British judge to hand down Julian Assange extradition decision – The Age

"If Assange is extradited, it will set a dangerous precedent for press freedom."

But the US government says they are prosecuting Assange, not for publishing the cables but for how they were obtained, alleging he conspired with Chelsea Manning, then an army intelligence officer, to hack into government systems to steal three-quarters of a million secret and classified cables.

He faces 17 charges and a total sentence of 175 years if convicted of all counts in the United States.

Judge Vanessa Baraitser will hand down her decision on whether Assange is to be extradited to the United States to face a grand jury. Assange, who attended every day of his hearing in September and October last year, is expected to attend the hearing in court two.

Regardless of her ruling, it will almost certainly be appealed as both sides have said they will appeal if the decision does not go their way.

Stella Moris-Smith Robertson, Assange's fiancee and mother of their two children, Max and Gabriel, has begun directly pleading with US President Donald Trump, via his favoured medium Twitter, for a pardon for Assange, before Trump leaves the White House.

The Obama administration did not bring charges against Assange they were only brought by the Department of Justice under the Trump Administration. Trump, who benefited politically from WikiLeaks' publication of the emails obtained by Russians who hacked into the Democratic National Committee's servers, has held views in favour and also critical of WikiLeaks.

Britain's National Union of Journalists (NUJ) said if Assange was extradited to the United States, it would "chill the media worldwide".

"Whatever you think of Assange, he clearly brought important information to wide attention," the NUJ's general secretary Michelle Stainstreet said.

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"Now he faces prosecution for actions that are commonplace for investigative journalists.

"If this prosecution is successful, it will chill the media worldwide."

Monday's ruling is a major development in the 10-year saga involving the Australian who spent nearly seven years holed up at the Ecuadorian embassy in London to escape being extradited to Sweden to face allegations of sexual assault.

He was kicked out by his hosts in dramatic scenes in April 2019 when they invited Scotland Yard to enter the embassy and arrest their long-term resident.

Assange has been held in custody ever since.

Latika Bourke is a journalist for The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age, based in London.

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British judge to hand down Julian Assange extradition decision - The Age

Who is Julian Assange, and why is the world agitated over him? The Manila Times – The Manila Times

For Tagalogs, just drop the ge in the name, add an S sound at the end and you get to have a more or less correct pronunciation of the surname of Julian.

At any rate, December 29 was the day a group from the Filipino intellectual community sought to contribute to the worldwide campaign of preventing the extradition of Julian Assange from the United Kingdom to the United States.

As it turned out, the event at the gate of the US Embassy on Roxas Boulevard became a lesson on how not to conduct a lightning rally. This kind of attack is done, as the name suggests, lightning-quick, with barely a minute or two allowed for the participants to voice out all that needs to be said, then disperse just as quickly to avoid apprehension by authorities.

From the coffee shop where we assembled on the east side, we had to walk over to the pedestrian lane northward, cross over to the west side and walk long again to reach the southernmost gate of the embassy where we expected to do our heroics.

Well, for the opportunity of doing bravura at such a growing twilight of our years, why not?It had been half a century ago when in another rally at the embassy on a rainy morning, our hundreds were blocked by a big contingent of policemen led by Western Police District Commander Col. James Barbers at the intersection of the boulevard and T.M. Kalaw Street.

A girl comrade, Ka Estrel, from Makibaka surreptitiously sidled up to me, slung on my shoulder a cloth bag containing something, which she described in this wise: Ganyan ang pinasabog sa Plaza Miranda. Pagbunot mo ng pin, ihagis mo. Four seconds, sasabog yan (Thats the kind that had been blasted in Plaza Miranda. Once you have pulled out the pin, throw it. Four seconds, it will explode.) Moments later, the police made a determined charge to dispel the rally. Pillbox blasts from activists rent the air as the rallying crowd withdrew to the Luneta grounds. That was a signal to unleash my bravado. But impelled by some sudden quick decision, I kept the grenade untouched in the bag, which I lugged on nonetheless as, rushing with the escaping crowd, I found myself leaping into the hallowed base of the Rizal Monument, which was guarded 24/7 by two Marines soldiers. At the mad approach of the pursuing policemen, the Marines guards eye-signaled me to stay put where I was crouching low, unnoticed by the pursuers. I did as signaled and by that, averted what would have been a more gruesome episode than Plaza Miranda. The Marines soldiers did right by themselves in any case. Had they told me to the police, I would have thrown the grenade then and there and would have gone down in history as the boy who blasted Rizal the second time around.

