SEC Chairman Gary Gensler says more investor protections are needed for bitcoin and crypto markets – CNBC

The new head of the Securities and Exchange Commission said Friday that more investor protections are needed in the markets for bitcoin and other crypto assets.

Chairman Gary Gensler said on CNBC's "Squawk Box" that he sees the attraction to bitcoin for traders but regulation is needed to prevent fraud and other issues.

"It's a digital, scarce store of value, but highly volatile," Gensler said, talking about bitcoin specifically. "And there's investors that want to trade that, and trade that for its volatility, in some cases just because it is lower correlation with other markets. I think that we need greater investor protection there."

Gensler later added that he believes bitcoin is a "speculative" store of value and that the SEC should be "technology neutral" when it comes to innovations in markets.

Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies have boomed since late last year, fueled by increased institutional adoption for some of the more established coins and interest from retail traders.

Bitcoin was trading above $57,000 per coin on Friday after hovering under $10,000 a year ago, while dogecoin, a digital coin that started as a joke based on a meme with a shiba inu dog, was trading near its record high.

Gensler, who previously taught classes about blockchain and other financial technology at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, said there needed to be authority for a regulator to oversee the crypto exchanges, similar to the equity and futures markets. He said many of the crypto coins were trading like assets and should fall under the purview of the SEC.

"To the extent that something is a security, the SEC has a lot of authority. And a lot of crypto tokens I won't call them cryptocurrencies for this moment are indeed securities," he said.

Gensler also commented on social media's influence on financial markets.

"We need to update and freshen our rules to ensure that, while retail investors and any individual has First Amendment rights to speak and so forth, that they're not misleading the public, they're not manipulating the public, manipulating the markets," he said.

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SEC Chairman Gary Gensler says more investor protections are needed for bitcoin and crypto markets - CNBC

Report: Dell Med School researching technology linked to Bitcoin to improve health care for the homeless – KVUE.com

Blockchain technology has been used in the development of cryptocurrencies, such as Bitcoin.

AUSTIN, Texas Researchers at Dell Medical School are researching technology linked to Bitcoin to help improve access to health care for the Austin area's homeless population, according to a report from KVUE's news partners at the Austin American-Statesman.

The report states that Dr. Tim Mercer, global health program director at the school's population health department, is working with his colleagues to use blockchain technology as a way for those experiencing homelessness to have their identities verified by their health care providers. That information would then be securely shared throughout the health and human services network.

Dr. Mercer told the Statesman that the lack of proper identification has been a big barrier in providing health care to locals experiencing homelessness. In fact, a study by the school found that one-third of that population entering the health and human services system did not have a basic identity document.

"It's a major issue. ... I wouldn't have realized it if I was not there on the front lines," Mercer told the Statesman.

According to the report, by using this technology, a patient's identity would already be verified each time they are checked in to a medical or service provider. They wouldn't have to repeatedly give their providers a photo ID, and each transaction between patient and provider would create a new block in the chain of information about that patient.

To read the Statesman's full report, click here.

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Report: Dell Med School researching technology linked to Bitcoin to improve health care for the homeless - KVUE.com

Mark Cuban: The 3 ways Ethereum ‘dwarfs’ bitcoin – CNBC

Ether, the cryptocurrency that runs on the Ethereum blockchain, hit a record high on Tuesday.

Though it is still second behind bitcoin in market value, there is growing excitement surrounding Ethereum and its capabilities.

According to billionaire investor Mark Cuban, "the number of transactions and the diversity of transaction types along with the development efforts in Ethereum dwarf bitcoin," he tells CNBC Make It. "The utilization of Ethereum is much higher."

First, the Ethereum blockchain consistently processes more transactions per second than bitcoin's, making payments faster and more productive.

Second, it can support the creation of applications. Ethereum is known for itssmart contracts, which power and build decentralized applications, likeDeFi (or decentralized finance)apps, andNFTs (nonfungible tokens).

"Right now, bitcoin is a more established store of value and there is no reason to think it won'tcontinue to be for a long time," Cuban says. "Ethereum, on the other hand, is booming with development that I think will create so many new applications."

Third, Cuban says that as an upgradeto the Ethereum blockchaincalled Ethereum 2.0, which launched in 2020, continues to roll out, "the impact of Ethereum could be greater than we currently imagine."

Investors agree that there are several benefits to Ethereum 2.0. First, it could make Ethereum even faster investors say the changes could allow several thousand more transactions per second on the blockchain,as CNBC reported. They also say it could be more secure, among other things, "all of which will be hugely positive as a whole for Ethereum," Cuban says.

The only "challenge with Ethereum as an investment" is that until its update is complete, it's difficult to predict which improvements will come to light and which will not, Cuban says, which can "create some confusion along the way."

Though he is overall bullish on both Ethereum and bitcoin, Cuban also notes that new entrants to the market can always disrupt the status quo.

"Just like all major tech companies are at risk of new technologies superseding them, there is always the risk of a better decentralized chain coming along to disrupt bitcoin and Ethereum," he says.

Billionaire investor Ray Dalio, founder of hedge fund Bridgewater Associates, said similar in a January posttitled "What I Think of Bitcoin."

"I presume that a better alternative will be invented and pass it by," Dalio wrote, "because that is the way the evolution of everything works."

In Cuban's opinion, it's "not likely. But always possible," he says.

Cuban has been at the forefront of the wave of interest in cryptocurrencies and the technology that surrounds it. He has a portfolio ofbitcoin, Ethereum and other digital coinshimself, and hasinvested in many companiesin the space.

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Mark Cuban: The 3 ways Ethereum 'dwarfs' bitcoin - CNBC

What Is The Ideal Bitcoin Culture? – Bitcoin Magazine

Teggy Altankhuyag is the COO and Co-Director of Coinfloor.

This is a time of great change and great opportunity both for the finance sector and, more widely, for society. We in the Bitcoin industry are actively participating in the evolution of money. Theres no denying that our current financial system has its benefits, such as affordable and fast banking and payment processes for some consumers, but it also has many drawbacks that, until recently, were not possible to address. The current financial system is centralized and enables inflation and exclusivity. The users dont have choice or power over the impact it has over them. Furthermore, these standards have a wider, graver influence. As humans, our actions became more inflationary and more exclusory. In my view, this is evident in how we consume resources without regard to the impact we have on other species and our planet.

Bitcoin is already contributing toward changing this by providing us with an alternative system. Public blockchains encourage everyone to rely less on central parties and be more independent and responsible with their money. By reducing inefficiencies in the current system, it also allows us to concentrate on more important societal matters like reducing financial crime, achieving better financial inclusion and, perhaps most importantly, promoting values designed to empower its users to be more responsible.

In my opinion, this last goal is something that everyone involved with Bitcoin should aspire to for the promotion of a financial system that will benefit all of humanity and our environment. Our industry is new, and its culture is still developing. We have the chance to shape its culture into something thats driven by values; something that encourages and enables us to act in a more sustainable, reliable and inclusive way than anything thats gone before.

Indeed, the basis for such a culture is embedded in the Bitcoin code: Bitcoin doesnt discriminate on the basis of race, creed, gender or nationality. Its up to us to work from this base and apply it to our everyday work and life. We can encourage, collaborate and appreciate even celebrate our differences. We can stop competing against each other and start competing against poverty, injustice and unsustainable practices instead.

