agreed to be the first chairman of the organization's board of directors.[7]

ARI began operations on February 1, 1985, three years after Rand's death. The first board of directors included Snider and psychologist Edith Packer. Snider was also one of the founding donors for the organization.[7] Its first executive director was Michael Berliner, who was previously the chairman of the Department of Social and Philosophical Foundations of Education at California State University, Northridge.[8] ARI also established a board of governors, which initially included Harry Binswanger, Robert Hessen, Edwin A. Locke, Arthur Mode, George Reisman, Jay Snider, and Mary Ann Sures, with Peter Schwartz as its chairman.[9]M. Northrup Buechner and George Walsh joined the board of advisors shortly thereafter.[10]

ARI's first two projects were aimed at students. One was developing a network of college clubs to study Objectivism. The other was a college scholarship contest for high-school students based on writing an essay about Rand's novel The Fountainhead.[10] Later, additional essay contests were added based on Anthem, We the Living and Atlas Shrugged.[11] In 1988 the institute began publishing a newsletter for contributors, called Impact.[12]

In 1989, a philosophical dispute resulted in ARI ending its association with philosopher David Kelley.[13] Board of advisors member George Walsh, who agreed with Kelley, also left.[14] Kelley subsequently founded his own competing institute now known as The Atlas Society, which remains critical of ARI's stance on loyalty.[15]

In January 2000, Berliner retired as Executive Director, replaced by Yaron Brook, then an assistant professor of finance at Santa Clara University.[2] The institute was originally headquartered in Marina del Rey, California, but in 2002, it moved to larger offices in Irvine, California.[16]

Charity Navigator, which rates charitable and educational organizations to inform potential donors, gives ARI four out of four stars. According to the latest data from Charity Navigator, ARI spends 86.7% of its expenses on programs, 8.6% on fundraising, and 4.6% on administration.[17] As of June 2012[update] the institute's board of directors[18] consists of Brook; Berliner (co-chair); Arline Mann (co-chair), retired attorney, formerly of Goldman, Sachs & Co.; Carl Barney, CEO of several private colleges; Harry Binswanger, long-time associate of Ayn Rand; Peter LePort, a surgeon in private practice; Tara Smith, professor of philosophy at the University of Texas at Austin;[19] and John Allison, CEO of the Cato Institute and former CEO of BB&T.[20]

Peikoff retains a cooperative and influential relationship with ARI.[21] In 2006, he remarked that he approved of the work ARI has done[22] and in November 2010 that the executive director "has done a splendid job."[23] Peikoff was a featured speaker at ARI summer conferences in 2007 and 2010.[24] In August, 2010, he demanded and received a change to ARI's board of directors.[25]

ARI runs a variety of programs:

In 2008, ARI opened the Ayn Rand Center for Individual Rights ("ARC") in Washington, D.C. to specialize in issues of public policy.[27]

During the current economic crisis, the ARC has been a vocal proponent of the position that government intervention is responsible for the crisis, and that the solution lies not in further government regulation but in moving toward full laissez-faire capitalism.[28][29]

On foreign policy, the ARC advocates American national self-interest, including ending the regimes that sponsor terrorism, rather than the Bush Administration's policies which they see as timid, halfway measures that only weaken America's position in the world.[30]

ARI sponsored writers and speakers have promoted a number of specific positions in contemporary political and social controversies.[31]

Since Objectivism advocates atheism, ARI promotes the separation of church and state, and its writers argue that the Religious Right poses a threat to individual rights.[32] They have argued against displaying religious symbols (such as the Ten Commandments) in government facilities[33] and against faith-based initiatives.[34] The institute argues that religion is incompatible with American ideals[35] and opposes the teaching of "intelligent design" in public schools.[36]

ARI has taken many controversial positions with respect to the Muslim world. They hold that the motivation for Islamic terrorism comes from their religiosity, not poverty or a reaction to Western policies.[37] They have urged that the US use overwhelming, retaliatory force to "end states who sponsor terrorism", using whatever means are necessary to end the threat.[38] In his article "Ends States Who Sponsor Terrorism", which was published as a full page ad in The New York Times, Peikoff wrote, "The choice today is mass death in the United States or mass death in the terrorist nations. Our Commander-In-Chief must decide whether it is his duty to save Americans or the governments who conspire to kill them." Although some at ARI initially supported the invasion of Iraq, it has criticized how the Iraq War was handled.[39] Since October 2, 2001, the institute has held that Iran should be the primary target in the war against "Islamic totalitarianism".[38]

ARI is generally supportive of Israel.[40] Of Zionism, executive director of the institute Yaron Brook writes: "Zionism fused a valid concern self-preservation amid a storm of hostility with a toxic premise ethnically based collectivism and religion."[41]

In response to the Muhammad cartoons controversy, ARI started a Free Speech Campaign in 2006.[42]

ARI is highly critical of environmentalism and animal rights, arguing that they are destructive of human well-being.[43][44]

The institute is
also highly critical of diversity and affirmative action programs, as well as multiculturalism, arguing that they are based on racist premises that ignore the commonality of a shared humanity.[45][46]

ARI supports women's right to choose abortion,[47] voluntary euthanasia, and assisted suicide.[48]

ARI denounces neoconservatism in general. For example, C. Bradley Thompson wrote an article entitled "The Decline and Fall of American Conservatism",[49] which was later turned into the book (with Yaron Brook) Neoconservatism: An Obituary for an Idea.[50]

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Ayn Rand Wikipdia

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Un article de Wikipdia, l'encyclopdie libre.

Ayn Rand (prononc [an rnd]), ne Alissa Zinovievna Rosenbaum (en cyrillique russe: ), est une philosophe[1], scnariste et romancire[2] amricaine d'origine russe, juive athe, ne le 2 fvrier 1905 Saint-Ptersbourg et morte le 6 mars 1982 New York.

Ayn Rand est connue pour sa philosophie rationaliste, proche de celle du mouvement politique libertarien, laquelle elle a donn le nom d'objectivisme. Elle a crit de nombreux essais philosophiques sur des concepts tenant de la pense librale, comme la libert, la justice sociale, la proprit ou l'tat et dont le principal (et l'un des seuls de ses textes traduits en franais, avec La Grve (Atlas Shrugged)), est La Vertu d'gosme (The Virtue of Selfishness en langue originale). Ses contributions principales s'inscrivent dans les domaines de l'thique, de la philosophie politique et de l'pistmologie. Cependant, malgr sa considrable popularit hors du champ acadmique, ses travaux ne sont gnralement pas comments par la plupart des philosophes. Cela peut s'expliquer parce qu'une lecture de ses romans est requise pour discuter les lments de sa philosophie objectiviste, et que les philosophes rechignent la lecture d'ouvrages de fiction[3].

Ayn Rand a galement publi des uvres de fiction telles que La Grve (Atlas Shrugged), La Source vive (The Fountainhead) et Nous, les vivants (We the Living), qui figurent parmi les plus vendues aux tats-Unis. Elle a par ailleurs crit de nombreux scnarios pour le cinma, dont des adaptations de ses propres uvres de fiction.

Ayn Rand est considre comme la thoricienne d'un capitalisme individualiste ainsi que d'un libertarianisme refusant toute forme de coercition et prnant les valeurs de la raison, du mrite et de l'gosme rationnel, son concept central. Figure de l'anti-communisme radical, Ayn Rand prne galement l'indpendance et le laissez-faire face toute forme de collectivisme ou de religion tablis.

De nombreuses personnalits, comme le psychothrapeute Nathaniel Branden, les conomistes Alan Greenspan et M. Northrup Buechner[4], le romancier Terry Goodkind, le prsident Ronald Reagan ou le fondateur de Wikipdia, Jimmy Wales, se rclament de ses conceptions. Ayn Rand a aussi profondment nourri la vision libertarienne dite minarchiste, replaant l'individu au centre de la socit et de l'thique.

Elle avait trouv dans Ludwig von Mises, lui aussi migr aux tats-Unis, le grand thoricien contemporain du laissez-faire qui compltait sa comprhension de l'conomie.

Selon Alain Laurent, un des spcialistes francophones de son uvre, Ayn Rand reprsenterait l'incarnation de la self-made woman immigre, car elle russit cet exploit tout en professant un athisme radical (...) et critiquant violemment l'altruisme au nom de l'gosme rationnel[5]. Ayn Rand fut par ailleurs la cible de nombreuses critiques dont la principale s'attache expliquer qu'en dpit d'une argumentation se voulant rationnelle, elle n'en matrisait pas toujours les raisonnements[6].

Alissa Zinovievna Rosenbaum nat Saint-Ptersbourg le 2 fvrier 1905 (le 20 janvier du calendrier julien) dans une famille juive agnostique de la classe moyenne, compose de trois enfants dont elle est l'ane[7]. Son pre, Zinovy Zacharovich Rosenbaum, pharmacien, est n Brestlitovsk le 18 novembre 1869 alors que sa mre, Anna Borisovna Kaplan, est ne Saint-Ptersbourg le 15 octobre 1880[8].

Elle s'intresse trs jeune la littrature et au cinma, crivant ds l'ge de 7 ans des romans ou des scnarios. l'ge de 9 ans, elle dcide de devenir crivain. Elle lit notamment Walter Scott et Alexandre Dumas et s'enthousiasme pour le courant romantique. Elle lit avec passion le roman d'aventure La Valle mystrieuse (1915) du romancier franais Maurice Champagne. Son personnage principal, figure de l'homme hroque et vertueux, marque l'imagination d'Alissa. Ce type de personnage se retrouve dans toute son uvre et, en particulier, travers le personnage principal d'Atlas Shrugged, John Galt[9]. Elle dcouvre 13 ans celui qui devient son auteur favori et qu'elle considre comme le plus grand crivain: Victor Hugo. Au collge, elle se montre brillante en mathmatiques; sa carrire universitaire semble alors toute trace. En 1912, sa famille s'installe dans la Perspective Nevski, dans le quartier Znamenskaya. La jeune Alissa y assiste sa premire exposition, consacre aux images de films, en 1913. Le cinma la passionnera en effet toute sa vie.

La ville de Saint-Ptersbourg est depuis longtemps l'un des foyers des troubles rvolutionnaires qui agitent la Russie tsariste. Rand soutient au dbut la rvolution[Quand?] mene par Kerensky mais l'arrive au pouvoir des bolchviques, en octobre 1917, puis la confiscation de la pharmacie de son pre par le gouvernement rvolutionnaire, contraignent sa famille fuir la Russie pour l'Ukraine puis pour la Crime. Les Rosenbaum s'installent Yevpatoria jusqu' ce que celle-ci soit envahie par les rvolutionnaires en 1921[10]. dater de ce jour Rand nourrit une haine tenace pour les communistes, sentiment qui traverse tous ses crits. Elle brle alors son journal intime, car elle a pris l'habitude d'y consigner des rflexions et des critiques sur les rvolutionnaires.

Le 30 juin 1921, Alissa Rosenbaum est diplme du lyce de Yevpatoria. L'anne suivante, la famille Rosenbaum retourne Petrograd[11]. Alissa, qui a alors 16 ans, entame des tudes d'histoire et de philosophie l'universit de Petrograd et y dcouvre les uvres d'Edmond Rostand, de Friedrich von Schiller, d'Aristote et de Fiodor Dostoevski. Ses tudes lui donnent accs, selon ses propres termes, une culture millnaire travers laquelle elle juge nfaste l'influence des ides communistes en Russie. Ces dernires annes en Union des rpubliques socialistes sovitiques, o elle est oblige d'intgrer la propagande communiste, formeront la base de sa critique des systmes collectivistes.

Le 13 octobre 1924, Alissa sort diplme de l'universit. Elle continue crire et entre l'Institut d'tat des Arts cinmatographiques en 1924[12]. Elle y tudie l'histoire et la politique amricaine et dcouvre aussi le cinma nord-amricain, dont les westerns, mais aussi toute la culture des tats-Unis. Elle devient alors une admiratrice de la socit amricaine et de ses valeurs d'individualisme et d'optimisme. Comprenant qu'elle ne peut raliser son rve d'crire des romans en Union des rpubliques socialistes sovitiques en raison de la censure communiste, elle se rsigne l'ide de quitter le pays pour les tats-Unis[10]. En 1925 elle publie une brochure sur l'actrice de cinma Pola Negri, Moscou et Lningrad, puis en 1926 un petit essai intitul Hollywood: American Movie City Moscou[13]. la fin de l'anne 1926, elle se voit accorder un visa pour rendre visite des proches habitant aux tats-Unis et ce pour une courte priode, ce qui lui permet d'immigrer dans ce pays o elle s'installe pour le reste de sa vie.