Memories were seizing me as I flowed with the very few Assange advocates crossing the pedestrian lane to the US Embassy grounds. No Ka Estrel was around to provide me with ordnance (next I heard about her was that she died in Cebu in an encounter with government forces); what I wielded, as did the others in the group, was a tarpaulin signage that read Free Assange. We were supposed to spread the tarps the minute we positioned across the southernmost gate of the embassy, which was proximate to the Philippine Navy Club. But even as we were only just approaching the spot, policemen in battle fatigue uniforms blocked our move. They were not as belligerent as the troops that chased us away in that 1971 rally. Mild mannered and even sounding apologetic for their interference in our moves, they reminded us that we had no permit and that we could not conduct the action in the vicinity of the gates. Two among us, leaders of the once-militant National Association of Free Labor Unions, flashed their signs nonetheless and began their agit-prop.The policemen, more than a platoon in number by military reckoning, were betraying increasing belligerence in preventing our move, even indicating an intent to arrest us if the event came to a head.

For one steeled in mass actions in the pre-martial law era, the move we were doing was a lost cause. It had been decades since I last stepped on the US Embassy environs, and only at that time did I realize that the area is on police watch around the clock. I flashed my Free Assange sign one last time and then folded it up for good upon being admonished by the troops that I was not supposed to do it there: Nandito po kayo sa US Embassy. Bawal po mag-rally dito (You are in the US Embassy. You cannot rally here).

But of course!

Does not the Philippines, in fact, continue to be under the umbrage of America? The Military Defense Treaty (MDT) of 1951 continues in full force together with the military alliance treaties it has mothered through the years, i.e., the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) of 1998 and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) crafted by the Benigno Aquino 3rd administration to allow America to use Philippine military bases as if they were USown, not subject to inspection by Philippine authorities!

I shouted with joy to the heavens when President Duterte abrogated the VFA last year, only to swallow my glee when Duterte suspended the abrogation indefinitely actually restoring its full effectivity to this day.

A year ago, I proposed the creation of a movement called SCRAMDT for Scrap the MDT, seeing the treaty as, indeed, the mother of all United States machinations to keep the Philippines in tow of American geopolitics. The MDT has become the benchmark for how a Philippine president is independent of America.

And so, with the faltering gait of an octogenarian, I toed the line of the Free Assange move that morning of December 29 entertaining no idea whatsoever that we will get what we wanted. If we cannot break our own chains from America, how could we ever gain freedom for somebody not our own.

But surely Assange, the renowned founder of Wikileaks, has become a worldwide cause clbre for having exposed American atrocities in Afghanistan and Iraq. For criminal charges not necessarily connected with his internet escapades, he earned a prison term in the United Kingdom but avoided imprisonment by seeking asylum in the Ecuadorian Embassy in Britain. However, with the change in administration in Ecuador, Assange lost his asylum status and fell back into British custody. Advocates of press freedom the world over fear the Australian cybertechnology expert would be expatriated by Britain to the US to face criminal charges there and meet with possible capital punishment.

Assange, therefore, stands today as an icon whose death punishment would amount to the death sentence for universal freedom of expression.A worthy cause indeed.

As we say in Tagalog, Ang sakit ng kalingkingan ay kirot ng buong katawan (Thepain of the small toe is the ache of the whole body).

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Who is Julian Assange, and why is the world agitated over him? The Manila Times - The Manila Times

What is Wikileaks and where is Assange? – The Independent

Wikileaks founder Julian Assange is due in court at the Old Bailey in London on 4 January, where a judge will decide whether to extradite him to the US to face espionage charges.

Assange, 49, from Townsville, Australia, has been charged by the US with several counts of conspiracy and espionage after he obtained and published thousands of classified documents.

He was arrested in London in April 2019 after seeking asylum at the Ecuadorian embassy in the English capital for more than six years.

Assange had been granted asylum in the Ecuadorian Embassy since 2012 after losing his battle against extradition to Sweden on charges of rape and sexual assault.

In May 2019, Assange was charged under the US Espionage Act of 1917 on 17 counts for publishing classified material provided to him by then US army intelligence analyst Chelsea Manning in 2010.

Assange is the first publisher to be charged under the act, according to AlJazeera.

He has also been charged with one count of conspiracy to commit computer intrusion, after he was alleged to have hacked into a government computer. He could face a maximum of five years in prison related to that charge.

A decision on Assanges extradition to the US to face the 18 charges is expected on 4 January. If convicted in the US, Assange could face up to 175 years in prison.

Wikileaks is a whistleblower news site that publishes classified material and media that is provided to them by anonymous sources.

Assange founded Wikileaks in 2006, but the whistleblower site rose to prominence in 2010 when it released sensitive military material passed to them by Ms Manning.

