Opinion | Kim McGahey: It’s time to demand our First Amendment freedoms – Summit Daily News

The complicit, liberal media is full of themselves with their hyperventilating over the record-setting second impeachment attempt brought on by the Trump-hating Democratic congressional leadership. And even though it might make for some good political theater, like a Greek tragedy playing out on a modern stage, it has little basis in reality and even less direct effect on Summit County.

It would be easy to digress into an expose of the Dems double standard on display with their rules for thee but not for me hypocrisy. For example, its OK for Maxine Waters tirade exhorting her mob to harass Trump officials or Obamas Attorney General Eric Holders reference to street violence in the fight against conservatives. Yet when President Donald Trump encourages supporters to exert their Bill of Rights freedom of assembly, freedom of speech and freedom to petition the government, hes blamed for an insurrection.

But Id rather focus on the main issue at hand that affects all of us in Summit County:

The No. 1 priority should be lifting the lockdown under which we have been suffering. What started out as a two-week drill that we all accepted to flatten the curve has evolved into a full years worth of unauthorized, totalitarian emergency powers curtailing our First Amendment civil liberties.

Its time for our local town councils and county commissioners to say enough is enough and reject the governors continued power play, which is being used to move the goal posts and keep us under Big Brothers control.

At the risk of being impeached for inciting violence or calling for an overthrow of the government, I ask all patriots to peacefully and patriotically march on the Summit County courthouse and let your county commissioners know how deeply you object to the current lockdown of local businesses, Main streets, schools and resort life in general. Be numerous, be vocal and be peaceful, but above all, be adamant about demanding that you are mad as hell, and youre not going to take it anymore.

Our great American republic operates best when decisions are made closest to we the people. A one-size-fits-all policy from a dictatorial White House or governors mansion misses the true heartbeat of the local citizens whose needs should be represented at the town and county levels of government.

Admittedly, this is no easy task for local town council members and county commissioners to defy autocratic, and likely unconstitutional, mandates issued from authorities on high. Yet we the people have suffered enough at the footstool of these draconian emergency powers, and we need courageous representatives to stand up and protect our rights to operate our businesses at 100% capacity, fully open our schools for in-person learning and run our towns without the dehumanizing mask mandates. We need our town councils and county commissioners to shed their protective bureaucratic insulation and boldly do what we elected them to do: protect our civil liberties and give us back our freedom!

Anecdotally, we are on the verge of losing more bar and restaurant businesses as these owners can barely make ends meet under a 25% or 50% occupancy restriction. Remove the shackles and get the big government knee off our throats so we can once again breathe the fresh air of American capitalism and get back to providing for our struggling families. No more government-imposed censor, cancel or control.

The current occupants residing in the White House would like to keep us under their thumb with 40-plus executive orders that place government control over our daily decisions, tank the robust Trump economy and replace it with dependency on their elite largesse, e.g., airline passengers are now being threatened with civil or criminal charges for failure to obey Bidens national mask mandate. This is our destiny unless we have the moral and political courage to resist their totalitarian ideology.

The resistance begins locally with our elected town and county representatives. They need to exert their power, endorsed by a grassroots popular movement, to tell the state and national elitists that we vehemently object and will no longer silently comply. We need to put boots on the ground and protesters in the streets to demand the guarantee of our First Amendment freedoms.

Otherwise, we are a sad bunch of deplorable subjects content to willingly sacrifice our liberties for a sense of perceived security. As Ben Franklin observed, a nation willing to sacrifice individual freedom for temporary government security is sure to have neither.

Kim McGaheys column Conservative Common Sense publishes Tuesdays in the Summit Daily News. McGahey is a real estate broker, tea party activist and Republican candidate. He has lived in Breckenridge since 1978. Contact him at kimmcgahey@gmail.com.

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Opinion | Kim McGahey: It's time to demand our First Amendment freedoms - Summit Daily News

WATCH: Trump not protected by First Amendment for inciting insurrection, Rep. Raskin says – PBS NewsHour

Democrats took aim at the Trump legal teams expected First Amendment defense, saying it has no basis in the evidence.

Watch Raskins remarks in the player above.

Lead House Impeachment Manager Jamie Raskin argued in the Senate trial that there is a First Amendment defense against the impeachment charge is absurd.

Futher, Raskin said, The First Amendment does not create some superpower immunity from impeachment.

Thursdays session follows the previous days raw and visceral video of last months deadly insurrection.

Though most of the Senate jurors seem to have made up their minds, making Trumps acquittal likely, the never-before-seen audio and video released Wednesday is now a key exhibit in Trumps impeachment trial as lawmakers prosecuting the case argue Trump should be convicted of inciting the siege.

Trump lawyers are expected to will argue Friday that his words were protected by the Constitutions First Amendment and just a figure of speech.

Read more:

WATCH: Trump not protected by First Amendment for inciting insurrection, Rep. Raskin says - PBS NewsHour

Highlights of Day 4 of the Trump Impeachment Trial – The New York Times

Heres what you need to know:Video

transcript

transcript

Like every other politically motivated witch hunt the left has engaged in over the past four years, this impeachment is completely divorced from the facts, the evidence and the interests of the American people. To claim that the president in any way wished, desired or encouraged lawless or violent behavior is a preposterous and monstrous lie. A small group who came to engage in violent and menacing behavior hijacked the event for their own purposes. This sham impeachment also poses a serious threat to freedom of speech for political leaders of both parties at every level of government. The Senate should be extremely careful about the president, the precedent, this case will set. We heard a lot this week about fight like hell, but they cut off the video before they showed you the presidents optimistic, patriotic words that followed immediately after. Fight like hell, and if you dont fight like hell, youre not going to have a country anymore. Our exciting adventures and boldest endeavors have not yet begun. My fellow Americans, for our movement, for our children and for our beloved country, and I say this despite all thats happened, the best is yet to come. This case, unfortunately, is about political hatred. It has become very clear that the House Democrats hate Donald Trump. This type of political hatred has no place in our political institutions, and certainly no place in the law. This hatred has led the House managers to manipulate and selectively edit Mr. Trumps speech to make it falsely appear that he sought to incite the crowd to violently attack the Capitol. Suddenly, the word fight is off limits? Spare us the hypocrisy and false indignation. Its a term used over and over and over again by politicians on both sides of the aisle. And of course, the Democrat House managers know that the word fight has been used figuratively in political speech forever. But dont take it from me. Its best to listen to them. We are in a fight. We are in a fight. Democrats are fighting as hard as we can. Democrats are standing up to fight. We know how to fight. We like a good fight. Democrats are going to fight like hell. We fight like hell. So why are we here? Politics. Their goal is to eliminate a political opponent. To substitute their judgment for the will of the voters. We will not take most of our time today, us of the defense, in the hopes that you will take back these hours and use them to get delivery of Covid relief to the American people.

Lawyers for Donald J. Trump delivered an incendiary but brief defense of the former president on Friday, calling the Houses charge that he incited an insurrection at the Capitol a preposterous and monstrous lie as they falsely equated his conduct to Democrats own combative rhetoric.

Confident they have enough votes from Republicans to acquit Mr. Trump, the lawyers used only about three of their 16 allotted hours. Their speed allowed senators to complete a period of questioning the prosecution and defense Friday evening and cleared the way for closing arguments and a final verdict, likely on Saturday.