Aprs s'tre arrte dans plusieurs villes d'Europe de l'Ouest, dont le port du Havre en France, d'o elle prend un bateau, le De Grasse, Alissa Rosenbaum arrive New York le 19 fvrier 1926. Ses premires impressions devant les gratte-ciels la marquent profondment et inspirent les descriptions de son roman La Source vive. Elle rejoint ensuite Chicago, dans l'Illinois, o elle vit pendant 6 mois et apprend la langue anglaise. Elle commence galement mettre en forme ses ides de romans et de films et dcide de devenir scnariste. Elle se voit accorder une extension de son visa par les autorits sovitiques. Alissa choisit alors de ne pas retourner en URSS et part pour Hollywood o elle devient scnariste sous la directi
on du ralisateur et producteur Cecil B. DeMille, qui s'intresse elle par hasard, alors qu'elle fait le pied de grue devant son studio[14]. Alissa lui explique qu'elle est passionne de cinma amricain et qu'elle arrive de Russie. DeMille travaille alors sur le film The King of Kings et l'emploie comme figurante. La jeune femme y rencontre galement l'acteur Frank O'Connor dont elle dira qu'il tait son visage idal[9]. Ils se marient le 15 avril 1929, et le resteront jusqu' la mort d'O'Connor, en 1979.

Alissa Zinovievna Rosenbaum est naturalise amricaine le 13 mars 1931. C'est alors qu'elle change son nom en Ayn Rand, en rfrence selon elle la transcription en cyrillique du nom de sa famille. Une autre explication veut que ce serait en rfrence la machine crire Remington Rand, mais celle-ci n'a t vendue qu'ultrieurement[15]. Elle se montre fire de sa nouvelle nationalit et dclare ainsi en 1974, dans un discours aux lves de l'acadmie militaire de West Point: Je peux dire et il ne s'agit pas d'une banalit patriotique, mais avec une connaissance complte des racines mtaphysiques, pistmologiques, morales, politiques et esthtiques ncessaires que les tats-Unis d'Amrique sont le pays plus grand, le plus noble et, dans ses principes, le seul moral de l'histoire du monde[16].

Ayn Rand travaille trs dur comme lectrice de scnario, pour DeMille, ayant cur de se faire une place dans le monde d'Hollywood[9]. Paralllement, elle crit afin de raliser son rve. Avant de vivre de sa plume, elle occupe divers emplois, notamment la garde-robe de la RKO Radio Pictures[17] jusqu'en 1932, anne o elle russit vendre le scnario de Red Pawn Universal Studios. Son niveau de vie s'amliore alors considrablement, et Rand peut s'acheter une automobile, ce qui est pour elle cette poque le signe d'une russite sociale certaine qui contraste avec ses annes en Union des rpubliques socialistes sovitiques[9]. Le producteur Josef von Sternberg pense donner le premier rle l'actrice Marlene Dietrich mais le thme anti-sovitique tant encore mal considr cette poque, le projet choue[18].

Elle crit ensuite en 1934 les pices de thtre Ideal et Woman on Trial, cette dernire tant joue Hollywood le 22 octobre. La pice Woman on Trial, qui retrace le parcours peu commun de l'industriel et autodidacte sudois Ivar Kreuger, est recompose en 1935 puis produite sous le titre Night of January 16th qui est reprsente d'abord Hollywood puis Broadway le 16 septembre. La pice est originale: l'action consiste en un procs dont le jury, choisi parmi les spectateurs, pouvait dterminer la fin. Deux pilogues sont donc possibles, suivant la dcision du jury populaire.

Le manuscrit de son roman Nous, les vivants (We the Living, partiellement inspir par sa propre exprience) lui demande beaucoup de travail. L'ayant achev en 1933, elle ne parvient cependant le faire publier que le 18 avril 1936, aprs l'avoir fait parvenir de nombreux diteurs. Ce sont les ditions Macmillan pour les tats-Unis et Cassell pour l'Angleterre qui l'ont accept. Elle le considre comme la plus autobiographique de ses uvres de fictions: en effet, le roman dcrit la vie de son hrone sous la domination communiste, sa confrontation avec la violence absurde du rgime et sa fuite pour l'tranger. Cependant, Nous, les vivants ne reoit pas un accueil enthousiaste de la critique amricaine, en partie cause du fait que, dans les annes 1930, priode nomme la dcennie rouge (Red Decade), le communisme tant encore relativement bien considr dans les milieux intellectuels et artistiques amricains[10]. Nanmoins Rand considrait elle-mme Nous, les vivants comme davantage qu'une simple autobiographie: Ce n'est pas une autobiographie proprement dite, l'ouvrage a davantage un sens intellectuel. L'intrigue est invente mais l'arrire-plan non[19].

Ds 1935, Ayn Rand travaille sur son projet principal, la rdaction du roman La Source vive (The Fountainhead), dimension plus philosophique.

En 1938, elle publie en Angleterre le roman dystopique Hymne (Anthem), qui dcrit une socit dans laquelle le collectivisme a triomph. Hymne n'est accept par aucun diteur aux tats-Unis alors que We the Living n'a pas non plus rencontr un grand succs. Stephen Cox, de lObjectivist Center, considre que cela est d lpoque: We the Living fut publi quand la popularit du socialisme russe tait au plus haut parmi les faiseurs d'opinions amricains explique-t-il[20]. En 1939 Ayn Rand reoit les dernires nouvelles de ses parents demeurs en URSS, elle a ainsi dfinitivement coup toute relation avec son pass russe.

En 1940, Rand participe, avec son mari, la campagne prsidentielle amricaine pour le candidat libral Wendell Willkie dans sa section de la ville de New York. Cet activisme lui permet de rencontrer des intellectuels favorables au capitalisme de laissez-faire. Le journaliste du New York Times Henry Hazlitt et sa femme permettent Rand et son mari de rencontrer l'conomiste autrichien Ludwig von Mises qui admire les travaux de Rand, en dpit de diffrences philosophiques[21].

La mme anne, l'adaptation thtrale de We the Living, The Unconquered, par George Abbott, est reprsente Broadway le 13 fvrier. Abbott a nanmoins adouci la dimension critique du roman, le rendant davantage au got du public, notamment en ajoutant des dialogues sentimentaux[9]. Elle connat son premier grand succs avec la publication de La Source vive, le 8 mai 1943, roman qu'elle a mis sept ans crire. Refus par douze diteurs, le manuscrit est finalement accept par la maison d'dition Bobbs-Merrill grce l'insistance d'Archibald Ogden, membre du comit ditorial, qui a menac de dmissionner si l'on ne publiait pas l'ouvrage[22]. Vendu six millions d'exemplaires, le livre devient un succs plantaire, (il s'en vend encore 100000 par an). Adapt au cinma en 1949 par King Vidor la Warner avec Gary Cooper et Patricia Neal dans les rles principaux, le film est distribu en France la mme anne sous le titre Le Rebelle.

Rand commence pouvoir vivre de ses crits. Elle travaille ds lors comme scnariste mi-temps, toujours pour le producteur Hal B. Wallis. Sous sa direction, elle adapte en 1945 le roman Pity My Simplicity de Christopher Massie, nomm aux Oscars sous le titre Love Letters ainsi que You Came Along[23]. Rand travaille ensuite, en aot 1943 un article The Moral Basis of Individualism puis emmnage en Californie pour rdiger le scnario de The Fountainhead.

Elle s'installe donc la Von Sternberg House construite par l'architecte Richard Neutra. Par ailleurs elle rencontre Taliesin East le clbre architecte Frank Lloyd Wright qu'elle admire normment: pour elle Wright fut un innovateur, dfendant larchitecture moderne contre la tradition [24]. Toujours Taliesin East Rand rencontre d'autres figures intellectuelles du moment comme Morrie Ryskind, Janet Gaynor, Gilbert Adrian et Leonard Read. L'architecte devient un fervent admirateur de son roman The Fountainhead; il dessine pour elle une maison qui ne sera toutefois jamais construite. En septembre 1944, Rand crit le scnario de Love Letters. L'anne suivante The Fountainhead est class 6e best-seller de l'anne par le New York Times [25].

Ayn Rand se lie d'amiti avec l'crivaine libertarienne Isabel Paterson (18861961), qui l'initie l'histoire des tats-Unis. Leur amiti cessera par la suite, Rand n'ayant pas apprci le comportement de Paterson lors d'une crmonie Hollywood. Les deux femmes entretiennent alors une abondante correspondance. Le biographe de Paterson, Stephen Cox, explique que les penses des deux femmes se sont mutuellement influences[26]. Ayn Rand considre l'essai d'Isabel Paterson, The God of the Machine (1943), comme l'quivalen
t pour les dfenseurs du capitalisme de ce qu'est Le Capital pour les communistes et la Bible pour les chrtiens[27].

Ds 1946, Ayn Rand travaille au manuscrit de son roman La Grve (Atlas Shrugged), tout en assurant un emploi de scnariste pour le producteur Hal B. Wallis. En 1947, en pleine priode du maccarthysme, elle tmoigne charge dans les procs des Dix d'Hollywood, qui dbouchent sur la constitution des listes noires[28], devant le United States House Un-American Activities Committee qui identifie les personnalits pro-communistes amricaines[29]. Ayn Rand est l'une des premires intellectuelles amricaines fustiger la propagande communiste dans le milieu du cinma. Pour ce faire, elle rdige Screen Guide for Americans qui recommande treize principes face au communisme et rejoint la MPA (la Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of the American Ideals) la mme anne[9]. Anthem est par ailleurs publi aux tats-Unis, en juillet 1946.

En 1949 The Fountainhead est adapt l'cran, le 23 juin. Ayn Rand dcide en 1951, en compagnie de son mari, de quitter Hollywood pour emmnager New York (au 120 East de la 34e rue), sa ville prfre en raison de ses gratte-ciel qui la fascinent, et o elle travaille plein temps sur son nouveau roman, La Grve (Atlas Shrugged), qu'elle n'achve que six ans plus tard. La rdaction de ce long roman provoque une dpression nanmoins vite surmonte[30].

En 1950, Ayn Rand et quelques proches crent un groupe qui prend par provocation le nom de Le Collectif, form par Alan Greenspan, futur prsident de la Fed et le psychologue Nathanael Blumenthal (qui deviendra Nathaniel Branden, l'auteur de The Psychology of Self-Esteem), futur amant de Rand, sa femme, Barbara Branden, et Leonard Peikoff, profondment influenc par The Fountainhead. Avec ce groupe, qui multiplie les confrences publiques, Rand compte diffuser sa philosophie et ses crits. Le cercle d'amis prend ainsi un rle de plus en plus important, aidant Ayn Rand diffuser son systme philosophique, auquel elle donne le nom d'objectivisme. Sous l'impulsion de Branden, le groupe fonde le Nathaniel Branden Institute (N.B.I), qui dite un priodique, The Objectivist, actif de 1962 1965. Le priodique devient ensuite The Objectivist Newsletter, de 1966 1971. Puis le groupe dite, de 1971 1976, une lettre d'information, The Ayn Rand Letter[note 1]. Ayn Rand y publie des articles, qui forment la base pour ces essais philosophiques, et en premier lieu l'ouvrage The Virtue of Selfishness qui dveloppe sa thorie du point de vue thique. La compilation Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal (1966) regroupe ses tudes conomiques et politiques alors que Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology (1971) prsente sa thorie des concepts, sa contribution la plus importante la philosophie. Rand crit galement une tude esthtique, The Romantic Manifesto (1969).

