Silent majority hasnt been silenced (letter to the editor) – SILive.com

The idea that conservative free speech is under attack has been bandied about a lot these days. You recently published a few letters from readers who argue that their First Amendment rights are being violated and would be further threatened by a Biden presidency.

This is confusing, especially as these letters are coming from Staten Islanders. Really? Where I live, I cant walk or drive a block without seeing varied displays of support for Trump (and Malliotakis) on homes and lawns, not to mention the Trump-a-Palooza that operates outside the Walgreens on Arthur Kill Road and Ridgewood Avenue on a regular basis.

Trump supporters are free to fly any flag they like, and many, many do. I support that freedom because I support the First Amendment. To say conservative free speech is being threatened is not only wrong, its based on a misunderstanding of the First Amendment. Until Congress passes a law that allows government agents to come knocking on your door and demand that you take down your Trump flag, your freedom of expression remains completely protected.

If you feel that you will be judged by others in your classrooms, workplaces and communities for voicing support of one candidate or another, thats unfortunate, but completely legal. People are allowed to disagree with you; it doesnt mean theyre threatening your free speech.

As I see it, the members of the so-called silent majority on Staten Island have never been very silent.

(Anthony Bongiorno is an Annadale resident.)

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Silent majority hasnt been silenced (letter to the editor) - SILive.com

How First and Second Amendments Apply in Protests – Duke Today

Recent political protests and associated gun violence in Wisconsin have put a spotlight on vigilantism and the rights of Americans under the Constitution to both peaceably protest and bear arms freely.

These topics, inextricably linked these days, were the focus of a Tuesday discussion by two Duke law scholars who took part in a virtual media briefing with journalists.

Watch the briefing on YouTube.

Here are excerpts:

ON GOVERNMENT POWER UNDER THE FIRST AMENDMENT

Nicole Ligon, First Amendment expert

The government has the authority to make and enforce rules for public health, safety, welfare such as the shutdown orders earlier this year. At the same time, the First Amendment protects peoples rights to free speech and to peaceably assemble. But very few constitutional rights are absolute.

The government is able to regulate the time, place and manner of speech in public forums as long as the restriction is narrowly focused to serve a significant government interest.

ON RECENT PERVASIVE VIGILANTISM

Darrell Miller, law professor

We as a sort of society have somehow drifted to a position where persons can cross state boundaries, sometimes heavily armed, appear on the streets again heavily armed, and theres very little that can happen beforehand in terms of an ability to stop it, with sometimes violent and calamitous results.

We dont have hard statistical data on this, but it should be noted that this is quite in contrast to absolutely innocuous events that turn out very, very badly with the deaths of young black men in America. Tamir Rice in Cleveland wasnt even a teenager, he was a young boy out on a playground playing with a toy gun. The police rode up and shot him dead.

It seems like theres two trigger fingers. Theres the trigger finger for African-Americans with guns and theres the trigger finger for whites with guns.

ON INTERPRETING THE SECOND AMENDMENT

Darrell Miller

Were operating in an environment in which the constitutional law is still not very clear as a matter of judicial rulings. Lots of people are making claims about what the Second Amendment does or does not permit in a highly tense environment.

Its always important to remember the Second Amendment is a floor, not a ceiling. It does not say whether a state, for example, can allow more guns in more places. That becomes a policy matter. There are tradeoffs. If you have lots of people in a highly charged political environment, armed, it makes the ordinary, peaceful process of politics much more difficult.

ON IMPOSING CURFEW ORDERS UNEQUALLY

Nicole Ligon

To the extent that curfew orders are being differentially enforced based on viewpoint, that is viewpoint discrimination. That is not going to be permitted by the First Amendment.

Youre not going to be able to differentially apply a curfew order to someone based on viewpoint. Youre not going to be able to say Black Lives Matter protesters cant be out past a certain time, but pro-police protester can.

ON USE OF LEGAL OBSERVERS DURING PROTESTS

Nicole Ligon

Legal observers are not unique to the US. They exist all over the world and frequently document police interactions with citizens. They serve a check function. The idea is that if they are there, maybe then there will be less biased reactions, there will be more clean arrests.

We have so many examples of important protests that have happened. Legal observers help to insure that protests occur in a safer way but also that everything is being documented and reported.

They act as these neutral third-party observers. Theres a really important role they serve for the commission of justice.

These are really critical roles, and theyre good for everyone.

ARE THE FIRST AND SECOND AMENDMENTS INCOMPATIBLE WITH EACH OTHER?

Darrell Miller

I think there is at least a challenge with trying to reconcile these two things. The right in the Second Amendment is a right to keep and bear arms so people who think you have a right to have guns anywhere you happen to be, focus on the bear part. The right in the First Amendment is the right to peaceably assemble. You have the right to assemble in a way that does not disturb the peace.

The fundamental challenge is trying to square these two things where to some people, the mere presence of lethal weaponry in private hands at a protest terrifies and therefore is a potential challenge to the peace.

In a densely populated urban area where people are showing up with firearms, the norms and behaviors and expectations and the perceptions of what is happening are going to be totally different.

Do you fear going to a place to register your political views if you think there are going to be armed private individuals there?

Nicole Ligon

Its very likely that there is some element of chilling that will occur if you have protesters that are going to be met with counter-protesters who are bearing arms, brandishing weapons.