Earlier, the defense team had channeled the former presidents own combative style and embrace of falsehoods to claim, contrary to facts, that Mr. Trump never glorified violence during his presidency and that he consistently called for peace as the rampage at the Capitol unfolded. Showing video clips of Democrats urging their supporters to fight and Mr. Trump venerating law and order, they sought to rewrite not just the narrative of his campaign to overturn the election but that of his entire presidency.

This trial is about far more than President Trump, said Bruce L. Castor Jr., one of the lawyers, as he closed the defense. It is about silencing the speech the majority does not agree with. It is about canceling 75 million Trump voters and criminalizing political viewpoints.

The defenses presentation unfolded after nine House prosecutors spent two days laying out a meticulous case against the former president dramatized with never-before-seen video of the Jan. 6 riot portraying the rampage as the direct result of Mr. Trumps monthslong campaign to overturn the election. Desperate to cling to power, the Democrats argued, Mr. Trump goaded his followers into joining his effort and would do so again, they said, if the Senate failed to convict him and bar him from holding office in the future.

Among the lawyers core arguments were that the Senate lacks jurisdiction to even try a former president now out of office, that Mr. Trumps conduct was protected by the First Amendment and that it came nowhere near the legal definition for incitement.

But standing before a jury of 100 senators, their case was as political in nature as it was legal. Using a favorite tactic of Mr. Trumps, his lawyers also sought to defend his behavior by citing that of others, arguing that he could no more be held responsible for the Capitol assault than Democrats could for the violence that erupted at some racial justice protests last summer.

They also sought to selectively poke holes in Democrats case. Michael van der Veen, one of the lawyers, insisted on Friday that Mr. Trump had only ever been interested in election security reforms, like voter ID laws an assertion that directly contradicted months of public and private actions by Mr. Trump. He said the president intended for the Jan. 6 rally he hosted before the attack to be peaceful, but that it had been hijacked by extremists, including from the far left another claim disproved even by Republicans.

The reality is Mr. Trump was not in any way shape or form instructing these people to fight using physical violence, Mr. van der Veen said. What he was instructing them to do was challenge their opponents in primary elections, to push for sweeping election reforms, to hold big tech responsible all customary and legal ways to petition your government for redress of grievances.

Mr. Castor also pointed to tweets by Mr. Trump while the attack was underway telling his supporters to stay peaceful and support our Capitol Police. But he did not discuss Mr. Trumps actions during the hours when the Capitol was under attack in which managers said he reveled in his success and delayed sending in reinforcements.

We know that the president would never have wanted such a riot to occur, because his longstanding hatred for violent protesters and his love for law and order is on display, worn on his sleeve, every single day that he served in the White House, he said.

Later, during the question and answer session, Mr. van der Veen said Mr. Trump had not been aware that his vice president, Mike Pence, had been in danger, even though a senator he called during the attack told him Mr. Pence was being evacuated from the chamber.

Maggie Haberman contributed reporting.

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transcript

If we do not convict former President Trump, what message will we be sending to future presidents and Congresses? The consequences of his conduct were devastating on every level. Police officers were left overwhelmed, unprotected; Congress had to be evacuated; our staff barricaded in this building, calling their families to say goodbye. And the world watched us. And the world is still watching us to see what we will do this day. And will know what we did this day 100 years from now. Is it not true that under this new precedent, a future House facing partisan pressure to lock her up could impeach a former secretary of state and a future Senate be forced to put her on trial and potentially disqualify from any future office? In this case, we have a president who committed his crimes against the republic while he was in office. He was impeached by the House of Representatives while he was in office. Mr. Raskin cant tell you on what grounds you acquit. If you believe, even though there was a vote, that theres jurisdiction, if you believe jurisdiction is unconstitutional, you can still believe that. If you believe that the House did not give appropriate due process in this, that can be your reason to acquit. It is clear that President Trumps plot to undermine the 2020 election was built on lies and conspiracy theories. How did this plot to unconstitutionally keep President Trump in power lead to the radicalization of so many of President Trumps followers and the resulting attack on the Capitol? What our commander in chief did was the polar opposite of what were supposed to do. We let the people decide the elections. Except President Trump. He directed all of that rage that he had incited to January 6th. Are the prosecutors right when they claim that Trump was telling a big lie? Or in your judgment, did Trump actually win the election? Who asked that? [Sen. Bernie Sanders] I did. My judgment is irrelevant in this proceeding. It absolutely is. Whats supposed to happen here is the article of impeachment is supposed to be [Sen. Patrick Leahy] The Senate will be in order. Whats relevant in this impeachment article is: Were Mr. Trumps words inciteful to the point of violence and riot? Thats the charge. Thats the question. And the answer is no. If the Senates power to disqualify is not derivative of the power to remove a convicted president from office, could the Senate disqualify a sitting president but not remove him or her? Mr. Castro attributed a statement, the time before last that he was up here, that Donald Trump had told his people to fight to the death. Im not from here Im not like you guys I was being very polite and giving him an opportunity to correct the record. And I thought thats exactly what he would do. But instead, what he did is he came up and illustrated the problem with the presentation of the House case. Its been smoke and mirrors, and worse, its been dishonest.

Senators on Friday afternoon opened their first and last window in the trial to directly question the prosecution and defense. But as they submitted questions in writing one by one, most members of the jury appeared more interested in scoring political points than breaking new ground.

Does a politician raising bail for rioters encourage more rioting? read one early question from Senators Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, Ted Cruz of Texas and two other Republicans. It was an apparent reference to Democrats who supported bail funds for people arrested while protesting racial violence this summer.

Bruce L. Castor Jr., one of former President Donald J. Trumps lawyers, gave a one word answer: Yes.

Senator Bernie Sanders, independent of Vermont, asked Mr. Trumps lawyers whether the former presidents big lie was correct when he insisted over and over again that he had won the election. If it was an attempt to force his defense to contradict their client, it did not work.

Who asked that? responded Michael van der Veen, another lawyer for the former president, looking for Mr. Sanders. My judgment? My judgments is irrelevant in this proceeding.

As time ticked by, the former presidents lawyers and the House managers began sniping at each other, too. Mr. van der Veen complained the trial was the most miserable experience Ive had down here in Washington, D.C. and accused Representative Jamie Raskin, Democrat of Maryland and the lead manager, of doctoring evidence.

Mr. Raskin was not pleased. Counsel said before, This has been my worst experience in Washington, he said. For that, I say were sorry, but man you should have been here on Jan. 6.

A short time later, Senator Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont, who was presiding over the trial, gently warned that all parties in this chamber must refrain from using language that is not conducive to civil discourse.

The exception came from a small group of Republican senators openly contemplating conviction. Senators Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Mitt Romney of Utah and Bill Cassidy of Louisiana all seemed interested in what Mr. Trump knew about the unfolding riot, when he knew it and what he did about it.

Mr. van der Veen said he could not precisely say when Mr. Trump learned about the attack, but he blamed it on the Democratic managers for building their impeachment on hearsay on top of hearsay on top of hearsay rather than a thorough investigation.

We have a tweet at 2:38 p.m., so it was certainly sometime before then, he said.