En 1957 est publie sa principale uvre, La Grve (Atlas Shrugged), aux ditions Random House, roman de prs de 1500 pages qui met en scne des entrepreneurs qui dcident de cesser d'tre les esclaves d'un tatisme pr-totalitaire qui ravage la socit l'image du New Deal de Roosevelt. Le tirage initial est de 100000 exemplaires et le livre devient rapidement un best-seller mondial puisque son tirage tait chaque anne de 200000 units jusqu' l'lection du prsident Obama, qui a conduit en vendre un million d'exemplaires en deux ans et demi[31]. Dans une tude de 1991 de la Bibliothque du Congrs amricain, le livre tait cit par les Amricains comme celui qui les avait le plus influencs, aprs la Bible[32]. Le roman mle divers thmes et sujets de rflexion, passant de l'pistmologie la mtaphysique, suivant une action classique, centre autour du combat d'un mystrieux personnage, John Galt, qui n'apparat qu' la fin. Il marque aussi la fin de l'activit romanesque de Rand, et le dbut de ses crits philosophiques[33].

En 1958, Rand anime des sminaires d'criture et, le 6 mars, elle fait sa premire confrence au Queens College de New York. Elle prend la parole pour la premire fois la tlvision amricaine, sur le plateau de Mike Wallace en 1959[34]. Elle prsente son essai Faith and Force: Destroyers of the Modern World l'universit Yale le 17 fvrier 1960. Le rythme de ses lectures publiques mais galement universitaires s'acclre. En 1961, Rand publie For the New Intellectual le 24 mars et fait une confrence au Ford Hall Forum, The Intellectual Bankruptcy of Our Age le 26 mars. Le Ford Hall Forum devient le lieu privilgi de ses confrences qui ont lieu de 1962 1976. Elle ralise galement des allocutions et des ateliers (workshops) au Nathaniel Branden Institute qui ouvre en janvier 1962. Le mme mois le premier numro de The Objectivist Newsletter est publi.

La popularit de Rand s'accrot galement. De plus en plus sollicite par les journaux, elle signe, le 17 juin 1961, sa premire intervention dans la Weekly column du Los Angeles Times qu'elle animera quelques annes durant. Ses confrences sont toutes enregistres et diffuses aux tats-Unis et dans d'autres pays. Ayn Rand enseigne par ailleurs dans de nombreuses universits partir de 1960, Yale, Princeton et Columbia. Elle enseigne galement Harvard, l'universit du Wisconsin, l'universit Johns-Hopkins et au MIT. Durant ses dernires annes, Ayn Rand prend galement position sur de grandes questions de socit, s'opposant l'engagement amricain dans la Seconde Guerre mondiale, et soutenant Isral pendant la guerre du Kippour. Elle s'exprime sur tous les thmes de socit o sa morale objectiviste peut trancher: l'galit des sexes et l'homosexualit, le racisme et le travail.

Le 2 octobre 1963 Rand reoit un honorary doctorate de l'universit Lewis et Clark et publie en dcembre 1964 The Virtue of Selfishness (La Vertu d'gosme), l'essai qui prsente le mieux sa pense thique et philosophique. En juillet 1966, elle crit une autre tude, en plusieurs parties, publie dans le priodique The Objectivist intitul Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology[35] destine exposer les fondements de sa philosophie de la connaissance.

La relation sentimentale de Rand avec le psychothrapeute Nathaniel Branden s'intensifie dans les annes 1960. Branden publie galement divers textes psychologiques dans la revue d'Ayn Rand. En 1968, le couple illgitime rompt, en partie cause du fait que chacun tait mari[36].

Ds mars 1969, Ayn Rand donne des cours d'criture, pour les essais cette fois, des membres du Nathaniel Branden Institute. Le 11 octobre, elle anime des ateliers autour de l'pistmologie objectiviste. Le 16 juillet, elle assiste comme V.I.P. au lancement de la fuse Apollo 11. Cet vnement lui inspire deux essais[note 2] vantant le progrs technique permis par le capitalisme: La signification fondamentale du triomphe d'Apollo 11 n'est pas politique ni mme philosophique, elle est davantage pistmologique et morale[37] dit-elle cette occasion qui la marque beaucoup. Rand se lie par ailleurs d'amiti avec l'astronaute Michael Collins[38] ainsi qu'avec l'crivain Mickey Spillane et le critique musical Deems Taylor avec qui elle entretient une longue correspondance[39].

La sant d'Ayn Rand se dtriore au dbut des annes 1970. Elle est opre en 1974 pour un cancer du poumon car c'est une grande fumeuse. La fin de la relation avec Branden signe la fin de facto du Nathaniel Branden Institute et certains amis objectivistes s'loignent d'elle. Rand publie dans The Objectivist une critique de Nathaniel Branden, qu'elle juge avoir t malhonnte envers elle et d'avoir eu un comportement irrationnel dans sa vie personnelle[40]. Le 6 mars 1974 Rand fait une confrence West Point intitule Philosophy: Who Needs It, ouvrage parachevant sa philosophie
de la ralit et de l'homme[41]. Le 14 avril, elle reoit sa sur, Nora Drobysheva, qui a pu obtenir une autorisation de quitter l'URSS. Rand tente de lui proposer son aide pour qu'elle immigre aux tats-Unis, mais sa sur refuse et rentre en URSS aprs quelques jours.

En janvier 1976, Rand publie son dernier article dans le recueil The Ayn Rand Letter, The Energy Crisis qui traite des enjeux gopolitiques. Le 27 juillet, elle est invite la Maison-Blanche pour diner avec l'homme politique libral australien Malcolm Fraser, futur premier ministre d'Australie: c'est le signe d'une reconnaissance nationale. Le 10 avril 1977, elle est invite au Ford Hall Forum pour un dner en son honneur, avec tous les membres du Nathaniel Branden Institute.

En septembre 1979, La Grve (Atlas Shrugged) est scnaris pour un projet de srie tlvise puis, en avril, son dernier essai, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, est publi par la New American Library. Le 9 novembre, son mari Frank OConnor dcde et, ds lors les activits d'Ayn Rand au sein du mouvement objectiviste se rarfient. Sa sant dcline par ailleurs. L'un de ses derniers projets est une adaptation tlvise de La Grve (Atlas Shrugged) ainsi qu'un roman, To Lorne Dieterling, dont elle ne laisse que des brouillons prparatoires.

En 1981 Rand anime ses dernires confrences: au Ford Hall Forum avec The Age of Mediocrity, le 26 avril et The Sanction of the Victims La Nouvelle-Orlans le 21 novembre. Elle travaille aux dernires pages du scnario tlvis de La Grve (Atlas Shrugged), qu'elle achve en janvier. Malade, elle recourt l'aide sociale pour couvrir ses dpenses de sant, sous le faux-nom d'Ann O'Connor, contredisant quelque peu ses principes[42]. Elle meurt d'une insuffisance cardiaque le 6 mars 1982 chez elle, New York.

De nombreux compagnons objectivistes se rendent son enterrement, dont Alan Greenspan et David Kelley, qui lit lors des obsques le pome If, de Rudyard Kipling[43]. Rand est enterre au cimetire de Kensico, Valhalla, New York. Dans ses dernires volonts, elle dsigne Leonard Peikoff comme hritier de sa proprit intellectuelle et le reconnat galement comme le meilleur spcialiste de sa philosophie[44]. Peikoff fonde le Ayn Rand Institute pour propager ses ides.

Ayn Rand a, au fur et mesure de ses crits, constitu un mouvement philosophique intitul l'objectivisme[45] reposant sur le postulat selon lequel ma philosophie conoit essentiellement l'Homme comme un tre hroque dont l'thique de vie est la poursuite de son propre bonheur, la ralisation de soi son activit la plus noble, et la Raison son seul absolu.[46]. En 1976, Rand explique que sa contribution principale la philosophie est sa thorie et [s]es concepts, [s]on thique, et [s]a dcouverte que, en politique, le mal - la violation des droits - consiste en un commencement de pouvoir et de force[47].

Rejetant la foi considre comme oppose la raison, Rand condamne toute forme de mysticisme, y compris les religions, et prne le ralisme philosophique[48]. Rand met en avant ce qu'elle nomme l'gosme rationnel, ou gosme de l'intrt personnel, seul principe moral digne d'tre suivi par opposition l'altruisme, de mentalit collectiviste. L'individu est selon elle la base de toute morale, il se doit d'exister pour lui-mme crit-elle en 1962 et de ne jamais se sacrifier pour les autres, ni sacrifier les autres pour lui-mme[49]. En 1976, Rand explique que sa contribution principale la philosophie est sa thorie et [s]es concepts, [s]on thique, et [s]a dcouverte que, en politique, le mal la violation des droits consiste en un commencement de pouvoir et de force[47].

Rand pose que le seul systme moral pertinent est celui du laissez-faire, le capitalisme. Elle est donc profondment individualiste et s'oppose tout systme collectiviste, en premier lieu au communisme. Elle critique de manire vhmente autant certains libraux et conservateurs amricains, comme les partisans du rgime sovitique[note 3].

D'inspiration aristotlicienne, la philosophie d'Ayn Rand se veut profondment rationaliste et objectiviste, les motions de l'homme se devant d'tre soumises sa raison, faute de quoi, l'homme baserait son existence sur des chimres issues de ses reprsentations du monde et non sur les faits. Elle ne renie pas pour autant la sphre motionnelle mais considre que l'homme qui se perd dans ses motions essaie de fuir la ralit au lieu de s'y adapter. Ayn Rand a ainsi dfini la psycho-pistmologie, socle de son systme objectiviste, comme l'tude des processus cognitifs humains vus partir de l'interaction entre l'esprit conscient et les fonctions automatiques de l'inconscient[50]. Harry Binswanger a continu ses travaux sur ce point. La vie de lhomme est considre comme le fondement de toute valeur, et sa propre vie est le but thique de tout individu. Le passage dit de l'allocution de John Galt (John Galt speaking), personnage principal du livre La Grve (Atlas Shrugged), reprsente la quintessence de sa pense propos de l'individu[51].

Ayn Rand a t influence par de nombreux philosophes comme Aristote en premier lieu[52] (et mme nul autre que lui, ses propres dires[53]), mais aussi John Locke, Thomas d'Aquin, Friedrich Nietzsche, Max Stirner, Henryk Sienkiewicz, Ludwig von Mises ou Isabel Paterson. Nanmoins, Douglas B. Rasmussen dcrit son approche de l'enseignement d'Aristote comme tant extrmement imprcise, alors que sa connaissance de son systme thique tait pour sa part trs mince[54].

L'influence de Nietzsche est, selon Ronald E. Merrill, auteur de The Ideas of Ayn Rand, relle[55], notamment travers la notion de surhomme qui se retrouve dans tous ses crits. Ayn Rand dit partager avec Friedrich Nietzsche le culte de l'ego humain, dont The Fountainhead veut rendre compte. C'est pourquoi elle apposa en en-tte du manuscrit de cette uvre une citation de Par del le bien et le mal exprimant, selon elle, ce culte. Elle dcida nanmoins de retirer cette citation de l'dition finale de l'ouvrage du fait de son dsaccord avec la philosophie de Nietzsche, dont elle rejetait le mysticisme et l'irrationalisme[56].

Pour elle, au sein de l'histoire de la philosophie, seuls trois auteurs, dont elle-mme, ont marqu l'thique, qu'elle nomme les trois A, pour Aristote, Thomas d'Aquin et Ayn Rand[57]. Parmi les philosophes, Rand prouve un ddain particulier pour Emmanuel Kant, qu'elle dit tre un monstre et le plus mauvais homme de l'histoire car il prne un systme thique totalement tranger l'intrt personnel. Elle critique la position de Kant, qui veut expliquer que la raison ne peut connatre la ralit en soi: pour Rand, sa philosophie est l'exacte oppos des positions kantiennes[58]. Pour les philosophes objectivistes George Walsh[59] et Fred Seddon[60], Rand n'a pas su interprter l'apport de Kant; pour le premier elle exagre l'ambition du philosophe allemand. D'autres critiques condamnent sa vision du kantisme comme tant simplement ignorante et indigne[61]. Il reste que la plupart des philosophes ralistes postrieurs Kant en ont autant, sinon plus, son gard[62].

Ayn Rand est surtout connue pour ses fictions, principalement Atlas Shrugged, vritable best-seller, et The Fountainhead. Les personnages de ses romans sont ainsi devenus des rfrences cls dans la culture amricaine comme John Galt, Dagny Taggart ou Kira Argounova[63]. Rand se dpeint elle-mme comme une romantique raliste, et toute son uvre reflte cette double tendance[64].