The question is not so much that these people have weapons, its why do they have them. Is it necessary to their speech for a counter-protester to be holding that weapon?

There is this element of chilling that could definitely occur. Thats something that really needs to be examined and looked at.

ON WHAT PRIVATE MILITIAS ARE ALLOWED TO DO IN PUBLIC

Darrell Miller

It really depends on what state youre in. Some states have a long track record of actually forbidding this kind of activity. For example, the state of Washington in the early part of the 20th century outlawed private organizations of armed men in part because what had happened was big moneyed interests were using private military to engage in labor suppression.

The bigger challenge here is that in some ways, a combination of beliefs about the Second Amendment and what it stands for, fairly generous laws about open carry and Stand Your Ground, and self-defense, and the low, low barriers to coordinating lots and lots of people through social media has made it plausible to have many, many armed individuals show up in the public square and not really be members of a private militia as much as a group of individuals with firearms that show up. It has the same, potentially pernicious effect in terms of risk of injury and risk of confrontation.

We have to understand that the tolerance or the norm of having your political position in the public square supported by arms is not something we think of in a well-ordered society. This is something you see in other countries that have fragile democracies.

ON WHAT CAN BE DONE TO IMPROVE THE SITUATION RIGHT NOW

Nicole Ligon

A greater appreciation for viewpoint diversity. These protests again are so incredibly personal, but I do wish as a society we werent so quick to say, I know what that protest is about and I dont support those people.

I think were doing a lot of blending of things we dont like and were conflating them with messages we decide offhand we dont agree with.

It has been really disappointing to see how some people talk about these Black Lives Matter protests. I really wish we did a better job of understanding why are these viewpoints necessary to be heard, where people are coming from and being able to differentiate who is really involved in a moment and who is opportunistically engaging in something that is completely separate.

Darrell Miller

Martin Luther King Jr. and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in its early years recognized violence in the public square, or threats of violence, has the damaging feature of undermining the message youre trying to send. If youre trying to send a message that police brutality is unacceptable, it undermines your message to engage in violence or threat of violence.

If youre concerned that the reopen (movement) is not happening fast enough, it feels like it undermines your moral position to not engage with others as equal citizens but to threaten violence in order to persuade others about your political position.

Faculty Participants

Nicole LigonNicole Ligon is a lecturing fellow and the supervising attorney of the First Amendment Clinic at Duke Law School, where she teaches First Amendment law. Before coming to Duke, she litigated First Amendment issues in private practice.

Darrell MillerDarrell Miller is a law professor who specializes incivil rights, constitutional law, civil procedure and state and local government law at Duke University. He also co-directs theCenter for Firearms Lawat Duke Law School. His scholarship on the Second Amendment has been cited by the U.S. Supreme Court.

--

Duke experts on a variety of topics related the election and politics can be found here.

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How First and Second Amendments Apply in Protests - Duke Today

White House cites 1st Amendment in defending Trump rallies that flout COVID restrictions – ABC News

White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany on Wednesday defended President Donald Trump's crowded rallies that contradict local COVID-19 rules and his own administration's health guidance -- saying supporters are exercising their First Amendment rights.

She argued there is a double-standard when it comes to allowing crowds at protests -- hours before the Trump campaign announced airport hangar rallies in Nevada planned for this weekend have been cancelled.

After touting the president's coronavirus response in North Carolina, a reporter asked McEnany at an afternoon White House briefing why the president chose to host a rally there with thousands of people, many not wearing masks, on Tuesday night when the state has limited its outdoor gatherings to 50 people and mandated masks in public.

"People have a First Amendment right if they so choose to show up and express their political opinion in the form of a peaceful protest which is what the president has held and there is a real double standard here," McEnany said.

White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany speaks during a briefing in the Brady Briefing Room of the White House in Washington, D.C. on Sept. 9, 2020.

"CNN had on a guest, apparently a doctor, Rob Davidson, who said, 'Now, true, there are social distancing issues with regard to the protests around the country. However, this is a public health crisis. They are marching against systemic racism.' So if you're allowed to march in aggregate in those protests, you are also allowed to show up at a political rally. You have a First Amendment right in this country," she continued.

Shortly after the briefing, the Trump campaign announced its airport hangar rallies scheduled in Nevada this weekend had been cancelled, which presumably would have flouted the state's COVID-19 restrictions limiting public gatherings to 50 people, and said that Trump would instead still hold other events in the state.

The Trump campaign said 15,000 supporters showed up at its airport-hanger rally on Tuesday night, and most attendees were packed together and not wearing masks, despite the state's restrictions that outdoor gathering shouldn't exceed 50 persons.

The White House coronavirus task force recently identified North Carolina as having the 18th highest rate of cases in the U.S. and recommended enforced social distancing and mask mandates -- but McEnany vehemently defended the gathering on Wednesday.

"If people want to show up and express their political views, that's their choice to do so. We hand out masks, we encourage the individuals to wear those masks. A lot of people did, I was in North Carolina last night and saw it. We give out hand sanitizer. But at the end of the day, if you want to join a peaceful protest you can do so," she said.

Fans cheer during a Make America Great Again Rally for President Trump at the Smith Reynolds Regional Airport in Winston-Salem, NC., Sept. 8, 2020.

The government's top expert on infectious diseases, Dr. Anthony Fauci, in an interview with CBS Wednesday was asked if it was frustrating to see thousands of people packed in at Trump's campaign rallies, with no social distancing and few masks -- and replied "yes."