The material included a 39-minute video of a US military helicopter firing and killing more than a dozen Iraqis. Two Reuters journalists were killed as part of the incident.

The video led to a global outcry about the US actions in Iraq and its overall military presence in the Middle East.

In July 2010, Wikileaks, alongside other news organisations, leaked close to 100,000 documents related to the US military actions in Afghanistan.

The whistleblower site then leaked close to 400,000 documents related to the Iraq war a few months later. Both leaks were praised as they exposed a high number of civilian casualties in the Middle East that were not previously reported.

Wikileaks also published more than 250,000 diplomatic cables dated between 1996 and 2010, that provided insights into more than 270 US embassies around the world.

The site has continued to leak classified documents, material and communications over the years since, but caused controversy after leaking materials related to then Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton.

The organisation has also been criticised for failing to protect the privacy of individuals, after leaks revealed social security numbers and other private information not related to the leaks.

Julian Assange has been held in Belmarsh prison, located in Thamesmead, London, since April 2019.

Assange was arrested in April 2019 after the Ecuadorian government reached an agreement to expel him from the embassy and into the custody of the UK authorities.

The countrys president Lenn Moreno said that Assanges asylum was withdrawn after he violated international conventions on domestic interference during his time at the location.

He was arrested inside the embassy on 11 April 2019 by the Metropolitan Police, in connection to his refusal to surrender to the court for extradition to Sweden in 2012 to face two allegations of rape. Sweden dropped the charges and ended its investigation in November 2019.

On 1 May, Assange was sentenced to 50 weeks imprisonment in Belmarsh prison for violating the conditions of his bail in 2012, and has been held there ever since.

Assange initially appealed the sentence, but subsequently dropped his appeal in July 2019. He has been kept in prison following his initial sentence, as he awaits to find out if he will be extradited to the US to face the espionage charges.

His hearings related to his possible extradition to the US were delayed as the defence asked for more time to prepare its case, due to complications surrounding the ongoing coronavirus pandemic.

Assange has only left Belmarsh prison to attend court hearings related to his extradition case, but could leave on 4 January after the judge decides on his fate.

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What is Wikileaks and where is Assange? - The Independent

Ethiopian war criminals able to leave Italian embassy after nearly 30 years – kuna noticias y kuna radio

Two convicted Ethiopian war criminals are likely to finally leave the Italian embassy in the capital, Addis Ababa, after taking refuge there for almost 30 years.

Berhanu Bayeh and Addis Tedla, two senior officials of Ethiopias former Mengistu military regime, who had been sentenced to death for war crimes, were granted probation by an Ethiopian federal court, according to a diplomatic source with knowledge of the situation.

They were sentenced to death in absentia in 2008, along with former Soviet-backed Ethiopian dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam, for their participation in the torture and execution of thousands of people, which amounted to genocide.

The president of Ethiopia, Sahle-Work Zewde, commuted their death sentences to life imprisonment on December 19. The federal court voted two to one in favor of giving them parole on Christmas Eve, after the Ethiopian attorney general, Gedion Timothewos, requested leniency because of their old age.

The two men are now waiting for official transmission of the sentence from the Ethiopian foreign ministry, at which point they will leave.

Italian vice-minister for foreign affairs, Emanuela Claudia Del Re, gave thanks to Ethiopia for granting the probation.

An old page of history is definitely turned, she said in a tweet on Monday. Italy and Ethiopia share a long and prosperous future together.

Life is a human right the decision to grant former government officials probation is in tune with obligations and commitments on human rights, said Daniel Bekele, the chief commissioner of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commision, which describes itself as an independent national institution. It is also a symbolic indicator of Ethiopias commitment to turning a page on one of the saddest chapters in its recent history.

Mengistu was chairman of the Derg, a communist party that rose to power in Ethiopia after a 1974 coup. For a time Bayeh served as the Dergs foreign minister and Tedla was defense chief of staff.

In 1977 and 1978, the Derg committed numerous human rights abuses during what was known as the Red Terror. Several thousand people mostly school and university students and young intellectuals suspected of opposing the Derg were killed on the streets and in prisons in Addis Ababa and other towns in the center of the country, according to Amnesty International.

The same regime was in control during a drought and famine in the 1980s, which claimed an estimated 800,000 lives.

When the regime fell in 1991, and the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front moved in on the capital, Bayeh, now in his 70s, and Tedla, his early 80s, sought refuge in the Italian embassy in Addis Ababa. Since May 26, 1991, they have been confined inside the walls of the compound, the source told CNN.

Their 29-year diplomatic asylum stay is considered to be the longest, lasting a full 22 years more than the much publicized one of Julian Assange at the Ecuadorian embassy in London.