Atlas Shrugged est un roman de plus de 1000 pages qui fit d'Ayn Rand une romancire populaire, ds sa publication en 1957. En 2007, soit cinquante ans aprs la premire publication du roman, prs de 185000 exemplaires furent vendus d'a
prs le Ayn Rand Institute[65]. Selon un sondage ralis par Freestar Media/Zogby, 8% des Amricains avaient lu Atlas Shrugged en 2007[66]. Une traduction franaise du roman est parue en octobre 2011 sous le titre La Grve, qui tait le premier auquel Ayn Rand songeait (The Strike) lorsqu'elle crivait son roman[67].

D'aprs l'auteur elle-mme, Atlas Shrugged a pour thme le rle de l'esprit humain dans la socit[68]. L'intrigue met donc en scne des hommes de l'esprit (men of the mind: scientifiques indpendants, entrepreneurs honntes, artistes individualistes) qui disparaissent mystrieusement, provoquant crises et catastrophes, dans un avenir (pour les annes 1950) proche qui n'en ressemble pas moins la catastrophe des annes 1930. Il s'agit d'un roman ides, par lequel Rand dveloppe sa conception de la vrit, de la libert et de l'gosme rationnel, tout en prsentant les mfaits de l'tatisme qu'elle prsente comme le produit du subjectivisme moral et intellectuel. Le titre Atlas Shrugged se rfre au titan de la mythologie grecque Atlas qui tient le monde sur ses paules, symbole du rle irremplaable des hommes de l'esprit, entrepreneurs et crateurs de valeurs, dans la socit. Ce roman dcrit galement la manire dont l'intervention de l'tat dtruit la production et la rgulation sociale[69], lui opposant la libre initiative et la responsabilit personnelle.

Le personnage principal du roman, John Galt, est l'archtype du hros vertueux et entreprenant. La premire phrase du rcit, Who is John Galt? a marqu la culture populaire amricaine, de mme que son allocution, long passage de 62 pages[70], qui est un morceau majeur de la philosophie, car il expose les racines profondes de l'idologie tatiste, qui sont chercher en premier lieu, et dans l'ordre, dans les domaines de la mtaphysique, de l'pistmologie et enfin de l'thique. explique le traducteur suisse, Pierre-Louis Boitel[71].

Publi en 1943 le roman La Source vive connut un grand succs et fut ensuite adapt au cinma par King Vidor en 1949 sous le titre Le Rebelle. Le titre du livre fait rfrence une dclaration d'Ayn Rand: l'ego de l'Homme est la source vive du progrs humain[72]. Refus par de nombreux diteurs car non commercial, le livre est pourtant parmi les plus vendus au monde au sein de l'uvre de Rand[73].

Le rcit dcrit la vie d'un architecte individualiste, Howard Roark, dans le New-York des annes 1920 qui ne parvient pas faire accepter ses crations. Par lui, Rand dveloppe les thmes contenus dans sa doctrine objectiviste, savoir l'intgrit, l'gosme rationnel, la vertu d'indpendance et la crativit. Chaque chapitre est dvolu un personnage, emblme d'une valeur randienne. Ayn Rand y esquisse deux philosophies antagonistes, travers les deux personnages en opposition. Le premier, incarn par Roark, est lhomme volontariste et libre, qui reprsente lgoste absolu, et dot de libert de jugement alors que Keating est l'archtype du parasite social. The Fountainhead peut, selon Mimi Reisel Gladstein, tre lu comme une version moderne d'une pice mdivale de moralit[74].

Les romans de Rand furent l'objet de vives critiques lors de leur publication[75]. Selon Jeff Britting, la popularit des crits de Rand doit beaucoup au bouche oreille[76]. En effet, les milieux universitaires et littraires ont longtemps ignor les romans de Rand. Le philosophe John Lewis dclare cependant, dans sa Literary Encyclopedia de 2001, que Rand a crit les uvres de fiction les plus intellectuellement brillantes de sa gnration[77].

Les premiers comptes-rendus de la critique apparaissent avec sa pice de thtre Night of January 16th. Ses autres premiers crits, We the Living et Anthem ont reu une faible attention des critiques, seul son best-seller The Fountainhead mobilisa vritablement la presse et en particulier le New York Times[78], journal que Rand apprciait grandement[79]. C'est surtout son roman La Grve (Atlas Shrugged) qui reut la plus grande critique, principalement ngative. En particulier, l'ancien espion sovitique repenti Whittaker Chambers, dans la National Review, qualifia l'ouvrage d'immature et de remarquablement stupide, ajoutant qu'on ne pouvait l'appeler un roman qu'en dvaluant le mot[80].

Les travaux de Rand veillrent peu d'intrt dans les milieux acadmiques et universitaires[81]. La premire tude sur son uvre, publie en 1971, tait celle de William F. O'Neill, With Charity Toward None: An Analysis of Ayn Rand's Philosophy[82]. L'auteur fut vivement critiqu par ses pairs, qui lui reprochrent d'tre de parti-pris pour avoir pris Rand et ses crits au srieux. La revue The Personalist publia aprs sa mort de nombreux articles et le philosophe Robert Nozick y rdigea l'article On the Randian Argument[83].

Comme le souligne Alain Laurent, la popularit d'Ayn Rand a t telle qu'aux tats-Unis, presque tout le monde l'a lue et a eu son moment Ayn Rand comme l'a confi Hillary Clinton. Aprs sa mort, elle est demeure bien vivante dans le paysage intellectuel et politique amricain, influenant le libralisme classique comme le Cato Institute[84].

L'essai The Virtue of Selfishness, traduit en franais sous le titre La Vertu d'gosme synthtise la pense thique d'Ayn Rand[85]. Publi en 1964, il s'agit de ses principaux textes issus des confrences. Annonc par ses prcdents crits, la doctrine du vivre pour soi est le sujet de ce livre qui expose la plupart des axiomes objectivistes et en premier lieu le principe selon lequel l'ego est la seule rfrence thique: Aucune loi, aucun parti ne pourra jamais tuer cette chose en l'homme qui sait dire je[86]. Ainsi rsume Pierre Lemieux, La nature de l'homme lui impose un code d'thique rationnel (...) Les droits de l'homme se rsument dans le droit pour un individu d'utiliser sa raison, l'exclusion de toute coercition, pour mener sa propre vie. Raison et libert vont de pair pour Ayn Rand[87].

Le capitalisme est ainsi le seul systme o les hommes productifs sont libres d'agir et de cooprer en vertu de leurs liberts. Contrairement une critique rpandue, Rand n'est pas anarchiste, ni anarcho-capitaliste, car elle considre que l'anarchie en tant que concept politique, est une abstraction vague et nave[88]. Nanmoins Rand est souvent considre comme une thoricienne anarchiste, notamment par Ulrike Heider qui la surnomme the queen of reason[89]. Par ailleurs elle ne prne pas une socit sans tat. Elle propose un systme alternatif o l'tat est limit une activit judiciaire, via le monopole du contrle des contrats entre citoyens. Selon Alain Laurent, Rand est minarchiste, c'est une adepte du limited government. L'tat doit ainsi seulement protger l'individu de la violence physique, protger son droit la vie, la libert, la proprit et la poursuite de son propre bonheur. Ces objectifs concident exactement avec les principes des Founding Fathers, les pres fondateurs des tats-Unis[90]. L'thique de Rand renoue avec le concept aristotlicien de valeur qui est ainsi pour elle ce pourquoi l'on entreprend une action pour acqurir et (ou) conserver quelque chose[91].

La mthode de Rand se fonde sur l'objectivit dfinie comme Une mthode pour valuer la connaissance base sur sa conformit ou non la ralit[93]. La premire partie de ce livre est consacre dmontrer en quoi la vie, et l'individu, est essentiellement rationnel, et que son existence doit tre objective, c'est--dire conforme la ralit. Le rationnel est donc le moyen de survie, et, par extension, l'thique rgulant son comportement et ses choix[94]. Rand s'oppose aux doctrines philosophiques et politiques qui posent que l'thique est irrationnelle et donc que la raison n'est pas inhrente l'homme, justifiant par l un altruisme au service de l
a collectivit. Ces doctrines justifient le recours la force, caractristique de l'tat. La conduite thique est donc celle de la rflexion et du travail productif[95]. Selon Alain Laurent, dans Le Libralisme amricain, De ces prmisses [Rand] dduit une thique anti-sacrificielle et anti-collectiviste affirmant la lgitimit exclusive de la poursuite du self-interest cal sur le droit individuel de proprit, l'change librement consenti et le principe de non-initiation de la force[96].

Ayn Rand condamnait l'engagement amricain dans la Premire et dans la Seconde Guerre mondiale[97], puis dans la guerre de Core, considrant que la seule justification de la guerre doit tre le principe de lgitime dfense de soi-mme, et non des autres.

Elle s'est tout aussi publiquement oppose la guerre du Vit Nam en dclarant: Si vous voulez voir le summum ultime, suicidaire, de l'altruisme l'chelle internationale, observez la guerre du Vit Nam, une guerre o chaque soldat amricain meurt sans raison d'aucune sorte[98].

Rand s'opposait donc toute politique d'intervention et d'ingrence, mais au seul nom de la souverainet des tats respectueux du Droit: pour elle, les tats "tyranniques" et les conglomrats de "sauvages", n'avaient aucun Droit. Ainsi, elle interprtait la guerre du Kippour de 1973 comme partant d'une attaque contre un tat respectueux des droits individuels, et elle soutint en consquence Isral, dclarant: Les Arabes sont une des cultures les moins dveloppes. Ils sont typiquement nomades. Leur culture est primitive et ils prouvent du ressentiment contre Isral car c'est la seule tte de pont de la science moderne et de la civilisation sur leur continent. Quand vous avez des hommes civiliss qui combattent des sauvages, vous soutenez les hommes civiliss, peu importe qui ils sont.[99].

Elle avait une vision tranche, voire expditive, de la politique internationale. Dans The Foreign Policy of a Mixed Economy, Rand condamnait le principe de l'aide publique entre les tats, qui nourrit les guerres conomiques et abaisse les liberts humaines, contribuant balkaniser les socits, notamment en entretenant le principe de l'ethnicit, selon le titre de son article Global Balkanization. Pour Ayn Rand, l'irrationnalisme (dont la ralisation historique ultime est le communisme, thse qu'elle dveloppe dans son article Capitalism vs. Communism) se propage, conduisant un nouveau fascisme, celui d'un culte du consensus[100] et du tout-tat, toujours plus prdateur et dpensier. Rand y voit par ailleurs la cause de la volont de certains tats, comme les tats-Unis, de conduire des guerres d'ingrence qui sont injustes (The Wreckage of the Consensus) parce qu'on les mne suivant les principes de l'altruisme, ce qui outrepasse leurs fonctions lgitimes et viole les droits de leurs citoyens.

Plusieurs des ouvrages de Rand prsentent les femmes et les hommes comme gaux sur le plan intellectuel. Toutefois, elle a, plusieurs reprises, affirm que les diffrences physiologiques entre les deux sexes conduisaient des diffrences psychologiques fondamentales, sources d'une diffrenciation naturellement sexue des rles sociaux. Il s'agit l d'un des postulats de ce qu'elle nomme la psycho-pistmologie, la science qui examine le rapport du psychisme humain la ralit. Rand affirma par exemple que, si les femmes sont comptentes pour occuper la fonction de Prsidente, aucune femme rationnelle ne devrait chercher atteindre cette position; elle expliqua plus tard qu'une telle fonction serait psychologiquement perturbante pour une femme[101]. Rand pense ainsi que l'essence de la fminit est la vnration le dsir d'admiration de l'homme, qu'une femme idale doit vnrer les hommes, et qu'un homme idal est le plus haut symbole de l'humanit[102]. Le sexe est pour elle l'expression de l'estime de soi[103].