When Mr. Romney and Ms. Collins pressed the lawyers on Mr. Trumps specific knowledge of the threat to his vice president, Mike Pence, the answer was clearer, but it appeared to contradict the word of Senator Tommy Tuberville, Republican of Alabama, who told reporters this week he informed the president that the vice president was being evacuated from the Senate chamber during a contemporaneous phone call.

The answer is no, said Mr. van der Veen. At no point was the president informed that the vice president was in any danger.

Democrats scoffed, and argued that any weaknesses in their evidentiary record was the fault of Mr. Trump, who refused an invitation to testify.

Rather than yelling at us and screaming about how we didnt have time to get all the facts about what your client did, bring your client up here and have him testify under oath, Mr. Raskin said.

transcript

transcript

The House managers spoke about rhetoric, about a constant drumbeat of heated language. Well as Im sure everyone watching expected, we need to show you some of their own words. I just dont know why there arent uprisings all over the country. Maybe there will be. There needs to be unrest in the streets for as long as there is unrest in our lives. Weve got to be ready to throw a punch. We have to be able to throw a punch. Donald Trump, I think you need to go back and punch him in the face. Please get up in the face of some Congresspeople. People will do what they do. I want to tell you Gorsuch, I want to tell you, Kavanaugh, you have released the whirlwind, and you will pay a price. If you had to be stuck in an elevator with either President Trump, Mike Pence or Jeff Sessions, who would it be? Does one of us have to come out alive. Im just going to keep the fight up. What we have to do right now is fight as hard as we can. We have to rise up and fight back. And so, were going to fight. And were going to continue to fight. I am going to be fighting fighting like hell. Keep fighting, fighting, fighting we kept fighting, and we did. So were going to keep fighting. Never, never, never give up this fight. Im a citizen fighting for it Means not only fighting As a leader who fought for progressive change As a lawyer who fought for people his whole life As well as other fights, and Im proud to have Tim in this fight.

Former President Donald J. Trumps defense team offered their own video presentation on Friday a montage of remarks by Democrats urging supporters to fight a rhetorical drumbeat aimed at countering the impact of the footage of the real fight at the Capitol, images of blood and broken glass, presented by the prosecution on Wednesday.

The strategy by Mr. Trumps lawyers was to prove that Mr. Trumps call for his followers to fight like hell in a speech shortly before members of the crowd stormed Congress on Jan. 6 was no different than anti-Trump remarks made by Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California, Representative Maxine Waters of California, Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and other members of Congress.

To make their point, the team played a lengthy mash-up of bellicose statements from Democrats including President Bidens claim on the campaign trail that he would have beaten the hell out of Mr. Trump in high school.

The presentation, featuring quick-cut editing and the type of ominous music often heard in negative campaign ads, a sharp contrast to the raw footage, sometimes silent, of the attack that was compiled by the House impeachment managers from security cameras and cellphone video, and accompanied by a minute-by-minute timeline.

The defense teams montage concluded with images of Democrats praising the protests against police violence in cities across the United States last summer, juxtaposed with video of rioting, even though every senior Democrat denounced violence.

I showed you the video because in this political forum, all robust speech should be protected, said Michael van der Veen, one of the presidents lawyers.

When you see speech such as this, you have to apply the First Amendment evenly. Blindly, he said, adding, She is blind, lady justice.

It reflected the argument being promoted by Trump defenders on conservative media outlets like Fox News, and was part of an effort to offer a more defiant defense pushed by the former president, who was dissatisfied with the earlier efforts of his team.

It is not clear that the approach had its desired effect, however.

During the presentation, senators in both parties were overheard chatting and laughing by observers in the chamber. Democrats emerged enraged at what they saw as an argument built upon false equivalence.

Show me anytime that the result was our supporters pulled someone out of the crowd, beat the living crap out of them and then we said: Thats great. Good for you. Youre a patriot, Sen. Chris Coons of Delaware said after watching the video.

Yet the approach might have succeeded in giving Republicans caught between their disdain for Mr. Trumps behavior and fear of his hold over the party enough cover to justify an acquittal.

The Twitter/CNN/MSNBC bubble will mock & dismiss this defense, but it is going to work with Republican voters and it will give much needed cover and justification to Republican Senators to acquit, said Joe Walsh, a former Republican congressman and frequent Trump critic, on Twitter during the defenses arguments.

As the Capitol was being infiltrated by a mob last month, what did President Donald J. Trump know about Vice President Mike Pences whereabouts and when did he know it?

That was a question multiple senators were intent on learning more about Friday evening, during a period in the impeachment trial in which senators questioned the House impeachment managers and Mr. Trumps lawyers.

At issue was not only when Mr. Trump took any steps to help end the riot, but also a tweet he posted that day at 2:24 p.m. as rioters had breached the Capitol and Mr. Pence was being rushed out of the Senate chamber.

The vice president didnt have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country and our Constitution, Mr. Trump tweeted.

Senator Mitt Romney asked early in the question-and-answer session: When President Trump sent the disparaging tweet at 2:24 p.m. regarding Vice President Pence, was he aware that Vice President Pence had been removed from the Senate by the Secret Service for his safety?

No, Michael van der Veen, one of Mr. Trumps lawyers, said bluntly. At no point, he continued, was the president informed that the vice president was in any danger.

The Democratic House managers, who are serving as prosecutors in the trial, argued that Mr. Trump had to know what was going on at the time of his tweet. The whole world knew it, all of us knew it, said Representative Joaquin Castro, Democrat of Texas. Live television had by this point shown that the insurgents were already inside the building, and that they had weapons and that the police were outnumbered.

The answer also appeared to contradict statements from Senator Tommy Tuberville, Republican of Alabama. Mr. Tuberville told reporters this week about a cellphone call he had with Mr. Trump as the Senate was being evacuated. Well, I mean, I dont know if youve ever talked to President Trump, he said. You dont get many words in, but, uh, he didnt get a chance to say a whole lot because I said, Mr. President, they just took the vice president out, Ive got to go.

The timestamp on Mr. Trumps tweet about Mr. Pence lacking courage shows it was sent about 10 minutes after Mr. Pence was evacuated from the chamber.

The Democratic House managers noted Mr. Tubervilles remarks in their answer to Mr. Romneys question. Later in the evening, Senator Bill Cassidy, Republican of Louisiana, brought them up again, asking if Mr. Tubervilles account shows Mr. Trump was tolerant of the intimidation of Vice President Pence.

Both sides largely reiterated their arguments.

But Mr. Trumps lawyer also argued that whatever Mr. Trump knew about Mr. Pences whereabouts was irrelevant to the charge against him, incitement of insurrection. Other legal analysts might be dubious of that argument. If Mr. Trump was aware of his vice presidents imminent danger, it would conceivably bear on Mr. Trumps intentions.

On the eve of a verdict in Donald J. Trumps Senate trial, one of the 10 Republicans who voted to impeach him confirmed on Friday night that the top House Republican, Representative Kevin McCarthy, told her that the former president had sided with the mob during a phone call as the Jan. 6 Capitol attack unfolded.

In a statement on Friday night, Representative Jaime Herrera Beutler, Republican of Washington, recounted a phone call relayed to her by Mr. McCarthy of California, the minority leader, in which Mr. Trump was said to have sided with the rioters, telling the top House Republican that members of the mob who had stormed the Capitol were more upset about the election than you are.

She pleaded with witnesses to step forward and share what they knew about Mr. Trumps actions and statements as the attack was underway.