They have never had a lawyer, but requested asylum within the embassy, which was never granted. However the Italian embassy accepted the two men because of the countrys opposition to the death penalty.

They have spent their days shut off from the outside world walking the small grounds of the compound and watching television, said the diplomatic source.

Two other men, Tesfay Gebre Kidan and Hailu Yimenu, also took refuge at the embassy in 1991. Yimenu committed suicide a few years later, while Kidan died in an accident in 2004. The source told CNN that further detail surrounding Kidans death could not be released to the press, but said it did not involve either Bayeh or Tedla.

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Ethiopian war criminals able to leave Italian embassy after nearly 30 years - kuna noticias y kuna radio

Stand Against the Coming Tidal Wave of Deceit – The Atlantic

Was the proprietary Trump-campaign polling data shared by Manafort with a man the Senate Intelligence Committee identified as a Russian intelligence officer, with a request that it be passed on to a Russian oligarch, ever put to use?

How did Manafort get hired by Trump in the first place?

Why has Trump remained so curiously deferential to Russian President Vladimir Putin, and so reluctant to ever criticize him?

If public-spirited citizens rightly feel fierce anger against the abuse of office that Trumps pardons represent, the story need not end here.

The prospect of Trumps pardons hindered the prosecution of his associatesand their arrival has now overturned some of the convictions. But the country has much less need to punish the Trump associates than to know exactly what happened.

The pardon power was not the only limit on the Trump-Russia investigation. A more serious limit was the early decision to define the investigation as a hunt for crimes. Not all bad things are crimesand not all crimes can be proved beyond a reasonable doubt. What the country needed was the truth, and that truth is still waiting to be told.

After Trump leaves office, the country will need more than ever an independent investigation that can document the corruption of the Trump era. The truth is needed especially because Trumps manufacturing of lies will not end with his presidency.

Paul Rosenzweig: Trumps pardon of Manafort is the realization of the Founders fears

WikiLeaks began posting hacked Democratic Party communications in the summer of 2016. Computer experts quickly traced the hack to Russian spy agencies. The Trump campaign and its allies denied the expert assessment. They insisted that there had been no hack. The emails had been stolen and leaked by a Democratic insider, they suggesteda young campaign aide named Seth Rich, who was tragically murdered in a Washington, D.C., mugging. Assange lent credence to the lie. He gave an interview to Dutch TV in August 2016 in which he falsely insinuated that this conspiracy theory was real: We have to understand how high the stakes are in the United States and that our sources are, you know, our sources face serious risks. That is why they come to us, so we can protect their anonymity. Former Representative Dana Rohrabacher of California told Yahoos Michael Isikoff that he had taken it upon himself in 2017 to broker a deal with Assange, offering Assange a Trump pardon in exchange for his formal confirmation of the Rich falsehood.

The defamatory fantasy about Rich was promoted by Trumps media allies to the point that Richs family decided to sue. Fox News issued a rare retraction of the story in May 2017 and reached a financial settlement with the Rich family this November.

The Mueller investigation definitively debunked that libel of a dead man who could not speak for himself. Assanges sources for his U.S. election material were Russian state intelligence officers. Yet the effort to exonerate Russia for helping Trump in 2016 will continue, and possibly accelerate with Trump out of office. With Trump and the pro-Trump media, its never enough to prove the truth once. The truth needs to be as persistent as the lie. Even now, Trump defenders continue to describe the proven fact of Russian assistance as a hoax, and the guilty pleas of Trump associates as them being framed. The imperative to defend reality against Trumpism will not cease with the Trump presidency.

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Stand Against the Coming Tidal Wave of Deceit - The Atlantic

The Guardian view on Julian Assange: do not extradite him – The Guardian

On 4 January, a British judge is set to rule on whether Julian Assange should be extradited to the United States, where he could face a 175-year sentence in a high-security supermax prison. He should not. The charges against him in the US undermine the foundations of democracy and press freedom in both countries.

The secret military and diplomatic files provided by Chelsea Manning, and made public by WikiLeaks working with the Guardian and other media organisations, revealed horrifying abuses by the US and other governments. Giving evidence in Mr Assanges defence, Daniel Ellsberg, the lauded whistleblower whose leak of the Pentagon Papers shed grim light on the US governments actions in the Vietnam war, observed: The American public needed urgently to know what was being done routinely in their name, and there was no other way for them to learn it than by unauthorized disclosure.

No one has been brought to book for the crimes exposed by WikiLeaks. Instead, the Trump administration has launched a full-scale assault on the international criminal court for daring to investigate these and other offences, and is pursuing the man who brought them to light. It has taken the unprecedented step of prosecuting him under the Espionage Act for publishing confidential information. (Mike Pompeo, secretary of state and former CIA director, has previously described Wikileaks as a non-state hostile intelligence agency). In doing so, it chose to attack one of the very bases of journalism: its ability to share vital information that the government would rather suppress.