Ayn Rand s'est exprime publiquement une unique occasion sur le thme de l'homosexualit, lors d'une confrence au Ford Hall Forum de 1968. En 1971, elle publie un recueil d'essais, The New Left, o elle attaque les mouvements fministes et gay, puisque la discrimination positive impose par l'tat est par dfinition injuste, et affirme que l'homosexualit est immorale en soi. En dpit de cette critique, elle estime que la loi ne doit pas intervenir dans une relation entre deux adultes consentants. Dans des conversations tenues en 1980 avec le philosophe Harry Binswanger, elle nuancera sa position, revenant sur le terme d'immoral sans retirer sa critique[104]. Rand dfendait par ailleurs le droit des entreprises de discriminer sur la base de l'orientation sexuelle, de la race ou de n'importe quel autre critre: c'est par dfinition du Droit de proprit que le refus d'une personne ou d'une organisation de traiter avec une autre ne viole aucun droit, quand la raison en serait irrationnelle, raciste ou homophobe[105].

Dans ses articles Racism et Balkanisation globale, Rand estime que le racisme est la forme la plus basse, la plus crment primitive de collectivisme[106]. Que cette notion implique qu'un homme soit jug non sur ses propres actions mais sur celles d'un collectif d'anctres apparaissait intolrable dans son systme de pense[107] car le racisme, a fortiori institu par l'tat, nie les deux aspects de la vie de l'homme: sa raison et sa moralit pour y substituer un dterminisme gntique. Elle tait oppose toute intervention tatique ce sujet, estimant qu' partir du moment o ce n'est pas l'tat qui l'impose, le racisme n'est pas un problme de Droit mais une question morale, et ne peut tre combattu que par des moyens privs, tels que le boycott conomique ou l'ostracisme social.[108].

La culture n'est pas le produit anonyme de masses indiffrencies, mais la somme des ralisations intellectuelles d'hommes individuels[110] selon Ayn Rand qui fait de la culture et du progrs scientifique des domaines thiques. Cependant, dans son article Our Cultural Value-Deprivation (1966), elle note la perte de valeur dans la culture et notamment la valeur individualiste. Son essai The Intellectual Bankruptcy of Our Age (1961)[111] a pour but de condamner une culture de masse mondialise, celle du XXesicle qui refuse l'hritage libral du sicle prcdent.

En matire d'cologie et d'environnement, Rand y voit une manipulation des gouvernements, destine rduire les liberts et faire primer l'motion sur la raison. Critiquant l'environnementalisme, dans Against Environnementalist, elle considre que l'cologie est un retour du religieux et de l'irrationnel, alors que seul le progrs technique peut amliorer la condition humaine[112].

Adepte du minarchisme et d'un libertarianisme anti-tat, Rand prconise un tat minimal. Elle oppose l'tatisme l'intrt bien compris des individus. Selon elle l'tat, qu'elle qualifie d'absolu lorsqu'il ambitionne de rgenter toute la sphre sociale et conomique, ne fait que violer le Droit qu'il est l pour faire respecter L'tatisme a toujours t le corollaire politique du collectivisme[113] explique-t-elle, sa dmesure culminant dans le communisme.

Ses jugements sur l'tatisme ont suscit l'admiration dans tous les mouvements libraux. La formule L'tat absolu n'est simplement qu'une forme institutionnalise du banditisme, quel que soit le gang particulier qui prend le pouvoir[113] rsume au mieux sa pense. Cependant, Rand n'est pas pour l'anarchisme, qui prne la disparition de l'tat. Elle considre que celui-ci doit exister, pour veiller ce que les citoyens jouissent de toute leur libert de choix et de raison: Le gouvernement agit seulement comme un agent de police qui protge l'homme des droits, il utilise la force physique uniquement et seulement titre de reprsailles contre ceux qui prennent l'initiative de son utilisation, tels
que des criminels ou des envahisseurs trangers.[114]. En d'autres termes, l'tat doit veiller la conservation des droits individuels (la libert et la proprit), dont la source est la nature de l'homme car: la seule justification valable de l'existence d'un tat [est d'] assurer les Droits des hommes en protgeant ceux-ci de la violence physique[115].

Seul le systme du laissez-faire capitaliste peut garantir les liberts individuelles. La socit doit veiller ce qu'une complte sparation de l'tat et l'conomie existe, de la mme manire et pour les mmes raisons qu'existe la sparation de l'tat et l'glise [116].

Les crits d'Ayn Rand continuent d'tre largement vendus et lus, travers le monde, avec plus de 25 millions d'ouvrages vendus en 2007, et prs de 800000 de plus chaque anne selon le Ayn Rand Institute[117], y compris dans le milieu scolaire[118]. Selon une tude conduite par la Bibliothque du Congrs amricain et par Book of the Month Club (le club du livre du mois) dans les annes 1990, La Grve (Atlas Shrugged) est le livre le plus influent aprs la Bible aux tats-Unis[10].

Une certaine branche du mouvement fministe amricain se rclame des travaux de Rand. Dans Feminist interpretations of Ayn Rand[119] Mimi Reisel Gladstein et Chais Matthew Sciabarra analysent la nature de cette influence et expliquent mme en quoi la philosophe peut tre qualifie de fministe avant l'heure[120].

Ayn Rand a eu galement une profonde influence sur des penseurs et des personnalits contemporains tels John Hospers (le premier candidat du parti libertarien aux lections prsidentielles amricaines de 1972), George Hamilton Smith (pdagogue et auteur libertarien), le philosophe et pistmologue Allan Gotthelf, les philosophes et universitaires Robert Mayhew (auteur de Essays on Ayn Rand's Atlas Shrugged) et Tara Smith, l'conomiste George Reisman, le psychologue comme Edwin A. Locke, crateur de la goal-setting theory, l'historien Robert Hessen, et les politologues Charles Murray (crateur de l'American Enterprise Institute) et Peter Schwartz[121]. Selon Pierre Lemieux, Rand, en dpit de son aversion pour l'anarchie, est galement un modle des mouvements anarcho-capitalistes[87]. Les thoriciens anarchistes et minarchistes Murray Rothbard et Robert Nozick reconnaissent l'apport de Rand dans le champ thique surtout. L'crivain Mario Vargas Llosa est un de ses admirateurs[122]. Alain Laurent, citant une confidence d'Alan Greenspan explique mme que le prsident russe Vladimir Poutine non seulement connat ses crits mais de plus aime en discuter[123]>.

L'ancien prsident de la Fed, Alan Greenspan, a beaucoup t influenc[124] par Rand et dclara son propos: Elle m'a montr que le capitalisme n'est pas seulement efficace, mais aussi moral[125]. Ayn Rand a aussi eu une influence sur James Clavell, George Reisman, Alan Greenspan, Terry Goodkind et le professeur de marketing Jerry Kirkpatrick. L'ancien prsident des tats-Unis, Ronald Reagan se dit lui-mme un admirateur de Rand, dans sa correspondance prive[126]. Le dessinateur de comics Steve Ditko est un lecteur de Rand[127]. Parmi d'autres personnalits publiques, l'actrice Angelina Jolie et son mari et acteur Brad Pitt, Frank Miller, Vince Vaughn ou Ron Paul, ancien candidat la Prsidence amricaine, se disent influencs par l'objectivisme d'Ayn Rand.

Jimmy Wales, le fondateur de l'encyclopdie libre Wikipdia, professe son admiration pour Ayn Rand: ayant lu The Fountainhead, il se qualifie lui-mme de libertarien: La catgorie de personnes dans laquelle je peux le mieux me considrer serait celle des libertariens[128] dit-il. La pense de Rand colore tout ce que je fais et tout ce que je pense[129]. Wales a ainsi anim, de 1992 1996 une liste de diffusion lectronique nomme Moderated Discussion of Objectivist Philosophy. Il donna une interview qui fit la premire page du numro de juin 2007 du magazine libertarien Reason[130].

Un groupe d'entrepreneurs dcids fonder une cryptarchie en 1998, baptise Laissez Faire City d'abord en Indonsie, sur l'le de Bintan, puis au Costa Rica voulaient mettre en application les directives objectivistes. Le projet choua faute de trouver un territoire libre et en dehors de tout contrle tatique[132].

Ds ses dbuts Ayn Rand a runi autour d'elle une gnration de penseurs considrs comme objectivistes[133]. Plusieurs d'entre eux continuent, aprs sa mort, promouvoir sa philosophie, aux tats-Unis et dans le monde.

En 1985, Leonard Peikoff, en qui Rand avait totale confiance pour reprsenter sa philosophie, fonde le Ayn Rand Institute (ARI), qui a pour but de faire connatre la pense de Rand aux jeunes gnrations, de soutenir et dvelopper ses ides, et de promouvoir les principes de la raison, de l'intrt priv rationnel, des droits individuels et du capitalisme du laissez-faire le plus largement possible. En 1989, David Kelley cre quant lui lInstitute for Objectivist Studies, devenu The Atlas Society, et qui s'intresse davantage la dimension philosophique et universitaire des travaux d'Ayn Rand. En 2000, l'historien John McCaskey organise lAnthem Foundation for Objectivist Scholarship, qui offre des bourses et des rcompenses pour des crits universitaires lis l'objectivisme pour les universits de Pittsburgh et du Texas Austin. L'association amricaine Rebirth of Reason fonde en 2005 par Joseph Rowlands et qui sige Santa Clara, en Californie regroupe la plupart des continuateurs de l'objectivisme[134].

En France, Alain Laurent, philosophe et essayiste, a fond avec Jos Luis Goyena une Ayn Rand French Society. La Ayn Rand French Society organise des confrences pour prsenter la pense librale et ralise des articles, tous publis dans le priodique numrique Le Nouvel 1dividualiste[135].

Jim Powell, du Cato Institute, considre Ayn Rand comme l'une des trois plus importantes femmes du mouvement libertarien moderne amricain, aux cts de Rose Wilder Lane et d'Isabel Paterson[136]. Alain Laurent parle lui des Founding Mothers (les mres fondatrices) du no-libralisme[137]. Pourtant, Rand a toujours refus d'tre considre comme une thoricienne du mouvement libertarien.

Le mouvement philosophique pro-technologique dit de l'extropianisme, ainsi que celui du transhumanisme, reconnat dans les concepts d'gosme et de productivit de Rand des valeurs ontologiques fondatrices. Dans ses Principles of Extropy, le fondateur de ce courant de pense, Max More dfinit l'optimisme pratique (practical optimism), l'auto-transformation (self-transformation), ainsi que l'auto-direction (self-direction) en rfrence aux considrations de l'Objectivisme; les parallles tant en effet nombreux[138]. L'Objectivisme tant une philosophie qui vante le progrs scientifique et technique, la manire du scientisme, des courants technophiles comme celui dit du Neo-Tech et qui a pour but llimination du mysticisme de la pense humaine, se rclament no-Objectiviste

La doctrine de l'gosme radical et de l'individualisme d'Ayn Rand a t rcupre par un certain nombre de personnalits sectaires; ainsi, Rand est l'un des principaux auteurs cits dans la Bible de Satan d'Anton Szandor LaVey, lequel explique que sa religion est uniquement la philosophie d'Ayn Rand laquelle a t ajoute des crmonials et des rituels[139],[140].

Les crits et la philosophie d'Ayn Rand ont t la cible de diverses critiques, tenant soit sa personnalit, soit son systme d'ides, soit son style littraire.

La contestation de l'altruisme de la part d'Ayn Rand a d'abord attir des critiques d'ordre thique. Par exemple, l'crivain Gore Vidal formule ainsi en 1961: Ds lors que nous devons vivre ensemble, dpendants les uns des
autres, l'altruisme est ncessaire la survie. Il explique la popularit d'Ayn Rand en ces termes: Elle a un grand attrait pour les gens simples, perdus dans une socit organise, rticents payer des impts, n'aimant pas l'tat providence, qui se sentent coupables face la souffrance des autres mais voudraient durcir leur cur. Elle leur propose une prescription allchante: l'altruisme est source de tous les maux, l'intrt individuel est le seul bien, et si vous tes stupide ou incomptent, c'est votre problme. [141].

La prsentation de la vie d'Ayn Rand est elle-mme sujet controverse. Dans The Passion of Ayn Rand's Critics[142], James Valliant axe son tude sur les manipulations biographiques possibles faites par Nathaniel Branden et sa femme de la vie de la philosophe aprs sa mort. Pour Valliant, les hritiers de Rand ont embelli son parcours et dissimul certaines notes de son journal[143].