Some people may think this is a little idealistic, but Im confident we can bring about these cultural changes and become a truly great industry. After all, collaboration and our ability to work together successfully have already brought us to where we are today.

Taking the next step requires us to identify the values and principles we want to live by then sharing and acting on these. Evangelizing and taking deliberate actions however small will help us make sure were continuously growing as an industry and progressing toward achieving our goal of a values-driven culture.

Were not there yet, of course, and there are obstacles in the way that we need to overcome; Ill explore these in more detail in my next post. For now, Id ask you to consider what your ideal Bitcoin industry culture would look like, and which areas you could tackle as part of this ongoing evolution. Each of us has an opportunity to contribute to our combined success which action will you choose?

This is a guest post by Teggy Altankhuyag. Opinions expressed are entirely their own and do not necessarily reflect those of BTC, Inc. or Bitcoin Magazine.

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What Is The Ideal Bitcoin Culture? - Bitcoin Magazine

The Tension Between Secrecy and Innovation – Foreign Policy Research Institute

One of the most harmful effects of Chinas cyber espionage and from whistleblowers who publish classified information is the bureaucratic response that it triggers. Most agencies double down on secrecy. They install software to track access, monitor online behavior, and frequently attempt to entrap staff with honeypots and fake spearfishing bait to see who violates the rules. Those caught up in this morass of hi-tech security are usually singled out, with career reckoning implications. The purpose of these actions is to reinforce a culture of secrecy inside the organization.

Such bureaucratic behavior is predictable and understandable, at least to a degree. But it comes with a price. It sends a message that idea sharing and brainstorming with outsiders isnt consistent with the values of the organization.

Contact with people in other departments and outside organizations is necessary for innovation. Theres a tension then, between secrecy and innovation. And we need to acknowledge this tension because were in a long-term competition, where innovation is such a critical part of American strategy.

For real innovation, people in different technology fields need to exchange ideas with one another, and with those in operational commands. Secrecy gets in the way of this conversation. Without an exchange of viewpoints with those outside of departmental lines, the tendency will be to think inside the box defined by the official security procedures and systems. The result is like Walter Lippmann once said, When everyone is thinking alike, then no one is thinking.

Security procedures, monitoring software, clearances, etc. have two roles. One is to protect critical information from falling into the hands of foreign enemies and preventing untrustworthy or criminal individuals from getting inside the security apparatus.

In recent years, high-profile cases have highlighted this danger. Chinese hackers have stolen vast amounts of U.S. intellectual property and weapons secrets. On a different front, Edward Snowden, Chelsea Manning, and Nidal Hasan (the Fort Hood shooter) clearly showed what can happen if untrustworthy individuals get inside the system. Solutions to these problems have been the main focus of most agencies in recent years. A huge effort is now devoted to online security by the U.S. government. Moreover, as a recent RAND study describes, advanced tracking methods based on artificial intelligence checking of individual behavior is used to cope with the threat. There can be little doubt that monitoring of employees is increasing. It is becoming continuous, so that nearly all online and much offline behavior is monitored. The sophistication of this individual monitoring is increasing, as the RAND study indicates.

But the security system has a second, different role as well. Companies, and government agencies, use it as a competitive tool to protect a monopoly on key technologies, to hide embarrassing failures, and to increase the profitability of a program by keeping out competitors. Security clearances often are used as a deterrent to entry, to limit competition, and to block substitute, better products from consideration.

To understand how the security system of clearances and tightly controlled access impacts innovation, I will use a simple theory taught in every business school in the United States: the Five Forces Model. This model was originally developed by Professor Michael Porter at Harvard Business School. Variations of it are the basis of most management consultancies like McKinsey, BCG, and others.

The model uses five factors to characterize an industry. It breaks competition down into logical parts. The five factors are: the degree of competition, supplier power, threat of entry, buyer power, and the threat of substitute products.

Lets examine how each of these factors works in defense and intelligence.

The degree of competition in an industry like intelligence collection, cybersecurity, electronic warfare, cloud computing, or helicopters can be described qualitatively. For example, it could range from low to medium to high. Competition could also be described quantitatively. Standard measures here are profit, EBITDA (earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation, and amortization), or ROI (return on investment). The dynamics in any industry are a jockeying for a position where, ideally speaking, competition is low, and therefore where profits are high. This maneuvering for position is described in terms of the other four factors.

Supplier power is the ability of companies to restrict supply to drive up prices, or to preserve some other advantage, like protecting a long-term contract. Strong supplier power quashes innovation because a dominant supplier has little reason to innovate beyond doing barely enough to protect their position.

Small, incremental innovations characterize competitive situations with strong supplier power. There are many areas of defense, and especially intelligence, where a long-term contract is held. Examples include the operation of a satellite collection system, or AI support services to a command. Government generally is afraid of entertaining new ways of doing things by talking with innovators outside of existing suppliers who might do it better because lack of security clearances block this conversation from ever happening. Government buyers cant discuss matters with firms that dont possess these clearances. Individuals in government are even fearful that talking informally with outsiders with new ideas could get them in trouble. Security monitoring systems might pick up such contacts. Workers understand only too well the values and attitudes of their employer. Going against the grain, even to try to find a better product, may not be appreciated, or worseit may be flagged as a security violation, with career implications.

This all works to keep suppliers in their dominant position. It also discourages them from innovating. They will ask: Why bother to do expensive research and development (R&D) if were assured of keeping the contract anyway?

Threat of entry describes the likelihood that a new player will enter a market. A new entrant obviously increases competition, and thereby lowers profits for those already in that market. High barriers to entry keep potential rivals from bidding because they cant easily assemble the necessary skills and information for writing a competitive proposal.

A good example is Amazon Web Services (AWS) entering the Central Intelligence Agencys cloud computing competition in 2013 and beating IBM. The largest barrier to entry that AWS faced was getting qualified experts with the necessary clearances to know enough to write the proposal. For the intelligence market, finding such individuals is especially critical. The added difficulty in intelligence is getting the special access clearances, which creates very high barriers to entry and keeps potential rivals (like AWS) away from a market (like the CIA cloud). The security system constrains a government agencys ability to freely speak with innovators who do not have the appropriate clearances. This, obviously, reduces innovation since potentially knowledgeable companies are kept out of the picture.

The AWS win over IBM in 2013 is an especially interesting case. It required the significant financial backing of a giant company, Amazon, to win the contract. It is doubtful that a small- or medium-sized company could have ousted IBM since it had been a dominant supplier for a long time. Even with superior cloud technology, a medium- or small-sized firm would have found it difficult to pay the steep price needed to enter this market. Amazon had deep pockets and could do this.

Buyer power deals with the ability to dictate terms to suppliers. The ultimate buyer in defense and intelligence markets is a single entity, the Pentagon, or a three-letter intelligence agency. In theory, buyer power is high because the government is a monopsony, that is, theres a single buyer.

However, in practice, buyer power is limited because government is not a smart buyer. Government is hemmed in by complex federal regulations. Those inside the government find it difficult to even speak with outside companies if they arent adequately cleared. This dynamic shields existing firms from new competition, but the situation is actually worse: It directs the innovation strategies of established companies not to new technology, but to legal, procedural, and political actions to protect their market position. Most of them have huge staffs that are experts in protesting contract awards and keeping up with government regulatory changes. It is doubtful that such administrative schemes really add much to national defense.