No public interest defence is permissible under the act. No publisher covering national security in any serious way could consider itself safe were this extradition attempt to succeed wherever it was based; the acts of which Mr Assange is accused (which also include one count of conspiring to hack into a Pentagon computer network) took place when he was outside the US. The decision to belatedly broaden the indictment looks more like an attempt to dilute criticisms from the media than to address the concerns. The real motivation for this case is clear. His lawyers argue not only that the prosecution misrepresents the facts, but that he is being pursued for a political offence, for which extradition is expressly barred in the US-UK treaty.

Previous cases relating to Mr Assange should not be used to confuse the issue. Sweden has dropped the investigation into an accusation of rape, which he denied. He has served his 50-week sentence for skipping bail in relation to those allegations, imposed after British police dragged him from the Ecuadorian embassy. Yet while the extradition process continues, he remains in Belmarsh prison, where a Covid-19 outbreak has led to his solitary confinement. Nils Melzer, the UN special rapporteur on torture, has argued that his treatment is neither necessary nor proportionate and clearly lacks any legal basis. He previously warned that Mr Assange is showing all the symptoms associated with prolonged exposure to psychological torture and should not be extradited to the US. His lawyers say he would be at high risk of suicide.

Such considerations have played a part in halting previous extraditions, such as that of Lauri Love, who denied US allegations that he had hacked into government websites. But whatever the outcome in January, the losing side is likely to appeal; legal proceedings will probably drag on for years.

A political solution is required. Stella Moris, Mr Assanges partner and mother of his two young children, is among those who have urged Donald Trump to pardon him. But Joe Biden may be more willing to listen. The incoming president could let Mr Assange walk free. He should do so.

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The Guardian view on Julian Assange: do not extradite him - The Guardian

UK MPs, British press and Assange – newagebd.net

Sputnik News

THE number of figures extolling the merits of Britains Westminster system and how it supposedly embodies a glorious model of democracy are too numerous to mention. This is despite exploits by the government of Boris Johnson, marked by the appointment of unelected advisers with enviable, unaccountable powers and a record of assault on parliaments scrutineering functions. As the government blunders from one disaster to the next, wrote a resigned George Monbiot in June, there seem to be no effective ways of holding it to account.

Press freedoms supposedly axiomatic in holding government to account have been regarded with increasing suspicion by Johnson and his coterie. When the prime ministers chief adviser, Dominic Cummings, was found breaking the very lockdown rules that the government had imposed, a statement from Downing Street was coolly dismissive of the stream of false allegations about Cummings from campaigning newspapers.

With the Britannic press increasingly clipped in holding power to account, it is little wonder that coverage of the most significant, contemporary threat to press freedom remains a small affair, rarely rising above yellow press murmurings. The Julian Assange case, through the good offices of the US department of justice, has already laid a few bombs in the bedcovers of the fourth estate, but its members continue to suffer an apathetic torpor, indifferent and oblivious to the dangers his extradition trial poses.

A few fire-cracking exceptions abound, among them the consistent Peter Oborne in a slew of publications, the prickly Peter Hitchens of the Mail on Sunday, and the ferociously reliable Patrick Cockburn in The Independent. All have expressed constructive, detailed outrage at the treatment of Julian Assange by authorities on both sides of the Atlantic. Organisations such as Media Lens and Bridges for Media Freedom have also done their bit to stir interest in the gravity of the case.

This month Oborne, in a co-authored piece with Millie Cooke for the British Journalism Review, urged readers to appreciate that the consequences of Assanges extradition would be grim for investigative journalism. Any story which depends on obtaining documents from US government sources will become impossibly dangerous. No British journalists would dare to handle it, let alone publish it.

As Media Lens found, looking at various programmes such as BBC News at Ten, there was not a single substantive item (there may have been a passing mention on the first day). When BBC home affairs correspondent Daniel Sandford was asked about why his reporting on the extradition hearing was conspicuously absent, he passed the parcel and gave an insight profound in its shallowness. The case is being covered by our world affairs unit. I have been in a few hearings and it is slightly repetitive. It will return as a news story. A flagging attention span, perhaps.

The lamentable coverage of Assanges trial was instructive. The conservative Spectator refused to take of the draught, keeping references to the extradition trial to a minimum. The pro-extradition outlet, The Economist, went one better in ignoring the trial altogether, having already decided in April 2019 that the central charge computer hacking is an indefensible violation of the law. The Sunday Telegraph was asleep to it since April last year. Tetchy Richard Littejohn of the Daily Mail was awake to Assange, if only because, on being evicted from the Ecuadorean embassy in London, he stank the place to high heaven.