L'anarcho-capitaliste Murray Rothbard, dans The Sociology of the Ayn Rand Cult (1972), aprs avoir soutenu Rand[144], dcrit les rouages de la socit objectiviste, la comparant une secte: non seulement la secte dAyn Rand tait explicitement athe, anti-religieuse, non seulement elle glorifiait la Raison, mais elle professait une dpendance de type matre-esclave envers le gourou au nom de lindpendance, une adoration et une obissance au chef au nom de lindividualit de chacun et une croyance aveugle dans le gourou au nom de la Raison[145]. Les critiques universitaires et politiques anti-libertariennes sont nombreuses[146]. Le clbre psychologue amricain Albert Ellis prsente le mouvement randien comme une religion dans son article Is Objectivism A Religion?[147](1968).

D'autres considrent que le raisonnement philosophique de Rand est sophistique, dtournant le concept de rationalit, tel Scott Ryan dans Objectivism and the Corruption of Rationality: A Critique of Ayn Rand's Epistemology qui s'attaque, lui, aux fondements pistmologiques de la pense randienne, considre comme une pseudo-philosophie[148].

La pense de Rand continue gagner des dfenseurs, en dpit de la critique continuelle la qualifiant de mal construite et peu mthodique[149]. Son style est ainsi dcrit, mme au sein de ses partisans, comme tant littraire, hyperbolique et motionnel[150]. Le philosophe Jack Wheeler note la grandiloquence incessante et la dcharge continue de haine des crits de Rand, en dpit de cela, il voit son systme thique comme le plus achev et le plus fcond des tudes contemporaines[151]. Enfin, le populaire et satirique The Philosophical Lexicon ralis par les philosophes Daniel Dennett et Asbjrn Steglich-Petersen, dfinit le rand comme une tirade nerve cause lorsque l'on considre tort un dsaccord d'ordre philosophique comme une attaque personnelle et/ou comme la preuve d'une innommable corruption morale. "Lorsque j'ai remis en question sa seconde affirmation, il s'est lanc dans un rand"[152].

De nombreux dessins anims amricains font rfrence Rand. Un pisode de Futurama[Lequel?] imagine Rand dans le futur alors qu'elle vit dans les gouts.Dans l'pisode Le Charmeur de poules de South Park parle d'Atlas Shrugged comme d'un morceau de dchet [153]. alors que de multiples rfrences sont faites dans Les Simpson, particulirement dans l'pisode Manucure pour 4 femmes o une allusion critique est faite au livre The Fountainhead.

Des jeux tlviss font galement rfrence Rand, Jeopardy! mais aussi des sries dramatiques, Gilmore Girls (2000) et Mad Men (2007), ou des missions comiques (The Colbert Report...)[154].

Le groupe de rock canadien Rush, dans l'album 2112 fait rfrence au monde dcrit dans Anthem. En littrature, l'crivain objectiviste Kay Nolte Smith prsente un roman clef, Elegy for a Soprano inspir par le groupe du Collectif avec Rand et Branden. Le roman de William F. Buckley, Getting it Right fait galement allusion Rand. Le jeu vido BioShock utilise des lments de l'action du livre Atlas Shrugged.

Le visage de Rand apparat sur un timbre cre le 22 avril 1999 New York par le United States Postal Service[155].

Whoisjohngalt est un code dans l'extension Frozen throne de Warcraft 3 pour obtenir de faon rapide l'ensemble des amliorations disponibles.

Du vivant d'Ayn Rand

titre original: The Virtue of Selfishness (1964), prface d'Alain Laurent, traduction de Marc Meunier.

Premire dition en 1966

En collaboration avec Peter Schwartz.

Sous la direction de Michael S. Berliner, introduction de Leonard Peikoff

Premire dition en 1969.

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Ayn Rand Wikipdia

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Atlas Shrugged: Part II (2012) – Rotten Tomatoes