To the patriots who were standing next to the former president as these conversations were happening, or even to the former vice president: if you have something to add here, now would be the time, Ms. Herrera Beutler said in the statement.

Her account of the call between Mr. McCarthy and Mr. Trump, first reported by CNN, addressed a crucial question in the impeachment trial: what Mr. Trump was doing and saying privately while the Capitol was being overrun.

Ms. Herrera Beutler said that Mr. McCarthy had relayed details of his phone call with Mr. Trump to her. She has been speaking publicly about it for weeks, including during a virtual town hall on Monday with constituents, and she recounted their conversation again in the statement on Friday.

A spokesman for Mr. McCarthy did not reply to a request for comment. Spokespeople for the House impeachment managers did not immediately reply to a request for comment.

The Republican leaders response to Mr. Trump in the weeks since the attack on the Capitol has fluctuated. On the day of the Houses impeachment vote, he said Mr. Trump bore some responsibility for the attack because he had not denounced the mob, but he has since backtracked and sought to repair his relationship with the former president.

By Ms. Herrera Beutlers account, Mr. McCarthy called Mr. Trump frantically on Jan. 6 as the Capitol was being besieged by thousands of pro-Trump supporters trying to stop Congress from counting Electoral College votes that would confirm his loss.

She said Mr. McCarthy asked him to publicly and forcefully call off the riot.

Mr. Trump replied by saying that antifa, not his supporters, was responsible. When Mr. McCarthy said that was not true, the former president was curt.

Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are, he said, according Ms. Herrera Beutlers account of what Mr. McCarthy told her.

Hours after the assault began, Mr. Trump tweeted a video in which he asked those ransacking the Capitol to leave. Go home. We love you. Youre very special, he said.

A core argument of Mr. Trumps defense, made by Michael van der Veen, one of his lawyers, is that Mr. Trump cannot be convicted of inciting an insurrection because everything he said was protected by his rights to free speech under the Constitution.

Mr. van der Veen who is a personal injury lawyer, not a civil liberties lawyer dismissed a letter signed last week by 144 constitutional scholars and First Amendment lawyers from across the political spectrum, who called a free speech defense of Mr. Trump legally frivolous and not grounds for dismissing the charge against him.

Nonetheless, Mr. van der Veen argued, Mr. Trumps speech deserves full protection under the First Amendment. He cited Supreme Court cases holding that elected officials can engage in political speech.

Adam Liptak, who covers the Supreme Court for The New York Times, addressed the argument in a live analysis.

Its true, of course, that elected officials have First Amendment rights, Mr. Liptak wrote. Its also true that government officials may be fired for making statements that would otherwise be protected political speech. An impeachment trial may present that second sort of question.

Mr. Liptak quoted from the House impeachment managers brief that addressed the First Amendment argument advanced by Mr. Trumps lawyers: Under President Trumps view of the First Amendment, even a sitting President who strenuously urged States to secede from the Union and rebel against the federal government would be immune from impeachment.

FACT CHECK

Donald J. Trumps lawyers, mounting their defense of the former president on Friday, made a number of inaccurate or misleading claims about the Jan. 6 siege of the Capitol, Mr. Trumps remarks and the impeachment process itself. Here are some of them.

Michael van der Veen, one of the lawyers, misleadingly said that Mr. Trump did not express a desire that the joint session be prevented from conducting its business but rather the entire premise of his remarks was that the democratic process would and should play out according to the letter of the law. But Mr. Trump repeatedly urged former Vice President Mike Pence to send it back to the States to recertify and noted that he was challenging the certification of the election.

Far from promoting insurrection of the United States, the presidents remarks explicitly encouraged those in attendance to exercise their rights peacefully and patriotically, Mr. van der Veen said. Mr. Trump used the phrase peacefully and patriotically once in his speech, compared to 20 uses of the word fight.

Mr. van der Veen also claimed that one of the first people arrested in connection with the riots at the Capitol was the leader of antifa. That was a hyperbolic reference to John E. Sullivan, a Utah man who was charged on Jan. 15 for violent entry and disorderly conduct. Mr. Sullivan, an activist, has said he was there to film the siege. He has referred to antifa a loose collective of antifascist activists that has no leader on social media, but he has repeatedly denied being a member of the movement, though he shares its beliefs.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation has said there is no evidence that supporters of the antifa movement had participated in the Jan. 6 siege.

Mr. van der Veen equated the Jan. 6 siege to the protests at Lafayette Square in front of the White House last summer, and presented a false timeline, claiming that violent rioters repeatedly attacked Secret Service officers and at one point, pierced a security wall, culminating in the clearing of Lafayette Square.

There was no breach. Law enforcement officials began clearing Lafayette Square after 6 p.m. on June 1, to allow Mr. Trump to pose, while holding a Bible, in front of a church near the square. Additional security fencing was installed after those events, according to local news reports and the National Park Service.

Similarly, Mr. van der Veen compared Mr. Trumps complaints and political language about the 2020 election with concerns about the integrity of the 2016 election, arguing that the entire Democratic Party and national news media spent the last four years repeating without any evidence that the 2016 election had been hacked. But American intelligence agencies concluded years ago that Russia tried to interfere in the 2016 election. The Republican-led Senate agreed last year that Russia disrupted that election to help Mr. Trump.

David Schoen, another lawyer, misleadingly claimed that the House held on to the article of impeachment until Democrats had secured control over the Senate and Representative Clyburn made clear they had considered holding the articles for over 100 days to provide President Biden with a clear pathway to implement his agenda.

In fact, Democrats had considered delivering the article to the Senate earlier, almost immediately after it was approved, but Senator Mitch McConnell, then the majority leader, precluded the possibility of an immediate trial in a letter informing Republican lawmakers that the Senate was in recess and may conduct no business until January 19. Mr. Clyburn made his suggestion of withholding the article even longer, after Mr. McConnell had sent his letter.

Mr. Schoen also accused Democrats of presenting a manufactured graphic, referring to a New York Times photo of Representative Jamie Raskin, Democrat of Maryland and the lead impeachment manager, looking at a computer screen. The screen featured an image of a tweet Mr. Trump shared stamped with an erroneous date. Left unsaid was that the image was recreated because Mr. Trump has been banned from Twitter and House managers could not simply show the retweet itself. Mr. Schoen then acknowledged that House managers fixed the incorrect date before presenting the graphic during the trial.

Mr. Schoen complained once again that the impeachment did not afford Mr. Trump due process a point Mr. Trumps lawyers and supporters had previously argued during his first impeachment, and a point law scholars had dismissed.

There are no enforceable rights to due process in a House inquiry, and while those rights exist in the Senate trial, they are limited, said Frank O. Bowman III, a law professor at the University of Missouri and an expert on impeachment. Former President Andrew Johnson, for example, was impeached by the House before it even drew up the articles.

Fani T. Willis, the top prosecutor in Fulton County, Ga., is targeting former President Donald J. Trump and a range of his allies in her newly announced investigation into election interference.

Ms. Willis and her office have indicated that the investigation, which she revealed this week, will include Senator Lindsey Grahams November phone call to Brad Raffensperger, Georgias secretary of state, about mail-in ballots; the abrupt removal last month of Byung J. Pak, the U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Georgia, who earned Mr. Trumps enmity for not advancing his debunked assertions about election fraud; and the false claims that Rudolph W. Giuliani, the presidents personal lawyer, made before state legislative committees.