When the left-leaning New Statesman, a forum for periodic Assange bashing, was asked why it did not take an interest in the trial, it responded tartly that it had, in fact, covered the trial and would continue doing so. We are a magazine mostly of essays, long reads and cultural criticism, not a breaking news site or a newspaper. And we dont publish court reports.

Oborne and Cooke pondered the thesis long advanced by Noam Chomksy that the media tycoon-dominated stable of hacks are all too happy to play gatekeepers, defending corporate and state interests. The Assange case suggests that this analysis is plausible. At best, the London media reported Assange dutifully. At worst, not at all.

While the British press remains reliably despicable for the most part in dealing with the implications of USA v Assange, UK parliamentarians have had a shot of inspiration. Leading a pack of seventeen figures, Richard Burgon, Labour MP for East Leeds, has requested Robert Buckland, the secretary of state for justice, that provision be made to hold an online video discussion between Julian Assange and a cross-party group of UK parliamentarians.

What stands out in the letter is an acknowledgment of Assanges journalistic work with WikiLeaks including information exposing US war atrocities in Afghanistan and Iraq for which he risks facing prison of up to 175 years. The parliamentarians also note the cases important implications for press and publishing freedoms in the UK, for the US-UK Extradition Treaty including its ban on extradition for political offence and for wider human rights.

Amnesty Internationals concerns that prosecuting Julian Assange on these charges could have a chilling effect on the right to freedom of expression and the views of Nils Melzer, the UN special rapporteur on torture, also feature. Expressing deep concern by the implications of this unprecedented extradition case, the parliamentarians are hoping to discuss the matter with Assange prior to the January 4, 2021 extradition decision.

While this surge of sentience can only be welcomed, Buckland is not likely to wish members of parliament to be airing such views with the publisher. There is a relationship namely, that of the US-UK alliance to preserve. Having previously refused to grant Assange compassionate release from prison for posing a flight risk (this, even during the pandemic), there is a good chance he will be stubborn again. British injustice, when it chooses to be, can be both implacable and illogical.

DissidentVoice.org, December 17. Binoy Kampmark was a commonwealth scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne.

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UK MPs, British press and Assange - newagebd.net

What are the Odds That Trump Pardons Himself? – The New Yorker

Its Presidential pardon season! For obstructors of justice and launderers of foreign cash, the waning days of the Trump Administration might as well be the Super Bowl. Historically, this end-of-term bonanza has been the domain of a privileged guilty few, with the general public cut out of the action. But times change. Recently, a man named Pat Morrow surveyed the scene and thought, What if I gave you two-to-one odds on Giuliani?

Morrow runs the odds-making operation at Bovada, an online sports book. This year, with the N.C.A.A. Tournament cancelled and the Olympics postponed, Bovada has cleaned up on political wagering. It has allowed bets on everything from Bidens running mate (Kamala Harris led for weeks) to which word Trump would say first at a post-election press conference (fraud and steal lost to count, a heavy underdog). If you are a patriotic American concerned about the electoral process, thats kind of depressing, Morrow said, of the press-conference bet. But it got great engagement.

The latest action is on Bovadas pardon market. From the start, the former Trump campaign chair Paul Manafort has been the favorite to receive a pardon, at minus 400 (a winner must bet four hundred bucks on him in order to make a hundred). He is trailed by the campaign advisers George Papadopoulos (minus 325) and Rick Gates (minus 300). When setting lines for events like a Mets game, Bovada uses stats and probabilities. But for pardons, Morrow said, we really just went through a Whos Who of people who are in trouble, and who have some kind of connection to Trump. He added, Who would be in his best interest? Bannon makes sense, Gates makes sense, Manafort really, really, really makes sense. For those looking for a potential dark horse, Julian Assange is plus 250: a hundred-dollar wager would net two hundred and fifty. Ghislaine Maxwells at three to one, Morrow said. Thats probably not fair. I would recommend not betting that.

Getting in on the pardon game requires a working knowledge of constitutional law. I wasnt sure if we wanted to put Trump himself as an option, because theres still some legal discussion as to whether thats possible, Morrow said. Trump made the cut as a plus-160 dog. Initially, his three eldest children did not. We thought he did not have the power to do it, Morrow said. But, when the Times reported that Trump was, in fact, discussing the matter with advisers, the lines went up. Theyre currently plus 130. Jared Kushner is plus 150.