"Well, yes, it is. And I've said that often. That situation is -- we want to set an example, because we know, we know that when you do four or five typical kind of public health measures -- masks, physical distance, avoiding crowds, making sure you do most things outdoors versus indoors - those are the kind of things that turn around surges and also prevent us from getting surges. So I certainly would like to see a universal wearing of masks," Fauci said.

Trump on Tuesday night also accused the state's Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper, who is up for reelection, of imposing coronavirus restrictions to hurt Trump's re-election chances and urged North Carolinians to vote instead for the Republican Lt. Gov. Dan Forest.

"Your state should be open. It should be open," Trump told an enthusiastic crowd in Winston-Salem.

Supporters cheer as U.S. President Donald Trump speaks during a campaign event at Smith Reynolds Regional Airport in Winston-Salem, N.C., Sept. 8, 2020.

The president was scheduled to hold airport rallies in Reno and Las Vegas this weekend but both were cancelled, the campaign announced Wednesday afternoon.

Trump 2020 campaign Nevada co-chair Adam Paul Laxalt said in a tweet it was the Nevada governor who cancelled the rallies, in a tweet calling the move "outrageous" and "unprecedented" -- but the state's governor said Wednesday his office still hadn't received any planning information from the campaign.

Trump 2020 communications director Tim Murtaugh said in a statement that Trump will still travel to Nevada on Saturday and Sunday.

Nevada Gov. Steve Sisolak earlier Wednesday tweeted that his office has "had no involvement or communication with the event organizers or potential hosts regarding the proposed campaign events advertised by the Trump campaign" but suggested a massive rally like the one seen in North Carolina would also not comply with his state's COVID-19 restrictions put in place because of White House guidance.

"Current statewide emergency directives include mandatory face coverings, limitations on public and private gatherings to no more than 50 people, and other measures to mitigate the spread of COVID-19," Sisolak wrote.

"The Nevada-specific White House recommendations have consistently included recommendations to limit the size of gatherings for weeks now," he added.

ABC News' Ben Gittleson, Jordyn Phelps, Will Steakin, Justin Gomez, Terrance Smith, and Soo Rin Kim contributed to this report.

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White House cites 1st Amendment in defending Trump rallies that flout COVID restrictions - ABC News

Protesters have a right to speak, but shouting won’t get people in power to listen | Opinion – Tennessean

Sen. Kerry Roberts, Guest Columnist Published 5:01 a.m. CT Sept. 11, 2020

Protesters block the legislator's garage entrance, troopers arrest one protester and some protesters block traffic on MLK Blvd. Nashville Tennessean

Tennessee state Sen. Kerry Roberts: It is easy to champion someones First Amendment right when we are on their side, but not when we disagree.

Imagine walking downtown on a beautiful summer evening to meet some friends for dinner. Suddenly, an angry mob of protesters chases you down, surrounds you, and starts screaming at you! Because you are accompanying an elderly individual, you can only walk so fast.

The protesters keep you surrounded, shouting every step of the way. After a few minutes that seem like hours, you reach your destination and are finally able to escape the mob.

If that happened to you, would you defend the right of the protesters to do that?

That did happen to me and I shared that experience in both the Senate Judiciary Committee and on the Senate floor. But not, as some in the national media reported, in order for me to complain about noise or the act of protesting. It is just the opposite: I defended the right of the protesters to do what they did.

At the very heart of our republic is our constitutions First Amendment, that protects the right of people to say what they want to say. Even if we are the target even if we do not agree.

It is easy to champion someones First Amendment right when we are on their side. However, when we disagree, or when we are the object of protesters, we often become strangely silent about their rights. It is understandably difficult to defend someone yelling at you when you are surrounded by a mob.

After defending the protesters right to free speech, I pointed out one of lifes great lessons: if the goal is for meaningful dialogue to take place, shouting is not the way to achieve that goal.

Hear more Tennessee Voices: Get the weekly opinion newsletter for insightful and thought provoking columns.

In everyday life, there is nothing controversial about that statement. Most of us learn at an early age that shouting does not tend to accomplish our goals. Shouting will get us heard, but is anyone listening? Is a dialogue taking place? Are meaningful thoughts exchanged? Are ideas discussed? Are problems identified? Do solutions emerge? If not, the shouting is just noise; noise that is often tuned out, discarded, or ignored.

The right to speak does not guarantee that someone is listening.

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What does it take for one person to listen to another? We tend to listen to people we respect. My comments were part of a larger conversation involving a bill being presented by one of my Democraticcolleagues.

The presenting Senator and I are on opposite ends of the political spectrum. Even so, we decided early on not to let our ideological differences prevent us from being friends; we respect each other.

Consequently, we listen to each other and have intellectually honest conversations. Sometimes we agree, sometimes we dont. But our doors and our minds are open to each other.

Being surrounded by a mob was a tense and threatening situation. Even so, I absolutely defend a protesters right to free speech. That said, how a protester uses that right will largely determine whether anyone is listening. Any voice loud enough can be heard, but isnt the goal of protesting to have someone listen?

Tennessee state Senator Kerry Roberts, R-Springfield,chairs the Senate Committee for Government Operations, which provides legislative oversight of the State of Tennessees departments, agencies, boards, commissions, and councils.