An investigation is like an onion, Ms. Willis told The New York Times in an interview. You never know. You pull something back, and then you find something else.

She added, Anything that is relevant to attempts to interfere with the Georgia election will be subject to review.

Read more from the original source:

Highlights of Day 4 of the Trump Impeachment Trial - The New York Times

CAMP: The left should embrace free-speech again – University of Virginia The Cavalier Daily

The left has a free-speech problem. As Bryce Wyles recent column indicates, there is an increasingly common willingness to strip basic civil liberties in the name of social justice, as well as a troubling lack of understanding of the First Amendment, what it exists to protect and the inherent societal value of free speech. There is deep irony to Wyles statement that people will often assume their freedom of speech means they can deny others right to speech that is simply unconstitutional. This statement is nonsensical not only because nowhere on the list of non-first amendment protected speech is anything resembling silencing others, but also because the hateful speech Wyles describes does nothing to prevent anyone from speaking out against it. Most of all, Wyles article shows a disturbing disregard for freedom of speech. It indicates a belief that only those who wish to express reasonable or even only progressive speech deserve free expression.

The First Amendment protects racist speech, bigoted speech and other hate speech. However, this is not a flaw in our free-speech laws but a deep strength. Like Wyles, I am disgusted by the Universitys chapter of the Young Americas Foundations hateful actions. However, what makes the First Amendment so powerful is that it does not exist to make me comfortable. It does not exist to protect reasonable opinions, good ideas and productive discourse. It exists to protect the repugnant, the controversial and the provocative. A world without the freedom to say controversial things even objectively terrible things is a world without free expression. Without free expression, there can be no civil liberties.

Further, U.Va. is a public university and is thus legally bound to uphold the First Amendment. It both cannot and should not silence any First Amendment protected speech, which ultimately includes all hate speech that does not become harassment, libel or any other non-protected speech act. However, Wyles column reveals a greater problem than ignorance about the First Amendment. The complete willingness to disregard basic liberties in the name of social justice is an increasingly common trend in college leftism. Ultimately, this trend will work to the detriment of liberal thought and erode leftist commitment to liberal values.

As a liberal, I am increasingly troubled by the distinctly authoritarian streak in modern leftism. While I wholeheartedly agree with the leftist cause of economic and racial justice, the increasingly authoritarian, anti-free speech rhetoric used by leftists is deeply harmful to the progressive cause. Over the past few years, I have seen words like free speech and liberty become dirty words in liberal spaces this deeply disturbs me. To abandon a commitment to essential civil liberties yes, even for those with whom you disagree radically is to abandon what liberalism fundamentally stands for in favor of destructive dogmatism. I align with the political left because I deeply believe in the value of a free and open society. This is something that can only be gained when all are able to express their beliefs, and where ideological disagreements are solved in the public forum of debate, discourse and protest. When someone says something repugnant, the solution is not to silence them but to use your rights to vocally and intensely disagree.

If an appeal to the inherent value of civil liberties isnt convincing, then consider a more pragmatic perspective. If your goal is to change minds and hearts, advocating for the censorship of those you dislike isnt going to change anything. In fact, it makes leftists appear volatile, dogmatic and anything but progressive. Public disagreement gives liberals an opportunity to share their best ideas and to actually present compelling arguments for joining the cause. Censorship is lazy and ultimately ineffective.

I believe in the liberal cause and the importance of leftist activism and advocacy for the kinds of radical change needed in our nation. I, too, am enraged by the kinds of hateful, indisputably racist language groups like YAF deploy. However, for all my disagreement, I could not in good conscience wish for their silencing. Instead, I use my own free expression to state deep disgust at their speech, while remaining deeply committed to their right to say it. Authoritarianism is becoming increasingly popular on both sides of the aisle and to devastating effect. If progressivism is to remain a powerful force, and frankly to state a deeper fear of mine if a commitment to liberty is to remain valuable in this nation, leftists must abandon authoritarian sympathies. The freedom of speech is one of the most basic and essential rights given in this country. I, for one, will continue grasping tightly to it.

Emma Camp is an Opinion Columnist for The Cavalier Daily. She can be reached at opinion@cavalierdaily.com.

The opinions expressed in this column are not necessarily those of The Cavalier Daily. Columns represent the views of the authors alone.

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CAMP: The left should embrace free-speech again - University of Virginia The Cavalier Daily

North Idaho Rep. Heather Scott discusses gun rights, insurrection, free speech – KREM.com

"The concern is they are going to get rid of that international tie to call you a domestic [terrorist], Scott said.

BONNER COUNTY, Idaho A live meeting with constituents over Zoom had Rep. Heather Scott,, R-Blanchard, talking about gun rights, the federal prosecution of insurrectionists and warning those in the call against public education, as reported by our news partner the Bonner County Daily Bee.

One of the biggest topics of the night, gun rights, was brought up in several questions throughout the video call.

Some constituents expressed concerns over whether President Joe Biden might sign an executive order restricting gun rights.

I do not see any [executive orders] on guns, but apparently, Biden has made some comments that he wants Congress to take up gun legislation, Scott said. That's what we're all afraid of. They're coming for our guns and I keep telling people, by the time they come for our guns it's going to be too late.

Scott encouraged those on the call to look into the Idaho Second Amendment Alliance, a group that describes itself as a no-compromise gun rights organization. Others, Scott said, are not.

You can forget about the NRA, she said.

In response to a question about red flag laws laws that would allow police or family members to petition the state to temporarily remove firearms from someone deemed to be a danger to themselves or others Scott said there are many attempts to push them through, which have been largely unsuccessful.

Still, Scott said, she believes there is an ongoing threat to gun rights.

Scott also discussed federal prosecution of insurrectionists at the Capitol building in Washington D.C. on Jan. 6, acknowledging the Sandpoint man who was arrested Friday in connection with the insurrection.

I don't know if he did something bad there or if he just went to protest, but he's been [charged] with an insurrection. This is a huge problem, she said. We don't have to agree with everything government says or does. And so but they are going to start tightening the screws on American citizens and free speech.

Although there are currently no federal offenses designated for domestic terrorism without connection to a foreign entity, Scott said shes concerned that if one is added it would allow the government to infringe on citizens rights.

The Biden administration says he's going after domestic terrorists. The concern is they are going to get rid of that international tie to call you a domestic [terrorist], she said. What that will do is that will make every single person that says something they don't like a domestic terrorist.

Scott criticized Gov. Brad Little on multiple occasions, saying that he, and many of the state legislators are not truly conservative and claimed many politicians to be influenced by globalism and corporate interests through lobby groups.

The governor is part of the [National] Governors Association, she said. The National Governors Association, guess who they have a new partnership with? The World Economic Forum It's the globalists that are basically running the governors.

Scott went on to make the unsubstantiated claim that the group, or globalists, were responsible for the COVID-19 pandemic and are planning a cyber attack.

They are the ones that came out with COVID. And they are the ones that are coming out with a cyber attack, she said. They just said COVID is going to be nothing compared to the cyber attack coming.

Throughout the meeting, Scott said she believes Idaho is not conservative, and that within the Idaho Legislature she estimates there are probably three conservatives in the Senate, and maybe 20, 25, in the House.