Rudy Giuliani posed another quandary. Can a President premptively pardon someone who hasnt been charged with a crime? Giuliani began as a bargain, plus 240. That one was probably a mistake on our side, Morrow said. I personally didnt price this one. I would suggest that perhaps the trader behind it was thinking that, as it currently stands, Rudy doesnt have any indictments pending. Bettors hammered the line all the way down to plus 140. Giuliani is now the most popular wager on the board. Trump is second.

The election itself accounted for a quarter of Bovadas 2020 revenue. (It was bigger than Mayweather-McGregor! Morrow said.) About two-thirds of the money was on Trump, though most savvy bettors, or sharps, bet Biden. The Biden bettors were paid only after the votes were certified. Morrow is now concerned about the tiny chance that the certifications will be overturned; hed have to pay out the Trump wagers, too. But, in the grand scheme of things, whats a quarter of a years revenue versus, you know, the republic being torn apart? Morrow asked. Thats actually kind of given me a weird bit of peace.

How are the sharps approaching pardons? Gadoon Kyrollos, a prominent professional gambler who goes by Spanky, recommended betting against the news. That strategy returned a big profit for him on Election Night. The market went crazy after Trump, then the underdog, won Florida. I was trading until 4 a.m., Spanky said. Trump was a three-to-one favorite. When I wake up, Trump becomes a three-to-one dog. And then, by 7 p.m., that became a ten- or fifteen-to-one underdog. You never see movement like that. Thats once in a lifetime. Almost like last weekends Jets game. Although that might have been on purpose.

Despite the windfall, Spanky and his partners are sitting out the pardon market. If were not getting down fifty, a hundred thousand a game, were really not into it, he said. Plus, its personal. Eight years ago, Spanky was pinched in a gambling bust. He maintains that he was simply a bettor (legal), but that the large sums he was moving convinced the police that he must be a bookie (illegal). He pleaded guilty to avoid a trial. Officially, hes a felon. Earlier this year, he petitioned both Trump and Andrew Cuomo, on Twitter, for a pardon. Im a hundred to one, Spanky said.

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What are the Odds That Trump Pardons Himself? - The New Yorker

Vivienne Westwood’s Son and His Ex-Publicist Are Having a Dramatic Dudefight Over Email – Jezebel

Image: Niklas HALLEN (Getty Images)

Did everyone know that in July, London designer Vivienne Westwood locked herself in a birdcage to protest the extradition trial of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange? Well, its been approximately 100 years since June, so I totally forgot.

In the shadow of this perplexing political stand, however, a lesser, more confounding drama has escalated to an all-out cage match between Westwoods son and his publicist. Joe Corr, a similar fashion activist and Westwoods heir, was been embroiled in a heated email exchange with his former publicist, Richard Hillgrove, with whom he has worked since 2014. WWD reports that Hillgrove quit his job in September, after the two collaborated on Westwoods bizarre political stunt. Hillgrove reportedly gave Corr a month notice before he left his employment, but in emails seen by the outlet, Corr rejected his notice, and began sending Hillgrove e-mails so venomous they could turn a man to stone. Let me be the judge of that; heres one, per WWD:

Your behavior has been disgusting, I have supported you so much in the past to the point where I would have taken a bullet for you. You havent even had the decency to explain or discuss your decision to cut your relationship with me after everything we have been through.

Elsewhere in the email, WWD reports that Corr than used words to describe Hillgroves wife that cannot be reprinted here. Hillgrove also told the outlet that Corr used sexist language and religious hate speech in the same email.

In a comment to WWD about the whole affair, Corr did himself absolutely no favors.

Richard is an idiot, and his desire to let everyone know that he is one by sending out press releases on this non-story just proves that he is one. We worked very successfully together as a team, but when he is left to his own devices he is a car crash. Goodbye Richard!

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OK, but is Vivienne Westwood still in that birdcage? Ive lost the plot on what exactly everyone is fighting about. But to Corr, specifically: Please log off!

The rest is here:
Vivienne Westwood's Son and His Ex-Publicist Are Having a Dramatic Dudefight Over Email - Jezebel

What’s at stake in the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act (CFAA) – Help Net Security

Two weeks ago, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in Van Buren vs. United States, the landmark case over the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act (CFAA). Nathan Van Buren, the petitioner in the case, is a former police officer in Georgia who used his lawful access to a police license plate database to look someone up in exchange for money. Van Buren was indicted and convicted of violating the CFAA for using his legal access to the database in a way it was not intended.

The fundamental question presented to the Supreme Court is whether someone who has authorized access to a computer violates federal law if he or she accesses the same information in an unauthorized way. While the question may seem trivial, this is a welcome and long overdue court case that could have a major impact on security researchers, consumers, and corporations alike.