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Protesters have a right to speak, but shouting won't get people in power to listen | Opinion - Tennessean

Assange targeted for political views in terrifying threat to First Amendment, expert witnesses tell hearing – WSWS

By Laura Tiernan and Thomas Scripps 10 September 2020

Julian Assange is being targeted for prosecution under the Espionage Act for his political opposition to US-led wars and government secrecy, an expert witness told extradition hearings yesterday at the Old Bailey. Under current US-UK treaty arrangements, extradition for political offences is barred.

Paul Rogers, Emeritus Professor of Peace Studies at Bradford University, a political scientist and author of nine books on the war on terror, who has published extensively on the Afghan and Iraq wars, testified via video link during the morning session.

Rogers explained how WikiLeaks revelations about US conduct in Iraq and Afghanistan had exposed the fiction of success promoted by the US government from 2001. His written testimony cited US academic Yochai Benkler that WikiLeaks was essentially a networked version of the Pentagon Papers which exposed US military intervention in Vietnam between 1945 and 1967.

The US had given a firm impression that Afghanistan was under control and that victory had been achieved, Rogers said. What the WikiLeaks revelations did was to confirm the view of some analysts that in fact the war had gone more or less wrong from the start. So the impression which was being given to the general public and the international community that this was a success, was clearly not the case, and the evidence published by WikiLeaks really confirmed that in a degree of detail that was not otherwise available.

On Iraq, Rogers said, From the start, the United States believed that the war in Iraq was going to be a very significant success. Within three weeks, the statue in that Baghdad square had come down and three weeks later George W. Bush gave his famous mission accomplished speech.

During the first year or two, there had been very clear evidence not available to the public that the war was going wrong. WikiLeaks was able to confirm much of that in 2011 and this had led to people reappraising the whole of the Iraq war.

WikiLeaks exposure of civilian casualties had played possibly the most important role in catalysing public opposition to both wars. The British NGO Iraq Body Count (IBC) had been doing very good work on this, but WikiLeaks added hugely to that and if I remember rightly the information they provided in various war logs was an additional 15,000 civilians killed, in addition to those carefully recorded by IBC. Thats probably one of the most significant parts of the whole appraisal, bringing to the public domain an unfortunate and very distressing aspect of the whole war.

Underscoring the implications of US-UK efforts to silence Assange, Rogers said that due to WikiLeaks exposures there had been a much greater caution by western countries, particularly by the United States and the UK, in the willingness to go to war at an early stage.

Assange was, someone with quite strong political views, Rogers said. Edward Fitzgerald QC for the defence read from a speech Assange delivered to a Stop the War rally at Londons Trafalgar Square in August 2011. Assange said that WikiLeaks had revealed, the everyday squalor and barbarity of war, information such as the individual deaths of over 130,000 people in Iraq, individual deaths that were kept secret by the US military who denied that they have counted the deaths of civilians Instead, I want to tell you what I think is the way that wars come to be and that wars can come undone. It should lead us also to an understanding because if wars can be started by lies, peace can be started by truth.

In 2012, Assange had founded the WikiLeaks Party in Australia, contesting elections to the federal senate on a platform of human rights, transparency, and accountability. Rogers said, At the root of this is a libertarian view of the need for individuals and public groups to produce a much greater degree of transparency and accountability Its a very clear political position.

Assanges political opinions, especially in relation to the Chelsea Manning disclosures, had placed WikiLeaks on a collision course with successive US administrations and at the crosshairs of dispute with the philosophy of the Trump administration.

James Lewis QC for the US government made several attempts during cross-examination to establish that Assange does not have political views and that WikiLeaks publications were not politically motivated. Rogers countered, showing the broader political context for the indictments, namely the Trump Administrations war on journalism and free speech, and the history of war over the last twenty years.

Rogers sought to draw a sharp distinction in his testimony between the actions of the Obama and Trump White House toward Assange, emphasising the Democrats alleged decision to not indict the WikiLeaks publisher. Lewis seized on this claim, stressing it was the Obama Administration which had launched the Grand Jury investigation into Assange. Lewis said there was no evidence Obama had decided not to prosecute Assange. He pointed to decisions by US federal judges in 2013 and 2015 that the investigation was being continued.

Lewis then challenged Rogers status as an expert witness, alleging bias and political sympathy for Assange. An Honorary Fellow at the Joint Services Command and Staff College, Rogers has taught senior defence personnel for 38 years, lecturing on international security at the highest levels of the British state, including the Home Office, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, MI5 and UK Special Forces. He countered that some of Assanges views he found objectionable.

The defence called Trevor Timm as an expert witness in the afternoon session. Timm is a qualified lawyer and the co-founder and executive director of the Freedom of the Press Foundation in the US. He submitted a statement testifying that the unprecedented charges against Julian Assange and WikiLeaks can be considered to be the most terrifying threat to the First Amendment in the 21st century and they would explicitly criminalise national security journalism. Timm elaborated in questioning that Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein [the Watergate reporters] could have been charged under sections of the indictment against Assange.

The prosecution attempted to challenge Timms status as an expert, on grounds with chilling implications. Timm was asked whether he would feel threatened if this prosecution went ahead, having described the case as the thin end of the wedge to prosecute journalists. He replied that he worked on behalf of journalists in the United States, believed their rights are under threat and so felt fear on behalf of them. He added that, since the Espionage Act is written so broadly even people reading the newspaper containing classified information could potentially be violating it, everybody should be fearful of this case.