Substitute products are alternative ways to meet a need or requirement. Uber, to use an example, is an alternative product to automobile ownership. Likewise, streaming video substitutes for a cable TV subscription. Defense examples include drones as a substitute for manned aircraft. Cyber attacks can neutralize a target instead of a missile strike, and so forth.

Today, substitution is especially important for innovation because there are many possibilities arising from new technologies. To analyze substitution potential, one has to know enough about these different technologies. The widespread use of black programs built on special-access, code-word clearances makes such an analysis almost impossible. In some instances, a manager would literally be breaking the law if she tried to compare different products for a mission need. Indeed, there are wasteful duplicate programs in some highly classified programs like space and cyber because of the impenetrable security walls separating the different black programs.

The current security system is built on a need-to-know basis, for an era when technologies operated in distinct vertical silos. Today, the worldand governments needshave changed with networked technologies. There are many different (substitute) ways to meet a mission requirement.

Two major conclusions come from this analysis. First, the security system of clearances and access control has two roles. This must be understood from the outset. It is used to protect national securityand to advance narrow business advantage. These two roles can have a deadly effect on innovation because clearances block the horizontal discussions necessary to develop new technologies and approaches. At the same time, the security system is strongly biased to protect existing dominant players. It discourages new players from entering the defense market.

Second, barriers to innovation from the security system will become a much bigger problem in the future for two reasons. First, the defense and intelligence system of the United States is becoming more interconnected. Networks are the name of the game now. To plug into these networks, one needs to know about the interfaces that link the different subsystems. These are highly classified. Cyber is the most highly classified area in defense today, like nuclear weapons design was in the 1950s. This situation gives a strong bias to supplier power advantage, and it makes deterrence to entry much greater. Quite simply, the dominant players have little reason to innovate, or to pay a fair price for the acquisition of small companies.

The second reason that clearances will dampen innovation in the future is that the locus of defense innovation has shifted to a great degree to small- and medium-size enterprises. These are the small firms in Silicon Valley, northern Virginia, Austin, and around Bostons Route 128.

These firms are technology focused, and they have a limited ability to discover new defense applications for their work because they dont have a breadth of knowledge or the clearances to work outside of their narrow domain. Larger defense companies will leverage their informational advantage against them and use clearances to squeeze them. The big firm says to the small one, Look, we dont care how great your technology is. Weve cornered the clearances and access to the National Security Agencyand you havent. Drop your priceor youre out of this contract. Especially in a networked world, the small firm needs the larger one as its the only gateway they have to participate in large projects.

For a long time, Ive urged the Department of Defense to do a study that asks a simple question: Do large defense companiesthe lead systems integratorstake too much? Are they crushing innovation in the lower-tier suppliers? Ive never found any interest by DoD in this, the most fundamental question of innovation: Who gets what?

As to designing a new security system for the 21st century, there are several possibilities. The first is simply to appreciate just how damaging the current security system is for defense innovation. Congressional hearings on over-classification, abusive use of clearances to protect markets, and wasteful duplication arising from an inability to compare substitute products would garner a lot of attention.

Second, the current security systems performance in actually protecting secrets isnt effective. The recent SolarWinds and Microsoft hacks, and Chinese and Russian penetration into major weapons systems, make it clear that the enemy has deep inroads into American government organizations and systems. The current clearance system is not really stopping them. If it were, then we might be understandably reluctant to tamper with it. But this is far from the case. In truth, the current security system has few supporters other than those who are in charge of checking clearances, monitoring employee behavior, and auditing visits with outside groups.

A third action would be to establish a national commission on secrecy and innovation. In recent years, commissions have analyzed AI, hypersonic missiles, space, and cyber. They have all come up with useful recommendations. Most often these include calls to increase government R&D, expand education, and create a White House czar to drive change.

But these recommendations are offset by a security system designed in the 1950s when the danger was one of spilling secrets from silos built around nuclear weapons, missiles, and aircraft. Now, this old security system is applied to new technologies like space, cyber, hypersonic missiles, and AI. This is very different from the closed innovation silos of the Cold War. Innovation requires going outside of the silos to bring in fresh ideas from different technical fields.

Theres a tension between secrecy and innovation. I dont think this tension line is even recognized in todays debates about whistleblowers and cyber espionage. To juice up defense innovation, we need to recognize the dual role of the system: security and innovation. We need to move the needle toward the innovation side of the ledger. Otherwise, a secrecy first culture will strangle innovation. This system has to change if the United States is to leverage its immense technological potential into real military advantage.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a non-partisan organization that seeks to publish well-argued, policy-oriented articles on American foreign policy and national security priorities.

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The Tension Between Secrecy and Innovation - Foreign Policy Research Institute

200 years of US coverage: how the Guardian found its feet stateside – The Guardian

When George W Bush launched an illegal invasion of Iraq in a vain search for weapons of mass destruction, there was no shortage of cheerleaders in the US media.

The Guardians trenchant criticism of the war would have had little impact across the Atlantic were it not for the power of the internet to demolish national boundaries. As it was, Americans paid attention in their millions.

A host of political bloggers have pointed to the British medias more sceptical coverage of the run-up to the Iraq war and wondered why American reporters cant be more impertinent, noted the Columbia Journalism Review in 2007. These bloggers regularly link to stories in the Guardian, the Independent, and the Times, driving waves of US traffic to their websites.

Suddenly, a third of the Guardians readers were in North America, seemingly attracted by its lack of deference to authority, its global outlook at a moment when many US newspapers were cutting costs and turning inward, and its informal tone and irreverent wit.

The breakthrough hinted at a potential to become a force in the US in ways that would have been unimaginable to the papers founders in Manchester 200 years ago.

It was not plain sailing. The Guardian lacked the financial muscle for an immediate and aggressive expansion into the US. An attempt to buy the website domain name guardian.com foundered when Guardian Industries, a company in Auburn Hills, Michigan, refused to sell.

Still, the news organisations free, open-access model and liberal values built a loyal audience, and its focus on the national security state, racial injustice, voting rights and environmental protections struck a chord.

Sidney Blumenthal, a former White House official who became familiar with the paper in the 1980s and continues to write for it, says: The Guardian was within my conception of what journalism was and should be and it was not like the New York Times. It was more stylish, it took more chances, it was more analytical.

By the end of 2020, the website had a record 116 million unique US browsers, with a daily average of 5.8 million. It has never built a paywall, but after years of boom-bust cycles, reader contributions have turned it into a profitable business in the US.

But it has been a long and sometimes rocky road to get where it is today, and the paper has not always embodied the values that strike a chord with progressive Americans. For all the values it espouses today, the Guardian has sometimes found itself on the wrong side of history.

The Manchester Guardian was founded in 1821 by the journalist John Edward Taylor, the son of a cotton merchant, with financial backing from cotton and textile traders some of whom would almost certainly have traded with cotton plantations that used enslaved labour.

(Last year, as the Black Lives Matter movement forced a worldwide reckoning over historical injustices, the Scott Trust commissioned independent researchers to investigate any potential links between the Guardian and the transatlantic slave trade.)

As such, in the early decades, the paper often aligned its views with those of big cotton, repeatedly siding with mills and manufacturers against workers refusing to handle cotton picked by enslaved people during the American civil war.

The paper had always denounced slavery, but was unconvinced that victory for the north would end it. It ran hostile editorials about Abraham Lincoln, dismissing his time in office as a series of acts abhorrent to every true notion of constitutional right and human liberty.