Posted: at 11:18 pm

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The saga continues with Dagny Taggart and Henry Rearden struggling to hold off a total economic collapse while an oppressive government tightens their control and leading industrialists mysteriously disappear. All of the major roles have been recast, which is rather off putting and doesn't result in any noticeable improvements in the characters. However, the directing is a little better and delivers a clearer vision than the first film had. Additionally, the special effects are fairly well-done for an independent film, and are used quite effectively to add energy and excitement to the scenes. While Atlas Shrugged II: The Strike doesn't live up to the quality of the source material, it still delivers a solid dramatic thriller.", "ratingSource" : null, "userName" : "Dann Michalski", "userId" : null }, { "id" : "10813", "type" : "audienceReview", "score" : 5.0, "ratingDate" : "2013-06-29T09:30:16-07:00", "userImage" : null, "superReviewer" : true, "movieId" : 771311191, "comment" : "Ayn Rand's industrialists fight against the Fair Share Act, which further strangles the economy. nFirst, the most unfortunate thing about this film was the endorsement that the real Sean Hannity gave to the fictional Hank Rearden. Additionally, protesters directly referenced the Occupy Wall Street rhetoric. The one-to-one relationship between the modern day right wing and Rand's objectivists is bullshit, and it's a shame that this film's creators got sucked into Rand's abduction by the right wing. After all the contemporary right wing is in the pocket of conservative Christians, yet Rand was an ardent atheist; the modern day right wing gives welfare to corporate fat cats whom Rand would consider looters. What does this have to do with the film? The iconography of the protesters and Hannity place the film in our historical moment, not Rand's, which takes us out of the film's world. nSecond, I was impressed with Samantha Mathis's performance. Her Dagny was given more to human emotion, which played peek-a-boo amid Dagny's characteristic stoicism. But her acting was the best of the cast. I particularly disliked Jason Beghe's gravel-voiced Rearden. nFinally, the film is poorly paced. The speeches by Readen and Francisco belong in the film, but director John Putch should have taken a walking and talking page from Aaron Sorkin's book to give the film some energy, and the montages of poverty do little to add to the plot. nOverall, this is a controversial film not because Rand is a controversial figure (even though she is) but primarily because the film doesn't really get her.", "ratingSource" : null, "userName" : "Jim Hunter", "userId" : null }, { "id" : "10814", "type" : "audienceReview", "score" : 4.0, "ratingDate" : "2013-06-25T18:51:02-07:00", "userImage" : { "thumbnailUrl" : "graph.facebook.com/v2.2/100001504732128/picture" }, "superReviewer" : true, "movieId" : 771311191, "comment" : "What the heck happened here? They changed the actors for almost EVERY role from the part 1 of this saga. Whose bright idea was that?? 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m my faults with the first film. Once again we don't have characters but mouthpieces for ideology, an ideology that celebrates untamed greed. Once again the "best and brightest" (a.k.a. world's richest) are disappearing and the world is grinding to a halt without their necessary genius. Does anyone really think if the world's billionaires left in a huff that the world would cease to function? The assumption that financial wealth equates brilliance seems fatally flawed. Once again it's in a modern setting where America has gone back in time to value railroads. Once again the main thrust of the inert drama is over inconsequential railway economics. Once again people just talk in circles in cheap locations. Once again the government agencies are a bunch of clucking stooges, eager to punish successful business. Once again Rand's Objectivist worldview is treated as gospel and value is only ascribed to the amount of money one can produce. This time we have a slightly better budget, a better director, and some recognizable actors like Samantha Manthis, Esai Morales, Ray Wise, Richard T. Jones, and D.B. Sweeney as the mysterious John Gault. The story transitions to a ridiculous government mandate that include such incomprehensible edicts like making sure no one spends more money than another person. Can you imagine the paperwork involved? This woeful sequel will only appeal to Rand's most faithful admirers, and you probably don't want to hang out with those people anyway. There's your clue: if you see someone carrying a copy of Atlas Shrugged: Part Two they either lack taste or are far too generous with movies. If there is indeed a concluding Part Three, it will be further proof that Rand's market-based screeds are not accurate. 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} }, { "id" : "2110231", "type" : "review", "score" : "rotten", "topCritic" : true, "quote" : "Director John Putch struggles to find balance or generate a single spark from the clunky mix of romance, political diatribe and thriller.", "movieId" : 771311191, "scoreOri" : null, "creationDate" : "2012-10-15T00:31:31-07:00", "url" : "http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/movies/moviesnow/la-et-mn-atlas-shrugged-20121015,0,3134211.story", "publication" : { "id" : "268", "type" : "publication", "name" : "Los Angeles Times" }, "critic" : { "id" : "5517", "type" : "critic", "mainImage" : { "id" : "c-2608", "thumborId" : "v1.YzsyNjA4O2c7MTcwMTA7MTIwMDsxNTA7MTUw", "height" : 150, "width" : 150, "format" : "GIF" }, "name" : "Sheri Linden", "vanity" : "sheri-linden" } }, { "id" : "2110230", "type" : "review", "score" : "rotten", "topCritic" : true, "quote" : "The producers are going to have to hire a better director if they want moviegoers to be curious enough about this Galt guy to buy a ticket 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", "movieId" : 771311191, "scoreOri" : "1/4", "creationDate" : "2012-10-12T06:56:59-07:00", "url" : "http://rogersmovienation.com/2012/12/30/movie-review-atlas-shrugged-ii/", "publication" : { "id" : "2448", "type" : "publication", "name" : "Tribune News Service" }, "critic" : { "id" : "1238", "type" : "critic", "mainImage" : { "id" : "c-1654", "thumborId" : "v1.YzsxNjU0O2c7MTcwMTA7MTIwMDszODs0NQ", "height" : 45, "width" : 38, "format" : "GIF" }, "name" : "Roger Moore", "vanity" : "roger-moore" } } ], "audienceReviews" : [ { "id" : "10816", "type" : "audienceReview", "score" : 6.0, "ratingDate" : "2014-09-22T05:17:35-07:00", "userImage" : { "thumbnailUrl" : "graph.facebook.com/v2.2/100000440772572/picture" }, "superReviewer" : true, "movieId" : 771311191, "comment" : "Atlas Shrugged II: The Strike is a compelling and provocative film that brings Ayn Rand's classic novel to life. The saga continues with Dagny Taggart and Henry Rearden struggling to hold off a total economic collapse while an oppressive government tightens their control and leading industrialists mysteriously disappear. All of the major roles have been recast, which is rather off putting and doesn't result in any noticeable improvements in the characters. However, the directing is a little better and delivers a clearer vision than the first film had. Additionally, the special effects are fairly well-done for an independent film, and are used quite effectively to add energy and excitement to the scenes. While Atlas Shrugged II: The Strike doesn't live up to the quality of the source material, it still delivers a solid dramatic thriller.", "ratingSource" : null, "userName" : "Dann Michalski", "userId" : null }, { "id" : "10813", "type" : "audienceReview", "score" : 5.0, "ratingDate" : "2013-06-29T09:30:16-07:00", "userImage" : null, "superReviewer" : true, "movieId" : 771311191, "comment" : "Ayn Rand's industrialists fight against the Fair Share Act, which further strangles the economy. nFirst, the most unfortunate thing about this film was the endorsement that the real Sean Hannity gave to the fictional Hank Rearden. Additionally, protesters directly referenced the Occupy Wall Street rhetoric. The one-to-one relationship between the modern day right wing and Rand's objectivists is bullshit, and it's a shame that this film's creators got sucked into Rand's abduction by the right wing. After all the contemporary right wing is in the pocket of conservative Christians, yet Rand was an ardent atheist; the modern day right wing gives welfare to corporate fat cats whom Rand would consider looters. What does this have to do with the film? The iconography of the protesters and Hannity place the film in our historical moment, not Rand's, which takes us out of the film's world. nSecond, I was impressed with Samantha Mathis's performance. Her Dagny was given more to human emotion, which played peek-a-boo amid Dagny's characteristic stoicism. But her acting was the best of the cast. I particularly disliked Jason Beghe's gravel-voiced Rearden. nFinally, the film is poorly paced. The speeches by Readen and Francisco belong in the film, but director John Putch should have taken a walking and talking page from Aaron Sorkin's book to give the film some energy, and the montages of poverty do little to add to the plot. nOverall, this is a controversial film not because Rand is a controversial figure (even though she is) but primarily because the film doesn't really get her.", "ratingSource" : null, "userName" : "Jim Hunter", "userId" : null }, { "id" : "10814", "type" : "audienceReview", "score" : 4.0, "ratingDate" : "2013-06-25T18:51:02-07:00", "userImage" : { "thumbnailUrl" : "graph.facebook.com/v2.2/100001504732128/picture" }, "superReviewer" : true, "movieId" : 771311191, "comment" : "What the heck happened here? They changed the actors for almost EVERY role from the part 1 of this saga. Whose bright idea was that?? 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Once again the "best and brightest" (a.k.a. world's richest) are disappearing and the world is grinding to a halt without their necessary genius. Does anyone really think if the world's billionaires left in a huff that the world would cease to function? The assumption that financial wealth equates brilliance seems fatally flawed. Once again it's in a modern setting where America has gone back in time to value railroads. Once again the main thrust of the inert drama is over inconsequential railway economics. Once again people just talk in circles in cheap locations. Once again the government agencies are a bunch of clucking stooges, eager to punish successful business. Once again Rand's Objectivist worldview is treated as gospel and value is only ascribed to the amount of money one can produce. This time we have a slightly better budget, a better director, and some recognizable actors like Samantha Manthis, Esai Morales, Ray Wise, Richard T. Jones, and D.B. Sweeney as the mysterious John Gault. The story transitions to a ridiculous government mandate that include such incomprehensible edicts like making sure no one spends more money than another person. Can you imagine the paperwork involved? This woeful sequel will only appeal to Rand's most faithful admirers, and you probably don't want to hang out with those people anyway. There's your clue: if you see someone carrying a copy of Atlas Shrugged: Part Two they either lack taste or are far too generous with movies. If there is indeed a concluding Part Three, it will be further proof that Rand's market-based screeds are not accurate. The market has already rejected two of these dreadful movies.rnrnNate's Grade: D", "ratingSource" : null, "userName" : "Nate Zoebl", "userId" : null } ], "heroImage" : { "id" : "n-31649", "thumborId" : "v1.bjszMTY0OTtqOzE3MDEwOzEyMDA7MTIwMDs2MDE", "height" : 60
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It represents the percentage of professional critic reviews that are positive for a given film or television show." }, "contentRating" : "PG13", "dateModified" : "2016-06-21T07:58:40-07:00", "dateCreated" : "2012-06-28T06:30:13-07:00", "datePublished" : 2012, "genre" : [ "Drama" ], "sameAs" : "http://www.atlasshruggedmovie.com/", "review" : [ { "@type" : "Review", "reviewBody" : "Seriously, if this is the best promotion of itself that the free market can manage, it really would benefit from the help of a Ministry of Culture or something.", "url" : "http://www.villagevoice.com/2012-10-10/film/atlas-shrugged-part-two-why-can-t-the-free-market-make-this-movie-any-better/", "dateCreated" : "2012-10-15T02:06:24-07:00", "author" : { "@type" : "Person", "url" : "www.rottentomatoes.com/critic/alan-scherstuhl", "name" : "Alan Scherstuhl" }, "publisher" : { "@type" : "Organization", "name" : "Village Voice" }, "reviewRating" : { "@type" : "Rating", "bestRating" : "F", "worstRating" : "R", "ratingValue" : "rotten" } }, { "@type" : "Review", "reviewBody" : "Director John Putch struggles to find balance or generate a single spark from the clunky mix of romance, political diatribe and thriller.", "url" : "http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/movies/moviesnow/la-et-mn-atlas-shrugged-20121015,0,3134211.story", "dateCreated" : "2012-10-15T00:31:31-07:00", "author" : { "@type" : "Person", "url" : "www.rottentomatoes.com/critic/sheri-linden", "name" : "Sheri Linden" }, "publisher" : { "@type" : "Organization", "name" : "Los Angeles Times" }, "reviewRating" : { "@type" : "Rating", "bestRating" : "F", "worstRating" : "R", "ratingValue" : "rotten" } }, { "@type" : "Review", "reviewBody" : "The producers are going to have to hire a better director if they want moviegoers to be curious enough about this Galt guy to buy a ticket for the presumptive third and final chapter.", "url" : "http://movies.nytimes.com/2012/10/15/movies/atlas-shrugged-part-ii-with-samantha-mathis.html?partner=rss&emc=rss&_r=0", "dateCreated" : "2012-10-15T00:28:05-07:00", "author" : { "@type" : "Person", "url" : "www.rottentomatoes.com/critic/manohla-dargis", "name" : "Manohla Dargis" }, "publisher" : { "@type" : "Organization", "name" : "New York Times" }, "reviewRating" : { "@type" : "Rating", "bestRating" : "F", "worstRating" : "R", "ratingValue" : "rotten" } }, { "@type" : "Review", "rev
iewBody" : "It's consistent with its predecessor as a somewhat awkward translation of Ayn Rand's 1957 novel to our current era, handled with bland telepic-style competency.", "url" : "http://www.variety.com/review/VE1117948555?refcatid=31", "dateCreated" : "2012-10-13T15:43:49-07:00", "author" : { "@type" : "Person", "url" : "www.rottentomatoes.com/critic/dennis-harvey", "name" : "Dennis Harvey" }, "publisher" : { "@type" : "Organization", "name" : "Variety" }, "reviewRating" : { "@type" : "Rating", "bestRating" : "F", "worstRating" : "R", "ratingValue" : "rotten" } }, { "@type" : "Review", "reviewBody" : "A disaster as a film, Atlas also is laughable in its presentation of Rand's ideology.", "url" : "http://www.philly.com/philly/entertainment/movies/20121013_Atlas_Shrugged__Part_II__a_quick_taste_of_Rand_s_philosophy.html", "dateCreated" : "2012-10-13T10:27:38-07:00", "author" : { "@type" : "Person", "url" : "www.rottentomatoes.com/critic/tirdad-derakhshani", "name" : "Tirdad Derakhshani" }, "publisher" : { "@type" : "Organization", "name" : "Philadelphia Inquirer" }, "reviewRating" : { "@type" : "Rating", "bestRating" : "F", "worstRating" : "R", "ratingValue" : "rotten" } }, { "@type" : "Review", "reviewBody" : "If the novel Atlas Shrugged is ultimate libertarian porn, then the first two installments of the screen adaptation are soggy softcore.", "url" : "http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/review/atlas-shrugged-part-ii-strike-378755", "dateCreated" : "2012-10-13T10:24:13-07:00", "author" : { "@type" : "Person", "url" : "www.rottentomatoes.com/critic/todd-mccarthy", "name" : "Todd McCarthy" }, "publisher" : { "@type" : "Organization", "name" : "Hollywood Reporter" }, "reviewRating" : { "@type" : "Rating", "bestRating" : "F", "worstRating" : "R", "ratingValue" : "rotten" } }, { "@type" : "Review", "reviewBody" : "The people behind the Atlas Shrugged series of films have things they want to tell you, and just to make sure that you know what they are, the movies tell you, and tell you, and then tell you again.", "url" : "http://www.thewrap.com/movies/column-post/atlas-shrugged-part-ii-review-tea-party-twilight-improves-bit-still-strident-sequel-6053", "dateCreated" : "2012-10-12T08:55:17-07:00", "author" : { "@type" : "Person", "url" : "www.rottentomatoes.com/critic/alonso-duralde", "name" : "Alonso Duralde" }, "publisher" : { "@type" : "Organization", "name" : "TheWrap" }, "reviewRating" : { "@type" : "Rating", "bestRating" : "F", "worstRating" : "R", "ratingValue" : "rotten" } }, { "@type" : "Review", "reviewBody" : "Proving the theorem from Todd Solondz's Palindromes that different actors can play the same role without losing much continuity, Samantha Mathis plays Dagny with all the lifelessness Taylor Schilling brought to the original role.", "url" : "http://www.avclub.com/articles/atlas-shrugged-part-iithe-strike,86633/", "dateCreated" : "2012-10-12T08:54:00-07:00", "author" : { "@type" : "Person", "url" : "www.rottentomatoes.com/critic/scott-tobias", "name" : "Scott Tobias" }, "publisher" : { "@type" : "Organization", "name" : "AV Club" }, "reviewRating" : { "@type" : "Rating", "bestRating" : "F", "worstRating" : "R", "ratingValue" : "rotten" } }, { "@type" : "Review", "reviewBody" : "I didn't hate this movie. 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His diary revealed he'd discovered gold -- worth billions of dollars today -- but he'd give it all away for a loaf of bread and a chance at survival. The gold has never been found. Filmmaker Luke Walker finds Lasseter's 85 year-old son, still wandering the desert trying to find the gold that killed his father. Is it still possible to piece together the fragments of history Lasseter left behind? Armed with a camera, Walker chases his footsteps in hopes to unravel the tangle of myths, lies and legend that remain buried with Lasseter's bones. But as he follows his last few steps he finds himself closer to the gold than anyone has been for 80 years. Do you dare join the adventure and take part in the quest for Australia's Lost Gold?", "releaseDates" : { "dvd" : "2016-06-21", "theater" : "2016-05-27" }, "runningTime" : 104, "title" : "Australia's Lost Gold (Lasseter's Bones)", "posterImage" : { "id" : "m-11882327", "thumborId" : "v1.bTsxMTg4MjMyNztqOzE3MDEyOzEyMDA7NTk3Ozg0MA", "height" : 840, "width" : 597, "format" : "JPG" }, "creationDate" : "2013-10-16T06:30:43-07:00", "vanity" : "australias_lost_gold", "officialUrl" : "http://www.lassetersbones.com.au/", "cummulativeBoxOffice" : null, "mainTrailer" : { "id" : "11239324", "title" : "Australia's Lost Gold", "sourceId" : "694401", "thumbUrl" : "https://content.internetvideoarchive.com/content/photos/10211/694401_173.jpg", "duration" : 128, "clipType" : "TRL", "source" : "VDD" }, "boxOffice" : null, "openingWindow" : "in-theaters", "mpaaRating" : "NR" }, { "id" : "771362909", "type" : "movie", "advisory" : "for horror violence and gore, and for language", "lastModifiedDate" : "2016-06-21T11:34:50-07:00", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "rotten", "value" : 43 }, "year" : 2016, "releaseScope" : "limited", "studioName" : "Dimension Films, Anchor Bay Entertainment", "dvdWindow" : "new-on-dvd", "heroImage" : { "id" : "n-1130013", "thumborId" : "v1.bjsxMTMwMDEzO2o7MTcwMjM7MTIwMDsxMTYxOzY0MA", "height" : 640, "width" : 1161, "format" : "JPG" }, "synopsis" : "CLOWN is a story of a loving father who dons a clown outfit and makeup to perform at his son's sixth birthday, only to later discover that the costume--red nose and wig included--will not come off and his own personality changes in a horrific fashion. To break the curse of the evil outfit, the father must make grim choices with his own family facing danger.", "releaseDates" : { "dvd" : "2016-06-17", "theater" : "2016-06-17" }, "runningTime" : 99, "title" : "Clown", "posterImage" : { "id" : "m-11952145", "thumborId" : "v1.bTsxMTk1MjE0NTtqOzE3MDEzOzEyMDA7NjAyOzg1MQ", "height" : 851, "width" : 602, "format" : "JPG" }, "creationDate" : "2013-08-21T01:39:22-07:00", "vanity" : "clown_2016", "officialUrl" : null, "cummulativeBoxOffice" : 26920, "mainTrailer" : { "id" : "11234393", "title" : "Clown", "sourceId" : "294899", "thumbUrl" : "https://content.internetvideoarchive.com/content/photos/10348/294899_121.jpg", "duration" : 137, "clipType" : "TRL", "source" : "VDD" }, "boxOffice" : null, "openingWindow" : "in-theaters", "mpaaRating" : "R" }, { "id" : "771362219", "type" : "movie", "advisory" : null, "lastModifiedDate" : "2016-06-20T23:06:05-07:00", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "fresh", "value" : 70 }, "year" : 2016, "releaseScope" : "limited", "studioName" : "IFC Films", "dvdWindow" : "new-on-dvd", "heroImage" : { "id" : "n-1114834", "thumborId" : "v1.bjsxMTE0ODM0O2o7MTcwMjI7MTIwMDsyNDk2OzE0MDQ", "height" : 1404, "width" : 2496, "format" : "JPG" }, "synopsis" : "Based on the international bestseller, the riveting first film in the Department Q series introduces maverick detective Carl Mrck (Nikolaj Lie Kaas) who, after majorly botching an assignment, is relegated to reviewing cold cases. With his new partner (Fares Fares), the moody Mrck begins digging into the unsolved disappearance of a high-ranking female politician (Sonja Richter) who supposedly committed suicide but whose body was never recovered--a mystery that plunges the investigators into a dark and disturbing conspiracy. 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eter" : { "state" : "fresh", "value" : 92 }, "year" : 2016, "releaseScope" : "limited", "studioName" : "Drafthouse Films", "dvdWindow" : "new-on-dvd", "heroImage" : { "id" : "n-1122173", "thumborId" : "v1.bjsxMTIyMTczO2o7MTcwMjI7MTIwMDs5MDA7NTA1", "height" : 505, "width" : 900, "format" : "JPG" }, "synopsis" : "After Steven Spielberg's classic Raiders of the Lost Ark was released 35 years ago, three 11-year-old boys from Mississippi set out on what would become a 7-year-long labor of love and tribute to their favorite film: a faithful, shot-for-shot adaptation of the action adventure film. They finished every scene...except one; the film's explosive airplane set piece. Over two decades later, the trio reunited with the original cast members from their childhood in order to complete their masterpiece. Featuring interviews with John Rhys Davies, Eli Roth and more, Raiders!: The Story of the Greatest Fan Film Ever Made is just that: the story of this long-gestating project's culmination, chronicling the friends' dedication to their artistic vision-mixed in with some movie magic-to create a personal, epic love letter to a true modern classic.", "releaseDates" : { "dvd" : "2016-06-17", "theater" : "2016-06-17" }, "runningTime" : 104, "title" : "Raiders!: The Story of the Greatest Fan Film Ever Made", "posterImage" : { "id" : "m-11917989", "thumborId" : "v1.bTsxMTkxNzk4OTtqOzE3MDEyOzEyMDA7MTM4MzsyMDQ4", "height" : 2048, "width" : 1383, "format" : "JPG" }, "creationDate" : "2015-02-27T23:02:45-08:00", "vanity" : "raiders_the_story_of_the_greatest_fan_film_ever_made", "officialUrl" : "http://www.raidersdoc.com/", "cummulativeBoxOffice" : 26059, "mainTrailer" : { "id" : "11248227", "title" : "Raiders: The Story Of The Greatest Fan Film Ever Made", "sourceId" : "915105", "thumbUrl" : 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son 4", "title" : "The Americans: Season 4", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "certified_fresh", "value" : 99 } }, { "link" : "//www.rottentomatoes.com/tv/catastrophe/s02/", "score" : 100, "showId" : 15683, "rating" : "certified", "showTitle" : "Catastrophe: Series 2", "title" : "Catastrophe: Series 2", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "certified_fresh", "value" : 100 } }, { "link" : "//www.rottentomatoes.com/tv/the-detour/s01/", "score" : 82, "showId" : 16022, "rating" : "certified", "showTitle" : "The Detour: Season 1", "title" : "The Detour: Season 1", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "certified_fresh", "value" : 82 } }, { "link" : "//www.rottentomatoes.com/tv/full-frontal-with-samantha-bee/s01/", "score" : 100, "showId" : 16038, "rating" : "certified", "showTitle" : "Full Frontal With Samantha Bee: Season 1", "title" : "Full Frontal With Samantha Bee: Season 1", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "certified_fresh", "value" : 100 } }, { "link" : "//www.rottentomatoes.com/tv/game-of-thrones/s06/", "score" : 93, "showId" : 15349, "rating" : "certified", "showTitle" : "Game of Thrones: Season 6", "title" : "Game of Thrones: Season 6", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "certified_fresh", "value" : 93 } }, { "link" : "//www.rottentomatoes.com/tv/the-girlfriend-experience/s01/", "score" : 81, "showId" : 14501, "rating" : "certified", "showTitle" : "The Girlfriend Experience: Season 1", "title" : "The Girlfriend Experience: Season 1", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "certified_fresh", "value" : 81 } }, { "link" : "//www.rottentomatoes.com/tv/lady-dynamite/s01/", "score" : 93, "showId" : 16258, "rating" : "certified", "showTitle" : "Lady Dynamite: Season 1", "title" : "Lady Dynamite: Season 1", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "certified_fresh", "value" : 93 } }, { "score" : 100, "showId" : 771442788, "rating" : "certified", "showTitle" : "O.J.: Made in America", "title" : "O.J.: Made in America", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "certified_fresh", "value" : 100 } }, { "link" : "//www.rottentomatoes.com/tv/orange-is-the-new-black/s04/", "score" : 100, "showId" : 15200, "rating" : "certified", "showTitle" : "Orange is the New Black: Season 4", "title" : "Orange is the New Black: Season 4", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "certified_fresh", "value" : 100 } }, { "link" : "//www.rottentomatoes.com/tv/orphan-black/s04/", "score" : 97, "showId" : 15230, "rating" : "certified", "showTitle" : "Orphan Black: Season 4", "title" : "Orphan Black: Season 4", "tomatometer" : { "state" : "certified_fresh", "value" : 97 } } ]}