On this basis, Lewis argued he was not impartial, as demanded by his status as an expert witness, since there was a conflict of interest! That is, if the US government attempts to criminalise journalism, then anyone with a commitment to a free press should be barred from passing comment in court. The argument recalls the decision by the law Lords to overturn and earlier House of Lords ruling denying Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet sovereign immunity by citing the possible biased verdict due to the involvement of Lord Hoffmann, a director and chairman of Amnesty International Charity Ltd. Having already set a precedent for denying the accused basic legal rights to a defence, the Assange case is now stripping principled individuals rights to serve as expert witnesses in court.

The prosecution again tried to claim that Assange was not a journalist, citing the shameful September 2011 statement of the Guardian, New York Times, El Pais, Der Spiegel and Le Monde renouncing their work with WikiLeaks and condemning the organisation.

Lewis said that since the US government stated Assange was no journalist in its affidavits, they could not be accused of seeking to criminalise journalism.

Timm answered that it does not matter whether the government considers Julian Assange a journalist Nobody needs the New York Times to issue them a press pass to act as a journalist or receive First Amendment rights. This goes all the way back to the countrys founding with famous pamphleteers [Assange] was engaging in journalistic behaviour, he was acting as a publisher, and thats the right of everybody.

The final exchanges of the day dealt with procedural issues which underscored the deeply unfair treatment of the defence in this hearing. Lewis complained to the judge after learning his time for cross examination was limited to one or two hours for each witnesscompared to the half hour afforded the defence for chief examination. Baraitser refused to grant him unlimited time but gave him the opportunity to propose his own revised limits.

The hearing continues today.

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Assange targeted for political views in terrifying threat to First Amendment, expert witnesses tell hearing - WSWS

What Times-Call readers said this week – Longmont Times-Call

Here is a selection of comments on stories posted by the Times-Call on its Facebook page Sept. 5-11, 2020.

Blake Edward Miller: I will miss you Dr. Valencia, so sad. Took care of me since sixth grade or before!

Shirley Parker: As a nurse at the hospital during his time, we always knew when he was coming because he wore clogs. We all loved him. He and Dr. Tanenbaum worked so well together. He definitely will be missed.

Rod Tilley: Dr. Valencia helped me immensely during the months and years following my stroke. His patience and guidance helped me towards a new and fulling life. He will be missed.

Olivia Alvarez: I think, you need specific data, charter shools in Longmont and Firestone are open since August and they dont have any cases. You have the option to enroll your kids in the (LaunchEd) program. That is totally online.

Meaghan Woodson: No matter what the district does parents will be upset, so its pretty simple: If you want your kids in school, send them; if you dont, choose the online option.

Heather Heasley: I want to know what St. Vrain Valley School District has to say about the recent publication on the CDC website that provides guidelines to parents in the event that schools have to keep our kids (without permission) overnight in the event of an emergency. In other words, I want written confirmation from Don Haddad saying that there is not a scenario that would prevent parents from taking children home in the event of an emergency.

Amy Grace: Do it SVVSD, get these kids back in school! Jeffco is going full time in person, the largest district in our state. If they can go, we can too.

Els Dominguez: Keep all kids home until January 2021, COVID along with the flu season will be too much. Also, LaunchEd, which is the online option, is very parent led and not an option for those with computer, language and possible monetary barriers. I had my two youngest in LaunchEd and had to unenroll them as it was not working for us at all.

Sheree Briseno: My daughter has been back in school and there have been no cases at her school or with anyone elses children that I know that are in school in person. These kids need in person learning, socializing, structure, routines.

Molly Creek: Totally get both sides here, but we cant live in a fantasy world and planning to continue to push the department of health are pretty concerning stances to take.

April Koontz Leverone: What it boils down to is this, no matter what the district decides, someone is going to be pissed off. Its a lose/lose for the district. I personally love how SVVSD has handled this whole situation thus far.

Jessica Martinez: The only comment I will make is please dont believe everything you hear or read. Do what you as an individual want to do. I work in dentistry (one of the highest risk categories) and all I can say is the information we are getting in general is not accurate.

Susan Ballard-McKie: Open the schools up and let the kids get back to school! More damage is being done keeping them out. This is absolutely ridiculous.

Lisa Fox Hennig: I trust SVVSD to do the safest science based choice for our children.

Cathy Hartigan: Imagine that! Private schools and charter schools leading the way! Public schools still evaluating. Hmmm.

Bryanna Pickens: How is it too early? After three weeks youd think we would have a spike. Look at Marchs data while everyone was in quarantine!

Melanie Koppes: Sad that so many people fall for this media propaganda and fail to have a conversation with someone with a different view. I guarantee that most Americans are pretty close on most ideas but we let the biased media and corrupt politicians tell us we are enemies. We are supposed to be united to stand up to them not divided against each other.

Lance Touve: I am surprised that, after literally decades of programs, mandates, laws and wokefullness, Boulder isnt a pristine, oppressiveless example of a non-biased city. Why would they need to demonstrate?

Shawn Bebout: Funny how they are trying to allow what rights you are allowed to stand up for.

Suzanne Frazier: We have a few people in this state who want to feel like they are in control of their lives and acting in such a way that is rather immature.

Hope Rabe: My family stands with Bandimere Speedway! If its OK for rioters to peacefully protest then it should be OK for people to really hold a peaceful protest.