As it had long supported self-determination movements around the world, it also believed that the south had every right to establish independence.

The Guardian of today took shape when Taylors nephew, CP Scott, took over in 1872 at the age of 25. Committed to social justice, his 57-year editorship transformed it into a standard-bearer for independent liberal journalism. Scott had a private meeting with Woodrow Wilson when the US president visited Manchester in 1918.

But news from the US was still sporadic. Years passed with no regular correspondent there at all. For the first half of the 20th century, the paper relied on busy American journalists already working for US titles, who were discouraged from filing too often because of the cost of cables.

It wasnt until after the second world war that the Guardian really began to cover the US properly.

Alistair Cookes reporting on the founding conference of the United Nations in San Francisco helped land him a job as a full-time correspondent in New York. But in the 1960s, Cookes relationship with his counterpart in Washington, the Canadian Max Freedman, was so strained that they never spoke, and editorial planning had be done through the Manchester office more than 3,000 miles away.

Freedman, who worked from a room in the Washington Post office, quit the Guardian suddenly in 1963, leaving the biggest story of the decade to fall to Cooke.

He had been invited to cover John F Kennedys trip to Dallas, Texas, by a member of White House staff, but having taken 82 flights in just over two months, turned down the offer. Although this denied him the historic dateline, it allowed him to file faster than reporters on the spot who, 13 cars behind Kennedy, were taken to a separate location with no idea of what happened.

Cookes daughter, Susan Cooke Kittredge, who was 14 at the time, recalls: We were all discharged from school early and my memory of New York City is that there was no sound thats probably because there was so much going on in my head. When I walked into the apartment, it was the opposite of that: we had two televisions, which was unusual at the time, and late into the night I monitored two stations and Daddy had one in his study.

I remember so clearly the way one has important memories embedded in the brain the phones ringing all the time. I have a vision of Daddy being in his bathrobe and it was maybe 10.30 at night and the phone rang and he stood there and screamed into the telephone: We are doing the best we can!

Nearly five years later, Cooke was in the room when Kennedys brother, Bobby, was shot and killed in Los Angeles while running for president and filed a report from the scene. He was completely stunned by the experience, his daughter says. He hadnt taken his typewriter even and had to file copy on a piece of scratch paper.

Hammering a typewriter in his 15th-floor apartment overlooking New Yorks Central Park, Cooke would hold his position until 1972 on a salary of $19,000 a year, covering a vast range of topics while also making TV programmes and the BBC radio series Letter from America.

But he was challenged by the then Guardian editor, Alastair Hetherington, over whether he was giving too little coverage to race relations in the south. In the early 1960s the paper sent William Weatherby to cover the civil rights movement, and according to a New York Times obituary, he developed lifelong friendships with James Baldwin, Bayard Rustin and other major figures.

Guardian reporters covered the twists and turns of the Watergate scandal that brought down Richard Nixon in the 1970s. Michael White, Washington correspondent from 1984 to 1988, witnessed the re-election of Ronald Reagan and his second term at the White House.

He had this knack of lighting up a room and you couldnt dislike him because even when he was shot he made a joke, says White, 75. The difference between Reagan and [Donald] Trump was that Reagan appealed in important respects to the sunny side of human nature, and thats quite important. You could get very cross and very scornful towards Reagan, but he was a hard man to hate.

A day after the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, the papers front page carried the headline A declaration of war above a near-full-page photo of the twin towers in flames. A leader column urged the US to keep cool.

An even greater unilateralism, even a growing siege mentality, is to be avoided at all costs. It would be a victory for the terrorists. Likewise, American overreaction, especially of the military variety, must be guarded against. The temptation right now is to make someone pay. And pay and pay and pay. Take a deep breath, America. Keep cool. And keep control. Guardian leader, 12 September 2001

But there were moments of overreach. In 2004 the Guardian launched a campaign encouraging concerned non-American readers to lobby undecided voters in Clark County, Ohio, a swing state in the election between Bush and John Kerry. There was uproar over what many saw as foreign interference in American democracy long before disinformation was a twinkle in Vladimir Putins eye.

Blimey, wrote the then features editor, Ian Katz. I think I have an idea as to how Dr Frankenstein felt. By the beginning of this week, a quixotic idea dreamed up last month in a north London pub had morphed into a global media phenomenon complete with transatlantic outrage, harrumphing over journalistic ethics, grave political predictions and thousands of people from every corner of the planet writing personal, passionate letters to voters in a tiny American district few outside Ohio had heard of 10 days ago.

In the end, Bush won Clark County by a bigger margin than he had in 2000, prompting speculation about a Guardian effect that backfired spectacularly. Did Guardian turn Ohio to Bush? pondered a BBC headline.

But by this time a paradigm shift was taking place: the internet changed everything.

By 2007 the Guardians online presence was pulling in about 5 milllion unique browsers a month in the US, prompting the launch of a dedicated US-based website. It was branded Guardian America, its headquarters were two blocks from the White House, and its founding editor, Michael Tomasky, was American.

In 2007 the idea of a British newspaper trying to become an American media outlet was new and strange and something that people couldnt quite wrap their heads around, says Tomasky. I would say that in two years, the world had changed enough that it was no longer strange to people, and the Guardian in addition to the Independent and others was an acknowledged and accepted part of the media landscape.

In 2011, the site relaunched as Guardian US, this time from New York even as a succession of big scoops helped put it on the map. In 2010 it was among five newspapers worldwide to make public US diplomatic cables provided by Chelsea Manning, a US army intelligence analyst, to the whistleblower website WikiLeaks.

In 2013 it published documents leaked by Edward Snowden detailing mass surveillance by the National Security Agency, a story that dominated news cycles and boosted its profile immeasurably. The Guardian and Washington Post shared a Pulitzer prize for public service.

It also broke new ground by compiling a national database of people killed by police and telling the stories of more than 3,600 healthcare workers who died after contracting the coronavirus on the frontline.

Today the Guardian has offices in New York, Washington and Oakland, California, and further correspondents elsewhere: a team of more than a hundred editorial and commercial staff that dwarfs most other British newspaper operations in the US.

Its ever evolving insider-outsider viewpoint continues to resonate with readers such Debbie Twyman from Independence, Missouri. When she and her husband, Craig Whitney, a fellow teacher, taught civics and government, they set up a homespun website that included the Guardian in its list of reliable news sources.

Twyman says: You guys have really stepped up your coverage of issues in the US and, in particular, youve followed politics so closely over the last few years. Sometimes you guys scoop US papers; sometimes you get there before they do.

But sometimes you cover things that they arent even covering at all, and one of the reasons we put the Guardian link on our webpage is we want kids to have an international perspective. The Guardians a reliable, responsible, well-sourced newspaper. Youre trustworthy.

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200 years of US coverage: how the Guardian found its feet stateside - The Guardian

What Are Shadowbans And Why Do They Happen? – Built In

Less than 24 hours after a violent mob of Trump supporters stormed the United States Capitol this year, Facebook took the once-unthinkable step of banning the worlds most powerful elected leader from its namesake platform and its subsidiary, Instagram. In the following days, platforms like Twitter, YouTube, Reddit, Twitch, TikTok, Snapchat and Discord followed suit, banning a constellation of accounts and groups affiliated with the sitting president, or involved in the effort to spread misinformation about the 2020 presidential election.