Atlas Shrugged: Part II (2012) - Rotten Tomatoes

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Learn Liberty | What is Libertarian?

Posted: at 11:18 pm

Learn Liberty On Demand offers you a series of videos on new and exciting topics in the world of policy and ideas that you can watch any time, anywhere, on your schedule. Have you wondered what distinguishes the ideas of minarchists and anarchists, or the economists of the Austrian and Chicago Schools? If so, this is the place for you.

Youve heard the phrase but what exactly does it mean to be libertarian or classical liberal?Ah, the question of the sages, like Locke and Smith. (Not to mention newer sages like Hayek, Friedman, Rothbard and Nozick!) Now hear it best from one of Learn Libertysown classical liberal sages Dr. Nigel Ashford. Join him in eightengaging videos as he explains the origins, basic tenets and philosophies of classical liberalism like the Austrian School, the Chicago School, Public Choice, Natural Rights, Anarcho-Capitalism and more. Because the more you know what its about the more you can do with it to make the world a better place.

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Learn Liberty | What is Libertarian?

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Libertarian Republican – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Posted: at 11:18 pm

A libertarian Republican is a politician or Republican party member who has advocated libertarian policies while typically voting for and being involved with the United States Republican Party.

Sometimes the terms Republitarian or liberty Republican are used as well. Libertarian Republicans' views are similar to Libertarian Party members, but differ in regard to the strategy used to implement libertarian policies.[citation needed]

Libertarian Republicans represent a political faction within the Republican Party. They are strong believers in the traditional Republican principle of economic libertarianism that was advocated by past and present presidential candidates such as former Senator Robert A. Taft, former Senator Barry Goldwater and former Representative Ron Paul and his son, current Senator Rand Paul. Individuals who self-identify as libertarian Republicans do not necessarily share the same political beliefs across the spectrum, though there do seem to be several issues that bind them together, including beliefs in fiscal conservatism, personal responsibility, and personal liberty.[citation needed]

The most common belief libertarian Republicans share is fiscal conservatism specifically, advocating for lower taxes at every level of government, a reduction in the level of spending in the federal budget, easing the burden of federal regulations on business interests, the reform of the entitlement system, and ending or making significant cuts to the welfare state. Additionally, they oppose budget deficits and deficit spending and work to minimize it as much as possible. Libertarian Republicans tend to support more fiscal conservatism than their mainstream counterparts in the party, and are less willing to abandon these principles for political expediency.[citation needed]

Libertarian Republicans often differ from traditional Republicans in their emphasis on protection of civil liberties.[1] It is distinct from the Republican Party because it sees state-enforced conservative social policies as encroachments on personal privacy and individual liberties.[1] Libertarian Republicans disagree with the activities of mainstream Republicans with regard to civil liberties since the September 11 attacks in 2001, opposing the PATRIOT Act, its reform the USA Freedom Act, REAL ID, and President George W. Bush's domestic intelligence program.[2]

Opposition to the use of the term libertarian Republican comes from the libertarian adherence to the Non-Aggression Principle, its core philosophy of voluntaryism and lack of force against individuals, to which the Republican Party platform or philosophy does not adhere.[3]

The Republican Liberty Caucus was founded in 1991 at a meeting of a group of Florida members of the Libertarian Republican Organizing Committee attending a Young Republicans Convention. They included Philip Blumel, Tom Walls, Eric Rittberg, and Rex Curry and decided to develop a national Republican Liberty Caucus organization.[4] The group represents the GOP's libertarian wing.

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Libertarian Republican - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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2016 Libertarian Party National Convention

Posted: at 11:18 pm

The 2016 Libertarian National Convention is gearing up and online registration is now closed. Don't be discouraged! You can still register at the door (as long as room remains available). To help expedite the process to do so, please click on the thumbnail to be directed to a printable registration form. Please print and complete the form and turn into the registration desk when you arrive to help us expedite the registration process for you. Thank you for attending, participating in and being a part of #LegalizeFreedom, we most sincerely welcome you here.

The Libertarian National Committee (LNC) and the LP headquarters staff invite you to join us for the 2016 Libertarian Party National Presidential Nominating Convention, to help us #LegalizeFreedom.

The Libertarian Party National Convention will be held from Friday, May 27, through Monday, May 30, 2016 (Memorial Day), with special committee meetings, candidate and activist training seminars, and a Welcome Reception on Thursday, May 26. Visit our Schedule page for more information.

The convention will be held at the Rosen Centre Hotel & Resort in Orlando, Florida. See our Location page for special LP rates on hotel rooms, or visit our LP Suite Packages page.

This biennial convention offersseminars, forums, debates, discussion groups, and Exhibits.The Party's delegateswill elect its nominees for U.S. President and Vice President, consider proposed amendments to the Party's Platformand Bylaws, and elect our national leadership for the next term.

All LP members in good standing are encouraged to attend and help shape the future of the LP and the liberty movement. Contact your state party to learn how to be appointed as an official voting delegate from your state.

Family, friends, and observers who aren't ticketed convention attendees are most welcome to watch the non-ticketed events in the main hall, including the election of the Presidential and Vice Presidentialcandidates, take in the exhibits, and enjoy family-friendly attractions, shopping and recreationalopportunities.

2016 Libertarian Party National Convention

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Golden Rule Plumbing Heating & Cooling

Posted: at 11:18 pm

Plumbing Services

Whether your drainpipes have become clogged, or your water heater is leaking water, make sure that you have a reliable Des Moines plumber at your beck and call. We offer comprehensive plumbing repair, installation, replacement, and maintenance services that can keep your home free of water damage and bountifully supplied with hot and cold water. We want you to have a reliable plumbing system, and we have the quality workmanship and technical expertise to make sure that this is the case. Thousands of customers in Des Moines choose Golden Rule for their plumbing needs, and wed love an opportunity to earn your business.

Staying warm during the winter is as simple as having a reliable heater in the home. At Golden Rule Plumbing, Heating & Cooling, we provide comprehensive heating service in the Des Moines area, including installation, replacement, repair, and maintenance. We service all brands of equipment, and we can make sure that your furnace, boiler, heat pump, radiant heat, hybrid heating system, geothermal, or ductless mini split is professionally installed and serviced.

At Golden Rule Plumbing, Heating & Cooling, we also offer excellent air conditioning service in Des Moines, IA. Our service technicians can help with everything frominstallation and replacement to repair and maintenance. We not only install and service central air conditioners, which are probably the most common, but also heat pumps, ductless mini splits and geothermal systems. Having a great cooling system is essential to the comfort of your home in the summer.

One of our specialties is geothermal. This type of heating and cooling system delivers yearround comfort to your home while cutting down on energy consumption significantly. It is a great way not only to be more selfsufficient, but also to reduce your energy bill and to utilize a renewable resource. It involves the installation of underground piping as well as conventional HVAC components such as the heat pump and ductwork. You can depend on us for professional geothermal service throughout Des Moines.

A leak or clog at home is often a minor inconvenience. But when it occurs at your place of business or at the commercial property that you manage, it directly affects your livelihood. We can take care of your commercial plumbing and commercial HVAC services in Des Moines, IA, whether its the installation of a comprehensive new rooftop heating and cooling unit or the replacement of your existing water heater with a new tankless model, Golden Rule Plumbing, Heating & Cooling can help. Call us today.

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