Theresa Burke: First Amendment rights are legal! I stand with this group who are legally gathering under our First Amendment right.

Travis Pryor: Keep driving up those housing prices, baby. Pretty soon my humble little single-family dwelling will be selling for a half million!

Dave Larison: Carbon copy of Boulder where average home prices hit $1 million (four years) ago.

The rest is here:

What Times-Call readers said this week - Longmont Times-Call

Petitions of the week: Capital punishment, sex discrimination, Trumps Twitter and more – SCOTUSblog

Posted Thu, September 10th, 2020 2:26 pm by James Romoser and Andrew Hamm

This week we highlight recent cert petitions that ask the Supreme Court to weigh in on an obsolete sentencing practice for the death penalty, the extent of Title IXs protections against sex discrimination, and President Donald Trumps use of Twitter. In McMillan v. Alabama, an inmate on death row wants the court to review the constitutionality of his death sentence, which was imposed by a judge after the jury voted 8-4 for life imprisonment. A judicial override procedure for death sentences was legal in Alabama at the time of McMillans sentencing but has since been abandoned. In Bose v. Bea, a former Rhodes College student asks the court to clarify the extent to which the college is liable under Title IX for expelling her based on accusations from a professor that she alleges were false and motivated by sex discrimination. And in Trump v. Knight First Amendment Institute, the president wants the court to reverse a decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit finding that Trump violates the First Amendment when he blocks his critics on Twitter.

These and otherpetitions of the weekare below the jump:

Williams v. United States19-1221Issue: Whether, to conduct a warrantless forensic search of a digital device at the border, government agents need reasonable suspicion that the device contains digital contraband (as the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit requires), reasonable suspicion that the device contains evidence of a particular crime with a nexus to the purposes of the border-search exception to the warrant requirement (as the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit requires), reasonable suspicion of any kind of criminal activity (which suffices in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 10th Circuit), or no suspicion whatsoever (as the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit permits).

City of Austin v. Paxton19-1441Issue: Whether, underEx parte Young, a state official is a proper defendant in a federal declaratory judgment challenge under the supremacy clause to the validity of a self-enforcing state statute, if the official with authority to enforce the statute has not yet overtly threatened enforcement.

Harris v. Maryland20-101Issue: Whether, when preindictment delay has caused actual prejudice to the accuseds ability to defend himself, the due process clause requires that the defendant prove that the delay was driven by an improper prosecutorial motive, or that courts balance the particular prejudice to the defendant against the particular reasons (or lack thereof) for the delay.

McMillan v. Alabama20-193Issue: Whether the execution of a person sentenced to death by judicial override violates the Eighth Amendment.

Muckleshoot Indian Tribe v. Tulalip Tribes20-195Issue: Whether the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit, in conflict with precedent of the Supreme Court and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, impermissibly narrowed a decades-old judicial decree so as to deprive Native American tribes of their ability to exercise treaty fishing rights.

Trump v. Knight First Amendment Institute20-197Issue: Whether the First Amendment deprives a government official of his right to control his personal Twitter account by blocking third-party accounts if he uses that personal account in part to announce official actions and policies.

Bose v. Bea20-216Issue: Whether a school that expels a student based on charges and evidence motivated by sex bias denies that student educational opportunities on the basis of sex.

Posted in Williams v. U.S., City of Austin, Texas v. Paxton, Harris v. Maryland, McMillan v. Alabama, Muckleshoot Indian Tribe v. Tulalip Tribes, Trump v. Knight First Amendment Institute, Bose v. Bea, Featured, Cases in the Pipeline

Recommended Citation: James Romoser and Andrew Hamm, Petitions of the week: Capital punishment, sex discrimination, Trumps Twitter and more, SCOTUSblog (Sep. 10, 2020, 2:26 PM), https://www.scotusblog.com/2020/09/petitions-of-the-week-capital-punishment-sex-discrimination-trumps-twitter-and-more/

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Petitions of the week: Capital punishment, sex discrimination, Trumps Twitter and more - SCOTUSblog

Volusia school district backpedals on media restrictions, but information is still scarce – Daytona Beach News-Journal

It was a miscommunication.

By now, that'san age-old story for the Volusia County school district, with an obvious difference this year: during the coronavirus pandemic, access to information can feel like life or death.

In that contextit was alarming to some when district leaders sent what looked like an attempt to muzzlestaff, reminding them not to speak to the media without checking with the district's spokeswoman.

How can we, as public school teachers who are mandated to provide a free space and high quality education to children, be prohibited from sharing the truth about whats going on in our classrooms? teachers union president Elizabeth Albert asked.

More: As COVID-19 quarantine rumors swirl, Volusia schools are mum

District leaders later said the intent was to remind high-level employees to use the districts spokeswoman to present factual information on the school systems behalf, particularly about the coronavirus pandemic. But government agencies also often employ such messagesto keep employees from speaking to the press about anything.

And even as district officialspledge more transparency, staff members and parents are still waiting for information about the extent of the coronavirus pandemic in schools, about delays in accessing virtual school courses and about whats really going on in schools that are more closed off than usual during the coronavirus pandemic.

It leads people to be suspicious, Albert said. And I dont think thats what we want with our educational system.

Interim Superintendent Carmen Balgobin sent a memo to principals and department heads on Sept. 4 and requested that they share the information with all staff members, according to an email obtained by The News-Journal.