To many, this was a welcome, if overdue, response to then-President Donald Trumps efforts to undermine confidence in elections: 58 percent of U.S. adults supported the bans, according to Pew Research. But a number of high-profile Republicans spoke up in response, framing it as the latest ploy in an alleged conspiracy among tech companies to silence conservative voices.

Shadow bans block a user or individual pieces of content without letting the offending user know theyve been blocked.

Prior to this years influx of public bans, this censorship narrative was assembled around the concept of shadow bans: a moderation technique used to secretly block users from posting to a social platform. In conservatives telling, it is used in a targeted way to suppress political content Silicon Valley types disagree with.

To be clear, theres no reason to believe this claim of political targeting. A 2021 report from the New York University Stern Center for Business and Human Rights, calls the idea that social media companies unfairly target conservatives a falsehood with no reliable evidence to support it.

The ongoing controversy surrounding shadow bans points to a tension inherent to any attempt at building a global community: Most of us want some kind of moderation, but opinions differ widely as to where lines should be drawn. And in moderation systems where everyone has something to be unhappy about, secrecy around their animating policies provides fertile ground for conspiracy theories to spread.

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A moderation technique first popularized in bulletin boards and early web forums, shadow bans block users or individual pieces of content without letting the offending user know theyve been blocked. To a shadow-banned user, the site continues to function as normal they can still make posts and engage with other peoples posts but to others, the user appears to have gone silent.

Its as if they were Bruce Willis in The Sixth Sense, and they didnt know they were dead, said Duane Roelands, who moderated a bulletin board hosted on a Rutgers University server in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

Its as if they were Bruce Willis in The Sixth Sense, and they didnt know they were dead.

Predating the modern internet, that message board, Quartz BBS, was essentially a collection of chat rooms dedicated to specific topics, ranging from jokes to television shows and political debates not unlike a Slack workspace or a Discord server. But the bulletin board, which Roelands accessed from his Commodore 64, only supported 10 concurrent users. The text-only rooms displayed posts in pure chronological order, and they maxed out at 200 posts, at which point old messages would get automatically deleted.

So if a room suddenly erupted with conversation about a hot topic an election or an important news event what would happen is what we called scrolling the room, where messages were leaving that 200-message window very quickly, Roelands said. Often in the case of a single day, or, with a very hotly contested topic, that scrolling could happen within an hour or even less.

To keep those debates from getting needlessly ugly, Roelands and his fellow moderators would shadow-ban users, either temporarily or permanently, depending on the offense.

Offensive behavior could be anything from simply being constantly abrasive and obnoxious, to being disruptive in a room devoted to serious topics like sexual orientation, gender identity or politics, he said. Our behavioral guidelines basically boiled down to, Dont be a jerk.

On Quartz BBS, shadow bans tended to happen in waves, as groups of ill-behaved newcomers flooded the message boards every few months. Roelands and his fellow moderators would refer to the waves as cicada season.

While an explicitly banned user is likely to create a new account and keep posting, a shadow-banned user might conclude that other people just dont care what they have to say. Over time, the thinking goes, they will lose interest and go away.

In that sense, shadow bans are just a technical implementation of a strategy long employed by forum users Dont feed the troll! with the added benefit of not relying on users to exercise restraint.

On traditional message boards, shadow bans are a clear-cut proposition: either your posts are blocked or they arent. And that approach makes sense when posts are served up chronologically. But modern social networks which usually serve up content through algorithmically curated feeds can achieve similar results through subtler means that limit certain users reach without blocking their content entirely.

One approach is to exclude a users posts from discoverability features. In 2017, a number of photographers, bloggers and influencers noticed substantial drops in engagement with their Instagram posts. At the time, more than a dozen Instagram users told tech reporter Taylor Lorenz that shadow-banned users posts werent showing up in hashtag searches or on the Instagram Search & Explore tab.

Instagram didnt tell these users what theyd done wrong, but Lorenz pointed to spammy hashtag usage and unauthorized automation tools as behaviors that likely triggered the changes.

The same year, in a similar effort to make feeds less spammy, Instagrams parent company, Facebook, deployed a machine learning model to identify and reduce the reach of people and pages who rely on engagement bait. Common examples of the genre include calls to share with a friend whos addicted to coffee, like if you support local coffee shops and tag someone you want to hang out with on our patio.

In addition to limiting the reach of individual posts that employ the strategy, Facebook announced that it would demote repeat offenders at the page level.

People would always find a way to follow the letter of the law while violating the spirit of the law.

This machine learning model has since been expanded to include comments under posts. And in 2019, Facebook started flagging engagement bait in the audio content of videos as well. (R.I.P. Dont forget to like and subscribe! Its been real.)

According to Facebooks own documentation, the platform does not tell publishers if their pages have been demoted, or why, citing concerns that users could rely on specific details to find workarounds a concern that hearkens back to the early days of shadow bans.

We figured out early on that if you clearly defined what was acceptable behavior and what was not, people would always find a way to follow the letter of the law while violating the spirit of the law, Roeland told me. This is a behavior that has persisted online to this day, and theres never really been a good solution for it.

The Instagram bans reported by Lorenz in 2017 look quite different from traditional shadow bans from a technical perspective, but they also share important similarities. The strategy targeted accounts according to undisclosed criteria, and aside from a rapid drop in reach, users had no way to find out why, or even whether, theyd been affected by the platforms decisions.

That secrecy seems to be the only real throughline among the techniques real and imagined that users refer to when they talk about shadow bans.

Often, the term is being used to describe more subtle [strategies] described by social media companies as downranking.

I dont think, when we hear the term [shadow ban], it always means the same thing, said Stephen Barnard, an associate professor at St. Lawrence University whose research focuses on the role of media and technology in fostering social change. Often, the term is being used to describe more subtle [strategies] described by social media companies as downranking.

Facebooks effort to limit the spread of engagement bait is a typical example of downranking. In a Medium post published in March 2021, Facebook VP of Global Affairs Nick Clegg acknowledged that the News Feed also downranks content with exaggerated headlines (clickbait) as well as content from pages run by websites that generate an extremely disproportionate amount of their traffic from Facebook relative to the rest of the internet.

In cases where a platform publicly announces changes to its feeds ranking algorithm, referring to the outcome as a shadow ban feels like a bit of a stretch though everyday users who dont follow Facebooks product blog may beg to differ.

Demoting pages for being disproportionately successful at drawing Facebook traffic seems more shadowy at first glance, but the internal logic makes sense when you consider how news sites compete for eyeballs on social networks. If a story is true and its headline is accurate, a number of credible news outlets will quickly corroborate it. As a result, users will share multiple versions of the same story from different, competing outlets. Conversely, if a story relies on sketchy sourcing, or if its headline makes claims unsupported by the reporting, the article can become a permanent exclusive the only link available for spreading the word.

In the aggregate, therefore, a disproportionate reliance on viral Facebook hits over other sources of traffic may be a pretty good indicator that a site is willing to stretch the truth although its certainly possible that legitimate publications may get caught up in the dragnet.

And while the platform may not offer clear guidance on where the line is, exactly, most sites that veer into extremely disproportionate Facebook traffic territory probably know that they are, in fact, actively juicing the algorithm.

But social media companies also employ strategies that look even more like traditional shadow bans with some important adjustments to account for how users engage with their platforms.

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One key difference between a traditional messageboard and social networks like Instagram, Facebook or LinkedIn is the overlap between the users digital and real life social circles. If a message board user simply stops posting one day, you might not think too much of it. But if a close friend stops showing up in your social feeds, you might ask them why theyve disappeared the next time you see them.