Intended as the United States first anti-hacking law, the CFAA was enacted almost thirty-five years ago, long before lawyers and technologists had any sense of how the Internet would proliferate and evolve. In fact, the Act is outdated enough that it specifically excludes typewriters and portable hand-held calculators as a type of computer.

Since its inception, it has been robustly applied for basic terms and services breaches, like the infamous case of Aaron Swartz downloading articles from the digital library JSTOR, to indicting nation-state hackers and extraditing Julian Assange.

The core of the problem lies in the vague, perhaps even draconian, description of unauthorized computer use. While the law has been amended several times, including to clarify the definition of a protected computer, the ambiguity of unauthorized access puts the average consumer at risk of breaking federal law. According to the Ninth Circuit, you could potentially be committing a felony by sharing subscription passwords.

The stakes are particularly high for security researchers who identify vulnerabilities for companies without safe harbor or bug bounty programs. White-hat hackers, who act in good faith to report vulnerabilities to a company before it is breached, face the same legal risks as cybercriminals who actively exploit and profit from those vulnerabilities. Say, for example, that a security researcher has identified a significant vulnerability in the pacemaker that a healthcare company produces. If the healthcare company hasnt published a safe harbor agreement, that security researcher could face up to ten years in prison for reporting a vulnerability that could potentially save someones life.

On the less drastic side, security researchers who work with companies to protect their systems face legal risk in their day-to-day activities. During a penetration test, for example, a client will list assets that are in scope for testing, as well as state what tests are prohibited (e.g., any action that causes a denial of service and crashes a server). A penetration tester could face legal liability and prison time for inadvertently testing the wrong asset that is out of scopeor accidentally executing a test that breaches authorized use. Arguably, engineers could face the same legal liability if they access the wrong database or push the wrong code.

On one hand, the broad and ambiguous language of the CFAA provides robust legal protection for companies and facilitates federal resources, like the FBI, if a significant breach occurs. Some companies have argued that narrowing the scope of the CFAA would not be damaging to security programs if companies are already contracting security services, including crowdsourced programs like bug bounty. One company received pushback from the information security community when it accused MIT security researchers of acting in bad faith by identifying vulnerabilities in its mobile app. Some companies have argued that the difficulty of attribution, meaning the ability to accurately identify a threat actor, makes it difficult to distinguish good actors from cybercriminals.

Yet the CFAA is a reactive measure that would be enforced following an incident. Companies should ideally be focused on preventative measures to protect against a breach before it occurs. It is arguably to the detriment of companies like Voatz, which serves the public through its voting app, that the CFAA is so broad, since security researchers may choose not to investigate or report vulnerabilities due to the possibility that they could be reported to the FBI. While attribution can be incredibly difficult, good faith security researchers will always identify themselves when they report a vulnerability. Unlike malicious actors, who will exploit vulnerabilities for their own gain, security researchers act to increase the security posture of a company and protect citizens from harm.

All companies should use security services, like penetration testing, bug bounty programs, and safe harbor, to quickly identify and triage vulnerabilities. However, security researchers all have different methods for testing and may not be able to cover all of the assets that a company owns. For example, an ethical hacker may be focused on exploiting a SQL injection in a database, he or she may miss exposed credentials on the Internet that allow access into a protected server. With the rapid pace of DevSecOps, engineers could be pushing changes a dozen timesor morein a single day.

Revolutionary changes in the structure and pace of the Internet and the software that fuels it means that ad-hoc or occasional security testing is not enough to protect against vulnerabilities. We need the full force of security researchers, and all companies should encourage and protect their work.

Should the Supreme Court affirm van Burens conviction, the legal landscape will remain largely the same. Security researchers and consumers alike will face liability despite acting in good faith, and the federal government will continue to exercise broad power over trivial and ambiguous breaches of authorized computer use.

Yet the Supreme Court now has the opportunity to limit the scope of the CFAA and restrict what the federal government can prosecute. Doing so will enhance the security of the Internet, protect security researchers, and limit the legal liability of daily Internet users who clicked through terms of services without reading them.

A lot has changed since the CFAA was first enacted in 1984. While the Supreme Courts decision could drastically change the information security landscape, it is still not enough. As weve seen with the Internet of Things bill that was recently passed through the House, the United States needs modern legislation to secure the rapidly changing technology of the twenty-first century.

In short, security researchers who act in good faith are exposing themselves to huge legal risk because of the broad interpretation of CFAA. This is to the detriment of anyone who values the protection of their information. We are in dire need of reform in the United States, but in the meantime, there is hope that the Supreme Court will narrow the scope of the CFAA to protect consumers and security researchers alike.

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What's at stake in the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act (CFAA) - Help Net Security