To ensure we are delivering a clear and precise message, all media communications need to be facilitated through the office of Community Information, Kelly Schulz, the memo read.

Later, School Board Chairwoman Ida Wright explained it was at her request that Balgobin sent the memo. After The News-Journal reported that the district was not planning to publish COVID-19 case information and it became national news, Wright said school administrators, district staff and board members were all fielding inquiries from members of the community and the media even as the School Board and district attorney were researching the best course of action.

So she wanted to make sure those requests were going through Schulz, who would have the most updated and accurate information as the districts spokeswoman.

The News-Journalshared the memo on Twitter that same day, along with information about what rights district employees have when it comes to talking to the media. From there theinformation was shared in local Facebook groups and by reporters for other local media outlets.

Hours later, Schulz sent a statement from Balgobin via email. It reads in full:

The memo you have referenced was intended to be sent to our administrators to follow our existing media contact protocols. It is important for the school district to protect the operation of schools from substantial disruption and misinformation. As a result of this, we handle all internal communications through our Public Information Office. In no way was this intended to instruct employees on matters of their private concern protected by the First Amendment.

The News-Journal requested an interview with Balgobin, who referred to the above statement.

Wright said that when she asked Balgobin to address the issue with staff, she was thinking specifically about the sharing of coronavirus case information something the district has been widely criticized for not sharing in recent days.

We just want to have one person speaking on behalf of the district, Wright said. I think thats what she was trying to communicate.

But thats not what the memo, addressed to all staff, actually said. And although similar memos are common from government entities, one First Amendment expert said thats not the effect they have.

A memo like this would be very intimidating to an employee, said Frank LoMonte, director of the Brechner Center for Freedom of Information and journalism professor at the University of Florida.

Im reading this memo and it doesnt say all media communications in your official job capacity it says all media communications, he said. The message could not be clearer that employees are expected to clear every interaction with the news media, not just officially assigned interactions.

School districts and other public employers cannot prevent employees from speaking to the media about their experiences. They can prohibit employees from speaking on behalf of the organization, as a spokesperson, or from sharing confidential information the districtis required to maintain.

Wright said it was never the goal to be punitive toemployees, but rather to let them know the procedure. Schulz did not respond to a question from The News-Journal about whether employees who speak to the media could face punishment.

But LoMonte said the intent may not be able to overcome the effect of the memo.

In the eyes of an employee, he said, when you get a memo on official letterhead that is signed by your ultimate boss, that feels like something you cant disobey.

Communication is not only a point of contention in the Volusia County school district, where School Board members fired itssuperintendent over such concerns barely a year ago. During the coronavirus pandemic, its a topic thats being debated hotly statewide.

State agencies have conflicting ideas about what information is able to be made public, and by whom, causing districts like Volusia County to take conservative approaches lest they make a misstep and face legal action.

More: Start of school in Volusia means expected stranglehold on coronavirus case information

More: Volusia Schools to publish coronavirus case information; 8 cases so far in 4 locations

In reporting case information, the district shares numbers twice a week as well as a list of affected schools. But how many cases are at which schools, and how many students or classrooms have been advised to quarantine, is not available. The district last week refused to confirm or deny rumors about entire classrooms being advised to quarantine at schools.

At the School Board meeting last week, district officials applauded themselves and district staff for a successful first week of school. That wasfollowed by presentations of information and public commenters that painted a dissenting picture.

More: Volusia School Board celebrates successful 1st week of school; others protest

Albert also pointed to conflicts in the implementation of the districts mask policy, assertions that students would be social distancing during the school day when it's largely impossible, and mixed messages about how equitable education is for students who attend school in-person and remotely.

Im just disappointed, Albertsaid. The district to me is toocowardly to admit when something needs to be corrected and theyd rather silence folks from talking about it.

Wright said the district is working on developing more regular ways to communicate with the community, including more frequent press conferences.

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Volusia school district backpedals on media restrictions, but information is still scarce - Daytona Beach News-Journal

Messenger: Once again, University of Missouri president seeks to stifle dissent, this time on Twitter – STLtoday.com

University of Missouri System president Mun Choi pauses a moment on Friday, June 2, 2017, before addressing system's budget and upcoming layoffs at Memorial Union on the Columbia campus. Photo by Christian Gooden, cgooden@post-dispatch.com. Photo by Christian Gooden, cgooden@post-dispatch.com

I feel University of Missouri President Mun Chois pain.

I, too, use the block button on the social media platform Twitter.

Last week, Choi, who recently added chancellor of the universitys flagship Columbia campus to his title, took some heat for blocking students on Twitter who were critical of the universitys response to the coronavirus pandemic. Like many universities across the country that opened up to in-person attendance this fall, the opening in Columbia hasnt gone that well. There has been a spike of COVID-19 cases, not just on campus, but also in surrounding Boone County, which has shown more than a doubling of cases since students returned to campus.

The spike caused a new mask mandate for students, even when outdoors. Local health officials extended various restrictions, including shutting down some bars early. Amid the spike, some students turned to Twitter to criticize the job the university has done managing the pandemic.

Soon, students who chose to criticize Choi found out they were being blocked on Twitter, even if they hadnt tagged the president in their tweets. This didnt go over well with the students, many of them studying at one of the most prominent journalism schools in the nation. National publication BuzzFeed noticed and wrote a story. An attorney from Austin, Texas, who is a 2005 graduate of MU noticed, too.