To help moderators slow the spread of offensive content and reduce the chance of backlash, Facebooks moderation approach allows for blocked posts to remain visible to a users first-degree connections. So instead of tilting at windmills all by yourself, you can do so in an echo chamber of people just like you.

This strategy is laid out in a 2019 patent for a system that automatically identifies and hides offensive content in Facebook groups or on pages: In one embodiment, the blocked comments are not displayed to the forum users. However, the blocked comment may be displayed to the commenting user and his or her friends within the social networking system. As such, the offending user may not be aware that his or her comment is not displayed to other users of the forum.

They dont know whats happened immediately. But they always find out.

Reasonable people may disagree on whether this can be accurately described as a shadow ban and some have. In a discussion thread about Facebooks patent, for example, Hacker News user NoodleIncident argued that the patented system is nicer to the banned user than a shadowban because the users friends can still see the comments.

This might be a necessary concession to effectively keep the user from finding out about their status the core idea of shadow banning. And ultimately, its probably more effective, because, according to Roelands, users are smarter than shadow-ban proponents tend to give them credit for.

When users are shadow-banned, they dont know whats happened immediately, he said. But they always find out.

The fact that common moderation techniques depend on keeping users in the dark has no doubt played a big role in turning the term shadow ban into a catch-all explanation for unexplained changes in social media performance and a rallying cry for those who think tech companies are censoring them.

In surveying users who experienced content moderation in the run-up to the 2016 election, Sarah Myers West, now a postdoctoral researcher at New York Universitys AI Now Institute, found that many users saw correlations between what they referred to as online censorship and algorithmic intervention.

My definition of content moderation might be: Was a post, photo or video you posted taken down, or was your account suspended, West said. But a number of folks would interpret content moderation as something like: I lost a lot of followers and I dont really have a good explanation for that but I think this is an overt effort by someone at this platform to shut me down. Or: My posts normally get a certain amount of engagement, but I posted about this topic, and all of a sudden my number of likes is negligible.

Social engagement can fluctuate for reasons that have nothing to do with censorship, of course. But West, who is also one of the conveners of the Santa Clara Principles on Transparency and Accountability in Content Moderation, said the opacity surrounding moderation systems and algorithmic feeds leave users speculating about how it all works.

Users would develop their own folk theories to make sense of it.

Users would develop their own folk theories to make sense of it, West said. And those folk theories tended toward the political.

One common theory among users was that social platforms deliberately aimed to suppress their points of view. Others believed their posts were actively sabotaged by other users making concerted efforts to flag posts for violating platform policies, in turn triggering mechanisms that limit a posts reach.

And then some people were just genuinely perplexed, West said. They just really did not know or understand what was going on, and they just wanted an explanation of how they could modify their behavior in the future so they wouldnt encounter this kind of issue.

The lack of transparency is especially frustrating for those who depend on social platforms in their day-to-day lives. In her research, West spoke with people living with disabilities whose support networks existed primarily online. Some told her they feared losing access to these networks not just because theyd lose a way to socialize with other people, but because they relied on these platforms to check in on each other and to reach out if they needed help.

These users stories help to illustrate an important consideration when talking about content moderation: It has real-life implications.

Chris Stedman, author of IRL: Finding Realness, Meaning, and Belonging in Our Digital Lives, sees the debate over shadow bans as a symptom of a broader anxiety about the power social media platforms have over our means of self expression.

Thats been especially true over the past year, as weve all come to rely on online platforms for much-needed social interaction. But for many, the distinction between social media and real life was fading away long before the pandemic.

At one point, the internet was a discrete space that we could step into and out of. I have vivid memories of biking to the library as a kid and writing my name on a clipboard to use a shared computer. It was really set apart from the rest of my life, Stedman said. Now, a bigger and bigger part of what it means to be me how I find a sense of connection and community and express myself has moved into digital spaces.

According to Google Trends, which measures the popularity of search terms over time, interest in shadow bans remained more or less flat from 2004 (the start of the data set) until April 2017 (when the Instagram shadow ban controversy reported by Taylor Lorenz began picking up steam). But interest really started ramping up in 2018, following a Vice story that used the term to describe a bug in Twitters interface that prevented some conservative leaders from showing up as suggestions within its search feature. A subsequent tweet by President Trump called the mishap a discriminatory and illegal practice.

And the ring of the term itself probably added fuel to the fire.

Shadow banning sounds quite nefarious, and I think that is part of its success in the public discourse.

Shadow banning sounds quite nefarious, and I think that is part of its success in the public discourse, Barnard said. It has this sense of a faceless entity, and its conspiratorial. It contains a more or less explicit assertion that these liberal tech executives from California are censoring us and conspiring to force their progressive agenda throughout American politics.

In his view, the lack of insight into the inner workings of social networks play a role too especially among conservatives, who tend to have a lower level of trust in media institutions. Together, these factors form a perfect storm where each social post that fails to gain traction becomes another piece of evidence of a broad-based effort at suppression, as opposed to just a failed attempt at going viral.

It becomes a seemingly plausible explanation, of course ignoring all the ways these platforms are helping them spread their messages which of course is the deep irony of all of this, Barnard said.

And underneath it all is a kernel of truth: Social networks arent censoring conservatives on ideological grounds, but they are trying to limit the spread of misinformation most notably about elections and about COVID-19. And among those most vocal in accusing social platforms of liberal bias are noted purveyors of misinformation on exactly those topics: Senator Josh Hawley, who raised his fist in solidarity with rioters outside the Capitol in January; Breitbart News, which was investigated by the FBIfor its role as a vector for Russian propaganda in the 2016 election; Ben Shapiro, whose censored site The Daily Wire saw its social media engagement skyrocket last year.

In short, social platforms are stuck between a rock and a hard place. Downranking is essential to preventing the spread of misinformation, and offering too much transparency about automated moderation systems will make it easier for bad actors to circumvent them. At the same time, any secretive, large-scale moderation system is bound to cause frustrations like those expressed by users in Wests study who said they didnt know what theyd done wrong.

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The term shadow banning has taken on a life of its own, evolving from a signifier of a specific moderation technique to shorthand for anything from actual downranking to unfounded conspiracy theories. And because most people learned about shadow bans as the centerpiece of a bad-faith argument, its hard to see how the term could return to its original meaning. According to Google Trends, interest in shadow banning as a topic reached an all-time high this January, and it continued to rise in February as well.

And on some level, maybe shadow bans were never all that great to begin with. Adrian Speyer, who is head of community at the forum software provider Vanilla Forums, urges users of his companys platform to treat shadow bans as a last resort.

If someone is not welcome in your community, you should escort them from the premises.

If someone is not welcome in your community, you should escort them from the premises, Speyer said.

In his view, shadow bans provide an easy way out of having difficult, but important conversations about community standards. These conversations can help foster a greater sense of ownership, and empower users to help moderators as they seek to uphold those standards.

Looking back on his time as a bulletin board moderator, Roelands has also come to see shadow bans differently. For one, because theres no feedback loop directly related to a specific action, users are never given an opportunity to learn where they went wrong. But perhaps more importantly, because people could usually tell when a trouble-making user suddenly disappeared, it created an environment where otherwise-upstanding community members sought to publicly humiliate users who had been shadow banned.