She also blamed other legislators for a lack of legislative progress; namely Republican representative Fred Wood, for not hearing bills by more conservative legislators.

[He] will not hear any bills about vaccinations or the health districts or anything, she said.

In response to questions about education, Scott said she believes college to serve only as indoctrination.

I would not send my kids to college, I would find another route, she said. I feel the same way about public schools, unfortunately.

One caller asked whether there would be consequences for Gov. Little banning hydroxychloroquine as a treatment for COVID-19 and the deaths from the virus during that time.

Hydroxychloroquine, which was touted as a treatment for COVID-19 by former President Donald Trump, despite a lack of evidence.

It's just not, it's not going to get better, she said. We're not going to just do this and it's all going to be fixed. It's going to take a lot more than that. And I hope it doesn't take blood but I'm, I'm beginning to wonder.

The Bonner County Bee is a KREM 2 news partner. For more from our news partner,click here.

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North Idaho Rep. Heather Scott discusses gun rights, insurrection, free speech - KREM.com

Lawyers Call Trump’s First Amendment Defense ‘Legally Frivolous’ – The New York Times

Claims by former President Donald J. Trumps lawyers that his conduct around the Jan. 6 Capitol riot is shielded by the First Amendment are legally frivolous and should do nothing to stop the Senate from convicting him, 144 leading First Amendment lawyers and constitutional scholars from across the political spectrum wrote in a new letter circulated on Friday.

Taking aim at one of the key planks of Mr. Trumps impeachment defense, the lawyers argued that the constitutional protections do not apply to an impeachment proceeding, were never meant to protect conduct like Mr. Trumps anyway and would likely fail to shield him even in a criminal court.

Although we differ from one another in our politics, disagree on many questions of constitutional law, and take different approaches to understanding the Constitutions text, history, and context, we all agree that any First Amendment defense raised by President Trumps attorneys would be legally frivolous, the group wrote. In other words, we all agree that the First Amendment does not prevent the Senate from convicting President Trump and disqualifying him from holding future office.

Among the 144 lawyers, scholars and litigants who signed the letter, a copy of which was shared with The New York Times, were Floyd Abrams, who has fought marquee First Amendment cases in court; Steven G. Calabresi, a founder of the conservative Federalist Society; Charles Fried, a solicitor general under Ronald Reagan; and pre-eminent constitutional law scholars like Laurence Tribe, Richard Primus and Martha L. Minow.

The public retort came after Mr. Trumps lawyers, Bruce L. Castor Jr. and David Schoen, indicated this week that they planned to use the First Amendment as part of their defense when the trial opens on Tuesday. They argued in a written filing on Tuesday that the Houses incitement of insurrection charge violates the 45th presidents right to free speech and thought and that the First Amendment specifically protects Mr. Trump from being punished for his baseless claims about widespread election fraud.

The House impeachment managers have argued that Mr. Trumps false statements claiming to have been the true winner of the election, and his exhortations to his followers to go to the Capitol and fight like hell to reverse the outcome helped incite the attack.

In their letter, the constitutional law scholars laid out three counterarguments to the presidents free-speech defense that the Democrats prosecuting the case are expected to embrace at trial.

First, they asserted that the First Amendment, which is meant to protect citizens from the government limiting their free speech and other rights, has no real place in an impeachment trial. Senators are not determining whether Mr. Trumps conduct was criminal, but whether it sufficiently violated his oath of office to warrant conviction and potential disqualification from holding future office.

As a result, asking whether President Trump was engaged in lawful First Amendment activity misses the point entirely, they write. Regardless of whether President Trumps conduct on and around January 6 was lawful, he may be constitutionally convicted in an impeachment trial if the Senate determines that his behavior was a sufficiently egregious violation of his oath of office to constitute a high crime or misdemeanor under the Constitution.

What is more, they argued, even if the First Amendment did apply to an impeachment trial, it would do nothing to bar conviction, which has to do with whether Mr. Trump violated his oath, not whether he should be allowed to say what he said.

No reasonable scholar or jurist could conclude that President Trump had a First Amendment right to incite a violent attack on the seat of the legislative branch, or then to sit back and watch on television as Congress was terrorized and the Capitol sacked, they wrote.

Finally, they contended that there is an extraordinarily strong argument that the defense would even fail in a criminal trial, because the evidence against Mr. Trump is most likely strong enough to meet the Supreme Courts high bar for punishing someone for inciting others to engage in unlawful conduct.

Many of the signatories to Fridays letter had signed onto a previous one pushing back on another key argument in Mr. Trumps defense: the assertion that the Senate does not have jurisdiction to try a former president because the Constitution does not explicitly grant it that power.

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Lawyers Call Trump's First Amendment Defense 'Legally Frivolous' - The New York Times

First Amendment, Politics and Section 230 – The Wall Street Journal

Feb. 4, 2021 4:48 pm ET

In The Constitution Can Crack Section 230 (op-ed, Jan. 30), Philip Hamburger forgets how the First Amendment and Section 230 exist to create vibrant marketplaces for all kinds of expression. And both have done exactly that online and offline. Without Section 230 and its common-sense liability protections, the internet would likely become a one-size-fits-all cesspool. It would leave Americans with either an anything-goes, Wild West of an internet or an internet where aggressively moderated websites permit virtually nothing.

Section 230 prevents these dystopian outcomes. The law empowers platforms to compete for users by creating a variety of forumsfrom kid-safe and family-friendly to the more provocative and disturbing. It gives small businesses the chance to meaningfully compete against larger companies by saving them from the threat of devastating legal fees. That means Section 230 fosters a competitive internet where all users can engage in forums that best meet their unique needs.

Trace Mitchell

NetChoice

Washington

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First Amendment, Politics and Section 230 - The Wall Street Journal

The First Amendment Arguments in the House of Representatives’ Managers’ Trial Memorandum – Reason

[This post was co-authored by Josh Blackman and Seth Barrett Tillman]

On Tuesday, February 2, 2021, the House of Representatives' Managers filed an 80-page trial memorandum or brief for the impending Senate impeachment trial. The Managers discussion of the First Amendment spans about three pages (pp. 45-48). And the brief cites several posts from Volokh Conspiracy co-bloggers Jonathan Adler, Ilya Somin, and Keith Whittington. These posts responded to our prior Volokh Conspiracy posts. We have five general responses to the position put forward in the trial memorandum.

First, the trial memorandum states that "the First Amendment does not apply at all to an impeachment proceeding." We think it a mistake to view impeachment proceedings in this binary fashion: that the First Amendment does, or does not apply to an impeachment proceeding. The phrase "high Crimes and Misdemeanors" in the Impeachment Clause (1788) does not definitively resolve how other provisions of the Constitutionincluding the not-yet ratified First Amendment (1791)would apply to impeachment proceedings. Moreover, in our February 3 post, we wrote:

The original meaning of the phrase "high Crimes and Misdemeanors" in the Constitution is of uncertain scope. And the materials we have from the Philadelphia Convention, the state conventions, and the public ratification debates do not provide clear answers to the precise question we face today. Likewise, past impeachments provide inconclusive, and at times, conflicting precedents.

As a result, each member of Congress, who takes an oath to the Constitution, acting in good faith, may decide whether, and how the First Amendment should apply in impeachment proceedings. Accordingly, we think it a mistake to make an unqualified statement that "the First Amendment does not apply at all to an impeachment proceeding." (emphasis added).