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Messenger: Once again, University of Missouri president seeks to stifle dissent, this time on Twitter - STLtoday.com

Class-action lawsuits over repaying public-sector union fees rejected – Ballotpedia News

On Aug. 28, a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit affirmed two lower court rulings that public-sector unions cannot be held liable for repaying fees collected from non-members before Janus v. AFSCME.

Who are the parties to the suit?

The Third Circuit issued a joint ruling on two separate, but related, lawsuits:

Diamond v. Pennsylvania State Education Association

The plaintiffs are Arthur Diamond, Jeffrey Schawartz, Sandra H. Ziegler, Matthew Shively, Matthew Simkins, Douglas R. Kase, and Justin Barry, all current or former public school teachers in Pennsylvania. The defendants are the Pennsylvania State Education Association, the Chestnut Ridge Education Association, the National Education Association, and several individuals in their official state capacities.

Wenzig v. Service Employees International Union Local 668

The plaintiffs are Janine Wenzig and Catherine Kioussis, two Pennsylvania state employees. The defendant is the Services Employees International Union Local 668.

What is at issue?

On June 27, 2018, the Supreme Court of the United States issued its decision in Janus v. American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees. In a 5-4 decision, the court ruled that public-sector unions cannot compel non-member employees they represent to pay fees to cover the costs of non-political union activities. To do so, the court determined, would constitute a violation of employees First Amendment rights.

Janus overturned the courts 1977 decision in Abood v. Detroit Education Association. In Abood, the court ruled that public-sector unions could require non-members to pay fees to support union activities that benefitted them (e.g., collective bargaining). These fees are generally referred to as either fair-share or agency fees.

After Janus, the plaintiffs in both Diamond and Wenzig petitioned for reimbursement for the agency fees they, and those similar to them, paid before Janus. On July 8, 2019, Judge Kim Gibson of the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Pennsylvania dismissed Diamond, ruling that the union had collected the fees in good faith given then-prevailing law. On Dec. 10, 2019, Judge Malachy E. Mannion of the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania issued a similar dismissal for Wenzig.

Both the Diamond and Wenzig plaintiffs appealed to the Third Circuit, which consolidated the two suits. Oral argument occurred on April 24.

How did the court rule?

The appellate panel voted 2-1 to affirm the lower court decisions. Judge Marjorie Rendell, a Bill Clinton (D) appointee, wrote the courts opinion. Rendell cited similar recent decisions by other federal appellate courts.

We are not the first court of appeals to rule on this question, and we join a growing consensus of our sister circuits who, in virtually identical cases, have held that because the unions collected the fair-share fees in good faith reliance on a governing state statute and Supreme Court precedent, they are entitled to a good faith defense that bars Appellants claims for monetary liability under 42 U.S.C. 1983.

42 U.S.C. 1983 creates a cause of action for plaintiffs who are injured by a person who, acting under the color of any statute of any State, causes the plaintiff to suffer the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution. Rendell, pointing to unclear Supreme Court precedent on the question of whether private parties may assert a good faith defense to 1983 liability, cited a Third Circuit precedent to that effect:

In Jordan v. Fox, Rothschild, OBrien & Frankel, we held that a good faith defense is available to private parties who act under color of state law and are sued for monetary liability under 1983. We stated our basic agreement that private defendants should not be held liable under 1983 absent a showing of malice and evidence that they either knew or should have known of the states constitutional infirmity.

Judge D. Michael Fisher, a George W. Bush (R) appointee, wrote a separate opinion concurring in the courts judgment but dissenting from Rendells reading of 42 U.S.C. 1983:

[The] Supreme Court has read immunities and defenses into 1983, but it has done so principally on the conceit that they were available at common law in 1871, and implicitly incorporated into the statute. While this approach certainly limits the scope of liability, it also constrains judges from straying too far from the statutory text.

Judge Peter Phipps, a Donald Trump (R) appointee, dissented from the judgment, writing:

The central question presented in these consolidated cases, which seek recovery of agency fees garnished from the wages of non-union members, is whether a good faith affirmative defense exists to a First Amendment compelled speech claim under 1983. I do not see a valid basis for recognizing such a defense. A good faith affirmative defense was not firmly rooted in the common law in 1871 when 1983 was enacted, and nothing else compels recognition of such a defense today.

About the Third Circuit

The United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit is a federal court that hears appeals from the district courts in Delaware, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. The court has 14 authorized judicial posts and no current vacancies. The chief judge is Brooks Smith, a George W. Bush appointee. Of the courts 14 active judges, six were appointed by Democrats and eight by Republicans. Appeals are heard in the James A. Byrne Federal Courthouse in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

What comes next?

Attorneys for the plaintiffs have not said whether they intend to appeal the decision. The case names and numbers are Diamond v. Pennsylvania State Education Association (19-2812) and Wenzig v. Service Employees International Union Local 668 (19-3906).

Number of relevant bills by state

We are currently tracking 102 pieces of legislation dealing with public-sector employee union policy. On the map below, a darker shade of green indicates a greater number of relevant bills. Click here for a complete list of all the bills were tracking.

Number of relevant bills by current legislative status

Number of relevant bills by partisan status of sponsor(s)

No legislative actions have been taken on relevant bills since our last issue.

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Class-action lawsuits over repaying public-sector union fees rejected - Ballotpedia News