It made our community meaner, Roelands said. Its like the difference between restorative and retributive justice. Shadow bans wont turn people into better members of the community.

At any rate, social platforms are starting to recognize that opacity is a real problem. In his March Medium post, Clegg announced that Facebooks roadmap for this year includes providing more transparency about how the distribution of problematic content is reduced.

Twitter is also rethinking its moderation policies with an eye toward increasing transparency. In late January, the company rolled out a new pilot program called Birdwatch that lets users annotate tweets they believe to be misleading. Users then vote on each others submissions, in a system that will be familiar to users of web forums like Reddit or Hacker News.

Twitter will make all data contributed to Birdwatch available to the public, along with the algorithm the Birdwatch feature uses to determine which posts rise to the top.

At the time of this writing, the No. 1 post on Birdwatch was an exercise video posted by Republican Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene with the caption: This is my Covid protection . The current top note labels the post as potentially misleading, citing CDC guidance on COVID-19 prevention: Exercise does not offer protection against COVID-19. Wearing a mask, staying socially distant, washing your hands, and getting vaccinated are the best ways to protect yourself and others.

As far as warnings go, this label is more specific and actionable than the generic This claim is disputed tag rolled out during the vote count following the presidential election. But perhaps most importantly, the system gives end users an opportunity to set their own standards and give each other clear feedback on whats in bounds and what isnt.

These features are unlikely to solve the companies moderation problems for good. Facebooks user base includes more than a third of the worlds population, which makes creating any agreed-upon set of community standards impossible. And an upvote-driven moderation system like Birdwatch could devolve into something resembling mob rule.

But both social media giants seem committed to giving their users more insight into why posts are downranked or flagged.

And thats a start, at least.

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What Are Shadowbans And Why Do They Happen? - Built In

Tomi Lahren to Big Tech: Why do you have to censor conservatives? – Fox News

Former White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows and other Republicans are expressing outrage following Facebook's decision to uphold its ban on former president Donald Trump. GOP leaders now contemplate whether it's necessary or not to 'break up' the social media giant. Fox Nation host Tomi Lahren weighed in on the Trump ban, telling "Fox & Friends First" Thursday that Facebook has become a Big Tech company that is "throttling conservative voices only."

TOMI LAHREN: Yeah, I really do think that it needed to come to this in order to wake people up and understand if they can do this to the former president of the United States, someone who may very well run again in 2024, it can happen to all of us.

It already does happen to all of us. The censorship, the shadow banning, the silencing of conservative voices. Big Tech has gotten away with this for far too long. And I wish they could just be a content curating platform. But they're not. They are content discriminating.

So I know that the liberals like to come after us and say, yes, we believe in private companies having the ability to control what they do in their own entities. But when you're going so far as to control the message and you are siphoning off and throttling conservative voices only and especially the president, the former president of the United States, it's time to stand up and say it's gotten this bad.

There needs to be action. And I would hope that the Democrats would join with us in this effort to protect free speech. At the end of the day, like our president said, what are they so afraid of? If his message is so horrible, if our message, our conservative values are so horrible, then why are we not allowed to express them and have the American people and the public decide what they want to believe and what they want to follow?

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Why do you have to censor us? Why do you have to shadow ban us? Let this be a free marketplace of ideas again. Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat. What are you so afraid of?

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Tomi Lahren to Big Tech: Why do you have to censor conservatives? - Fox News

Stripped of his megaphone and much of his influence, Trump still holds GOP in his thrall – The Boston Globe

The de-platforming of the former president, as Republicans like to call it, has deprived him of beloved social media megaphones that made his political career, as well as crucial fund-raising and organizing machinery for any future presidential run. Facebook advisers decision to keep the ban in place for now is undoubtably a daunting prospect for Trumps apparent presidential ambitions for himself in 2024.

But it is becoming increasingly clear that the ex-president no longer needs the social media platforms that nurtured his devoted following and rocketed him to the presidency in 2016 to exert an iron grip over his party or keep his lies about election fraud in 2020 percolating among his base.

This week alone, Cheney, a daughter of the Republican establishment who has long commanded deep respect from her party, appeared poised to be expelled from party leadership over her refusal to go along with Trumps lies about the election showing Trump can still foment a mutiny in Congress even as his voice gets softer nationally. His favored candidate came out on top in a special election in Texas. And a Republican-ordered audit of the 2020 election results in the biggest county in Arizona, an unusual and unnecessary process his supporters are hoping will give cause to the baseless distrust in the outcome, dragged on.

It all points to a strange, almost-backwards dynamic in the GOP after Trumps presidency: Even as his megaphone gets tinnier, as the tool that forged his political persona eludes his grip, his influence over the party he remade is only getting stronger.

Theres no real evidence that voters have distanced themselves from him, theres no real evidence that elected officials have changed their tune on him if anything, they are more loyal to him than ever before, said Brendan Buck, a Republican strategist and a former aide to the erstwhile House speakers John Boehner and Paul Ryan who is troubled by his partys direction.

Donald Trump, he added, is much bigger than any one medium of communication.

His banishment from the social platforms for inciting an insurrection has also fed into a victimhood narrative among his base that has largely prevented Republicans from questioning why he lost in the first place or laying any blame at his feet.

This sort of deepens the view of Republicans generally that hes a martyr, that he was sacrificed by media and Big Tech, said Scott Jennings, a Republican consultant who previously worked on campaigns for Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell. His leadership of the party is at the moment unquestioned.

Still, there are obvious drawbacks for Trump to his continued banishment from Facebook, which the social media giant first instituted after he used his page to disseminate lies that fraud cost him the election and to seemingly praise participants in the deadly insurrection at the Capitol on Jan. 6. (At the time, Twitter banned Trump indefinitely.)

Trump and his team skillfully used the social networks to fund-raise, organize, build buzz, and crucially to constantly insert himself into the news cycle and say his piece without moderation or fact-checking. His campaign manager at the time said Facebook and Twitter won him the 2016 election. Beyond that, the constant, undulating feedback buoyed his spirits.

Long ago, this is probably 2013 or 2014, he told me that he was going to run for president because Twitter was telling him to do it, said Michael DAntonio, a biographer of the former president. It was central to his political identity, to his political methodology.

Now, he is no longer center stage. Social media interactions concerning Trump have dropped 91 percent since January, according to a study by NewsWhip that was first reported by Axios a statistic that could be explained by the end of his presidency as well as the loss of his accounts.

A small group of Trump staffers sends several e-mails a week to reporters since he lost his Twitter and Facebook accounts and access to his millions of followers in January.

And while Trump has called his e-mailed press releases more elegant than his rapid-fire social media strategy, he now has to contend with a layer between him and his public that makes it harder for him to insert himself into the news of the day. Thats welcome news for Democrats who often languished in his shadow.

Yes, it influences the Republican Party, but it gives space for Democrats to run the vision, for Biden to run the vision he needs to right now, said Amanda Renteria, a Democratic strategist and a former aide to Hillary Clinton. The diminution of Trump, combined with the infighting he has fomented within the Republican Party, has given her party more space to get work done and reorient itself, Renteria said.

But the former presidents allies see a flip side to his being banned. They are already seizing on his extended Facebook ban as evidence that a woke mob was always out to get him, stoking the grievances that have animated much of the partys discourse in recent months and that they are hoping will help them win back the House in the midterms.