Our position that the First Amendment applies in an impeachment proceeding is not novel. In 1868, during the Johnson impeachment, several Senators contended that an article of impeachment ran afoul of the First Amendment. In our January 17 post, we explained the relevance of these statements:

We do not here, nor did we in our prior post, cite these senators as holding the only view about the scope of the President's free speech rights in the impeachment context. We acknowledged that some senators who voted to convict, as well as the prosecuting House managers, rejected this free speech argument. Our goal was not to say, and we did not say, that the Johnson trial established the correct position. Rather, we raised this history to show that the issue was, and remains, fairly contestable. In 1868, there was a difference of opinion about what speech rights the President has. That same debate exists today. This issue is not clear. It is not settled. There is no controlling on-point judicial precedent. There is some on-point discussion from a prior presidential impeachment. And those debates from the Johnson Senate trial provide some support for our position. But we do not think this issue has been resolved or liquidated.

We take it as a starting point that some Senators can decide in good faith, based on their Constitutional oath, that the President can raise the First Amendment as a defense in the Senate trial. The question then becomes, what theory of the First Amendment is available to the President.

The fact that the House spends several pages discussing Supreme Court caselaw suggests that the Managers are not willing to rest on the absolute position that the First Amendment is inapplicable. This argument, we think, represents a tacit recognition that Senators, in good faith, could find that the President may raise a First Amendment defense.

Second, in the alternative, the House trial memorandum argues that the First Amendment ought to apply differently to the President. Specifically, in a footnote, the House argues that the President stands in the same position as a civil servant:

Indeed, impeachment is fundamentally an employment action against a public official, and thus the First Amendment would not insulate the President's statements from discipline even if it applied, because the government's interest in orderly operation would outweigh the President's speech interests. See Garcetti v. Ceballos, 547 U.S. 410 (2006); Connick v. Meyers, 461 U.S. 138 (1983); Pickering v. Board of Education, 391 U.S. 563 (1968).

We think the Managers erred in analogizing Congress' power to remove an elected President to an employment action involving civil servants. Many courts have held that First Amendment challenges by elected officials are not governed by Pickering. We say many courts. Not all courtsas with so many issues, authority is divided. Scholarly articles have also touched on this question. For example, Professor Katherine Shaw opined on this issue in her Impeachable Speech. In that article, she stated:

Outside of the impeachment context, there are of course First Amendment cases that grapple with government officials as speakers. The Pickering/Garcetti line of cases attends to the speech rights of government employees, creating a standard that is understood to grant public employees very limited First Amendment rights when they speak pursuant to their official duties. But it is not clear whether or how the reasoning in these cases would have any application to the unique figure of the president, who is clearly not a government "employee" in the same sense as the officials at issue in the [Supreme] Court's cases, and where the "sanction" of impeachment is surely distinct from other sorts of professional consequences public employees might face over the content of their speech.

Other precedent could support the argument that a president's speech is in some sense protected from sanction by the First Amendment. Perhaps most relevant here is Bond v. Floyd, in which the Supreme Court held that the First Amendment prevented the Georgia legislature from refusing to seat Julian Bond, based on speeches he had made criticizing the Vietnam War and the federal government generally. A president might invoke this case to support the argument that a Congress pursuing impeachment based in part on speech is engaging in a form of impermissible viewpoint discrimination.

Similarly, we wrote in our January 17 post:

Pickering and Garcetti were cases about civil servants. These precedents do not furnish good analogies to justify removing elected officials [such as the President] for purported speech-related wrongs.

We think Professor Shaw's position has merit. Professor Shaw also cites the Supreme Court's First-Amendment-friendly Brandenburg test, and suggests it is relevant to evaluating the constitutionality or lawfulness of impeachments involving speech-related allegations of wrongdoing.

Third, the House Manager's trial memorandum seems to recognize that the President does not stand in the same position as a civil servant. The trial memorandum instead analogizes the President to senior appointed officers:

As the leader of the Nation, the President occupies a position of unique power. And the Supreme Court has made clear that the First Amendment does not shield public officials who occupy sensitive policymaking positions from adverse actions when their speech undermines important government interests.

We agree that "public officials who occupy sensitive policymaking positions" stand in a different position than civil servants. And we agree that certain senior appointed federal officers who make policy have reduced Free Speech rights, even below the Pickering standard. We previously wrote that when senior appointed federal officers "speak, their message is more readily mis-identified as that of the President they serve." As a result, the appointing authority "needs more control over them."

The trial memorandum, at footnote 203, cited two cases that reflect this dynamic. In Branti v. Finkel (1980), the Rockland County Public Defendera Democratwho was appointed by the County Legislature, planned or intended to discharge two assistant public defenders because they were Republicans. Aaron Finkel and Alan Tabakman had worked for the office for several years, and served at the "pleasure" of the County Public Defender. Ultimately, the Supreme Court ruled for Finkel and Tabakman based on the First Amendment. But the Court's decision did not rely on Pickering. These at-will public defenders were not analogous to civil servants. Likewise, Elrod v. Burns (1976) involved "non-civil-service employees" who were "not covered by any statute, ordinance, or regulation protecting them from arbitrary discharge." Here too, the Supreme Court did not rely on Pickering.

Yet, neither of these cases concerns the status of an elected official. We do not think the President can be analogized to civil servants. And we do not think the President can be analogized to senior appointed federal officers with policy-making responsibilities.

In our prior post, we explained why the analogy in the Manager's trial memorandum does not hold:

By contrast, the President is not a cabinet member, who works for a superiorother than the People who act through elections. Nor is the President a GS-15 who can be disciplined for speaking at a political rally. Treating the President as an appointed officer or a civil servant would eliminate the President's ability to act like a politician and party leader. With good reason, the elected President is not subject to the Hatch Act. He is expected to engage in overtly partisan speech. In our view, the President has more expansive free speech rights than civil servants, who have broader free speech rights than at-will executive-branch officers. There is a hierarchy for speech rights for these different positions. It is not the case that principal officers have more rights than inferior officers who have more rights than civil servants. Government officials and officers are not an undifferentiated mass, with identical First Amendment rights. Nor do these rights track the traditional status of positions in the government. Instead, we suggest that elected officials have the widest scope of free speech rights, civil servants enjoy some free speech rights which are subject to certain limitations, and that at-will presidential appointees enjoy the least.

Fourth, the trial memorandum asserts that the House and Senate stand as the superior over the President, in the same fashion that the President stands as the superior over a cabinet member.

Thus, just as a President may legitimately demand the resignation of a Cabinet Secretary who publicly disagrees with him on a matter of policy (which President Trump did repeatedly), the public's elected representatives may disqualify the President from federal office when they recognize that his public statements constitute a violation of his oath of office and a high crime against the constitutional order.

Indeed, in a footnote discussed earlier, the House trial memorandum describes "impeachment [as] fundamentally an employment action against a public official." These statements reaffirm the House's position that Congress is the President's superior. Here, we reach a central point: what is the precise role that Congress plays with respect to impeachment? Is Congress, by virtue of being elected, the superior over the President? We submit the answer is no. It is true that the President draws a salary, as do appointed officers and civil servants. But as a general matter, the President is not considered as an employee, either at-will or subject to some sort of civil service protection. A member of Congress draws salary and can be "removed" by a super-majority of her house. But that does not make a member of Congress an "employee" in the sense that term is commonly used. Professor Shaw, quoted above, expressly rejects analogizing the President to an "employee"the position asserted in the Manager's trial memorandum.