Weve known for multiple cycles that Facebook, Twitter, and Big Tech have become an extension of the lefts woke mob, said Ronna McDaniel, the chairwoman of the Republican National Committee, in a statement. The First Amendment and our freedom of speech is a right granted to all Americans from the Constitution, not from Facebooks Oversight Board. If Big Tech can ban a former President, whats to stop them from silencing the American people next?

The Republican Party has become entirely focused on a culture war, Buck said, and this is a large part of that culture war.

Sam Nunberg, a former aide to Trumps campaign, suggested that keeping Trump off the platform could make boycotting social media a new litmus test among Republican primary candidates trying to establish their conservative bona fides in relation to him.

Is it going to be seen as, if President Trump is still canceled by Facebook, if youre Nikki Haley, if youre somebody seen as a country club-esque Republican, if you use Facebook, is that going to hurt you? Nunberg said.

The ban has not stopped Trumps falsehoods about the 2020 election from taking root deep in the psyche of much of the GOP. Believing the election was stolen has become nothing short of an orthodoxy for the Republican base, who have censured elected officials who dont believe it and demanded recounts and new voting restrictions.

Cheney has tried to be a ballast against those lies, and on Monday she took to her own Twitter account to do so once again.

The 2020 election was not stolen, she wrote. Anyone who claims it was is spreading THE BIG LIE, turning our back on the rule of law and poisoning our democratic system.

Cheney may not have lost her social media accounts, but it doesnt appear that posts like hers hold much sway over a party that has already been remade by Trump.

Jess Bidgood can be reached at Jess.Bidgood@globe.com. Follow her on Twitter @jessbidgood.

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Stripped of his megaphone and much of his influence, Trump still holds GOP in his thrall - The Boston Globe

A Call To Free Julian Assange On The 10th Anniversary Of WikiLeaks’ Release Of The Guantnamo Files OpEd – Eurasia Review

Ten years ago today, I was working with WikiLeaks asa media partner working with theWashington Post, McClatchy Newspapers, theDaily Telegraph,Der Spiegel,Le Monde,El Pais,Aftonbladet,La RepubblicaandLEspresso on the release of The Guantnamo Files, classified military documents from Guantnamo that were the last of the major leaks of classified US government documents by Chelsea Manning, following the releases in 2010 of the Collateral Murder video, theAfghanandIraq war logs, and theCablegatereleases.

All the journalists and publishers involved are at liberty to continue their work and even Chelsea Manning, given a 35-year sentence after a trial in 2013, was freed after President Obamacommuted her sentencejust before leaving office and yet Julian Assange remains imprisoned in HMP Belmarsh, a maximum-security prison in south east London, even though, in January, Judge Vanessa Baraitser, the British judge presiding over hearings regarding his proposed extradition to the US,prevented his extraditionon the basis that, given the state of his mental health, and the oppressive brutality of US supermax prisons, the US would be unable to prevent him committing suicide if he were to be extradited.

That ought to have been the end of the story, but instead of being freed to be reunited with his partner Stella Moris, and his two young sons, Judge Baraitserrefused to grant him bail, and the US refused to drop their extradition request, announcing that they would appeal, and continuing to do so despite Joe Biden being inaugurated as president. This is a black mark against Biden, whose administration should have concluded, as the Obama administration did (when he was Vice President), that it was impossible to prosecute Assange without fatally undermining press freedom. As Trevor Timm of the Freedom of the Press Foundationstated in April 2019, Despite Barack Obamas extremely disappointing record on press freedom, his justice department ultimately ended up making the right call when they decided that it was too dangerous to prosecute WikiLeaks without putting news organizations such as theNew York Timesand theGuardianat risk.

All of the documents leaked by Chelsea Manning and released by Wikileaks in 2010 and 2011 were a revelation. The Collateral Murder video, with its footage of the crew of a US Apache helicopter killing eleven unarmed civilians in Iraq in July 2007, including two people working for Reuters, provided clear evidence of war crimes, as did the Afghan and Iraq war logs, as the journalist Patrick Cockburnexplained in a statementhe made during Assanges extradition hearings last September, and asnumerousother sourceshave confirmed. The diplomatic cables were also full ofastonishing revelationsabout the conduct of US foreign policy, while The Guantnamo Files, as I explained at the time of their release, provide the anatomy of a colossal crime perpetrated by the US government on 779 prisoners who, for the most part, are not and never have been the terrorists the government would like us to believe they are.

Publication of the files, which had originally been intended to be sometime in May 2011, had suddenly been brought forward because WikiLeaks had heard that theGuardianand theNew York Times, previous media partners of WikiLeaks, who had fallen out with Assange, and who had obtained the files by other means, were planning to publish them, and so, over the course of several hours on the evening of April 24, 2011, I wrote an introduction to the files that accompanied the launch of their publication.

With hindsight, that article,WikiLeaks Reveals Secret Guantnamo Files, Exposes Detention Policy as a Construct of Lies, was one of the most significant articles Ive ever written, as it summed up why the files covering 759 of the 779 men held by the US military since the prison opened on January 11, 2002 were so important, most significantly because they provided the names of those who made false or dubious allegations against their fellow prisoners, revealing the extent to which unreliable witnesses were relied upon by the US to justify holding men at Guantnamo who were either innocent, and were seized by mistake, or were simply foot soldiers, with no command responsibility whatsoever.

The files also revealed threat assessments, which were fundamentally exaggerated. Because no one in the US military or the intelligence services wanted to admit to mistakes having been made, prisoners who posed no risk whatsoever were described as low risk, and, by extension, low risk prisoners were labeled medium risk, while medium risk prisoners and the handful of prisoners who could perhaps genuinely be described as high risk were all lumped together as high risk.

The files also provided risk assessments based on prisoners behavior since their arrival at Guantnamo, establishing that many men were held (and some still are) not because of anything they did before they were seized, but because of their resistance to their brutal and unjust treatment in Guantnamo. Also included were health assessments, establishing that even the US authorities acknowledged that, as theGuardiandescribed it, [a]lmost 100 Guantnamo prisoners were classified as having psychiatric illnesses including severe depression, schizophrenia and bipolar disorder.

Unfortunately, within a week of the release of The Guantnamo Files, the Obama administration decided that it was imperative tokill Osama bin Ladenin a Wild West raid on the compound where he had been living in Pakistan, a move whose timing was, to put it mildly, suspicious, especially as, immediately afterwards, dark forces within the US started promotingthe completely untrue notionthat it was torture in the CIAs black site program and the existence of Guantnamo that had led to the US locating bin Laden.

Following the release of The Guantnamo Files, I spent the rest of 2011 largely engaged in a detailed analysis of the files, writing422 prisoner profiles in 34 articles, in which I dissected the information in those prisoners files, demonstrating why, in most cases, it was so fundamentally unreliable. It was a process similar to what I had done in 2006, when I had been the only person to conduct a detailed analysis of 8,000 pages of documents released by the Pentagon after losing a Freedom of Information lawsuit, for my bookThe Guantnamo Files and much of my subsequent work and I remain very proud of my analysis of the files released by WikiLeaks, and am only disappointed that, through a combination of exhaustion and a lack of funding, I was unable to complete my analysis.

I hope, however, that what I completed helps not only to expose the colossal injustice of Guantnamo, but also more than justifies the leak of the documents, for which, shamefully, Julian Assange is still being persecuted.

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A Call To Free Julian Assange On The 10th Anniversary Of WikiLeaks' Release Of The Guantnamo Files OpEd - Eurasia Review