Moreover, we previously wrote:

We reject this analogy between the President and civil servants. Congress is not the superior to the inferior President. They are both elected. They both make policy, within the confines of complying with the legal system. They are both authorized in different ways to control the government-as-employer. As a general matter, Congress does not stand in the role of the employer vis-a-vis the President. If the President has an employer, it is the People, not Congress through impeachment. And that role exists throughout the entirety of a President's four-year term, and not only during the short election season.

Between elections, Congress does not serve as a stand-in for the People. The impeachment process is not akin to a vote of no-confidence, a common procedure in parliamentary governments. The President will stand for election in four years, and the people can decide whether he warrants re-election. Rather, the Constitution empowers Congress to remove the President if specific legal standards are satisfied. The President is not an at-will employee.

Fifth, the Manager's trial court brief considers a final argument in the alternative: even if Brandenburg is the relevant standard, the President's speech is still not protected:

Yet even if President Trump's acts while occupying our highest office were treated like the acts of a private citizen, and even if the First Amendment somehow limited Congress's power to respond to presidential abuses, a First Amendment defense would still fail. Speech is not protected where it is "directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action." Given the tense, angry, and armed mob before him, President Trump's speechin which he stated "you'll never take back our country with weakness," proclaimed that "[y]ou have to show strength," and exhorted his supporters to "go to the Capitol" and "fight like Hell" immediately before they stormed the Capitolplainly satisfies that standard.

Here, we will refer back to Eugene Volokh's post. Under Brandenburg's imminence requirement, Trump's January 6 speech would be protected speech. The trial memorandum does not even try to show that the January 6 speech would lead to "imminent lawless action." The memorandum ends with a conclusory statement that Trump's speech "plainly satisfies that standard." Were this an indictment brought in court, we doubt that it would result in a conviction.

[Seth Barrett Tillman is a Lecturer at Maynooth University Department of Law, Ireland (Roinn Dl Ollscoil Mh Nuad).]

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The First Amendment Arguments in the House of Representatives' Managers' Trial Memorandum - Reason

Stripping House Member of Committee Assignments Doesn’t Violate the First Amendment – Reason

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene was stripped of committee assignments because of her pre-election-campaign statements embracing QAnon, 9/11 trutherism, claims that school shootings were faked, Rothschild space lasers, and executing Democrats. (She has apparently renounced most or all of the claims since.) Does that violate the First Amendment?

I think the answer is "no": Committee appointments are a political process, and are subject to political decisions, including ones based on a person's constitutionally protected speech. Just as the President is entitled to nominate cabinet members and judges based on past speech he likesand reject possible nominees based on past speech he dislikesso Congress can dole out committee positions the same way.

We see this in the longstanding practice of giving members of the majority party more seats on committees. Applied to low-level government employees, such partisan hiring decisions would violate the First Amendment. But when it comes to high-level executive decisionmakers, they are generally just fine, and likewise for Congress. You have a First Amendment right to belong to the minority party, but that means you're less likely to get the committee assignment you want (since your party has fewer seats on the committees).

Likewise, my sense is that party loyalists are more likely to get the best spots. Again, opposing the party leadership is constitutionally protected against criminal punishment or civil liability, but not against political decisions such as appointment to one or another committee (and, again, same with high-level Executive Branch appointments or judicial appointments). And it's true as to other speech protected by the First Amendment, recent or past.

There might be First Amendment limits as to other forms of discipline or expulsion (see dictum in Boehner v. McDermott(D.C. Cir. 2007)), whether or not courts could enforce those limits. But that's a separate matter, I think, from choice of Congressional leadership positions, or from committee assignments.

This having been said, such decisions might be a bad idea. In the words of Jonathan Rauch,

For all its New Testament rhetoric, Washington is an Old Testament city. It is a city which holds, with Beowulf, that it is better to avenge a friend than mourn him. The only rule of conduct is, "Do not unto me, for I will in return do worse unto you."

It might be better for the majority party to leave a freshman minority party Representative with her typical modest freshman assignments, rather than to invite an escalating tit-for-tat the next time party control flips. (Voters on both sides sometimes elect members who say some pretty offensive things.) But I can't speak to that; all I can say is that the Constitution doesn't prevent committee assignments from being a political process, based in part on members' political activity and political speech.

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Stripping House Member of Committee Assignments Doesn't Violate the First Amendment - Reason

Letter to the Editor: Law School Right to Affirm Commitment to Free Expression – Daily Cardinal

In the past week, there has been considerable controversy in the University of Wisconsin Law School community surrounding whether an organization opposed to trans-gender rights should be permitted to participate in the Wisconsin Public Interest Interview Program organized by the law school. While the organization adheres to the law schools non-discrimination policy in its hiring, Womens Liberation Front (WLF) embraces positions rejected by many law students, most notably its opposition to anti-discrimination protections based on gender identity.

On January 30, the law school issued a statement reiterating its opposition to discrimination based on gender identity. However, the law school argues that such disagreement does not justify excluding WLF as an employer, which would constitute viewpoint discrimination contrary to the First Amendment. Various student groups, including QLaw and the Student Bar Association, have responded in writing by characterizing WLF as a hate group and protesting the law schools refusal to remove the organization as a prospective employer.

While it may be an unpopular minority opinion within the law school, I agree with Dean Daniel Tokaji and the law school administration's position and handling of the matter. The law school only needs to ensure that no discrimination exists in employer hiring practices. It would be inappropriate for the law school to censor the political activities of prospective employers.

The University of WisconsinMadison is a public institution, and since Gitlow v. New York (1925), the First Amendment to the United States Constitution has extended to the states under the 14th Amendment. Excluding an employer from the recruiting event in question, based solely on political viewpoint, would be constitutionally impermissible under the First Amendment.

The answer to speech that some may find intolerable, I argue, is more speech, not less. Accordingly, the law school and various student groups have voiced their opposition and disagreement with the positions taken by WLF. I genuinely applaud these efforts.

Hateful ideas and bigoted speech (including, in this instance, calls for government-imposed discrimination that current constitutional law forbids) are just as protected under the First Amendment as other ideas and speech, unless they constitute "fighting words," threats of illegal conduct, incitement intended to and likely to produce imminent lawless action, or some other narrow exception not protected by the First Amendment.

Discomfort or distaste is the price that we pay for the constitutional protections of the First Amendment. This should be especially true in law schools given that our study of the law is a time to explore the many aspects of becoming an adult and professional, including developing an independent voice and the willingness to confront authority and different perspectives with respectful debate. Central to the First Amendment is the recognition that dissent by its nature can be messy and uncomfortable. More tolerance, not less, is needed under these circumstances.

Alfred E. Tsai is a JD candidate at the University of Wisconsin-Madison Law School. Do you agree that disagreement and dissent are tenets of open discussion and free expression? Send all comments to opinion@dailycardinal.com.

The Daily Cardinal has been covering the University and Madison community since 1892. Please consider giving today.

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Letter to the Editor: Law School Right to Affirm Commitment to Free Expression - Daily Cardinal