United Nations human rights committee resolves to protect privacy

The text notes metadata can give an insight into personal behaviour. Photograph: Jon Feingersh/Jon Feingersh/Blend Images/Corbis

A landmark resolution demanding privacy protection in the digital age and urging governments to offer redress to citizens targeted by mass surveillance has been approved by the UN general assemblys human rights committee.

The resolution, which was adopted in the face of attempts by the US and others to water it down and which comes at a time when the UK government is calling for increased surveillance powers, had been put forward by Brazil and Germany in the wake of revelations by US intelligence whistleblower Edward Snowden about large-scale US surveillance.

However, diplomats reported that a reference to surveillance using metadata information generated through the use of technology as an intrusive act was removed in order to appease the US and its British, Canadian, Australian and New Zealand allies in the so-called Five Eyes surveillance alliance.

Nevertheless, the text does still contain a precedent-setting mention of metadata, warning that certain types of metadata, when aggregated, can reveal personal information and give an insight into an individuals behaviour, social relationships, private preferences and identity.

It also emphasises the role of the private sector in digital surveillance, saying, business enterprises have a responsibility to respect human rights.

While not naming any in particular, it calls on states to review their procedures, practices and legislation regarding the surveillance of communications, their interception and the collection of personal data, including mass surveillance, with a view to upholding the right to privacy under international human rights law.

Although are non-binding, such resolutions carry significant moral and political weight if they are supported by enough states.

The resolution was approved by the 193-member committee as a follow-up to a similar text adopted last year after Snowden, a former US National Security Agency (NSA) contractor, exposed a major spying programme by the agency.

Germanys ambassador meanwhile called for the UN to create a special investigator post on the issue, warning that without necessary checks, we risk turning into Orwellian states where every step by every citizen is monitored.

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United Nations human rights committee resolves to protect privacy

Edward Snowden: A ‘Nation’ Interview | The Nation

(All photos byNicola Cohen)

On October 6, Nation editor and publisher Katrina vanden Heuvel and contributing editor Stephen F. Cohen (professor emeritus of Russian studies at New York University and Princeton) sat down in Moscow for a wide-ranging discussion with Edward Snowden. Throughout their nearly four-hour conversation, which lasted considerably longer than planned (see below for audio excerpts), the youthful-appearing Snowden was affable, forthcoming, thoughtful and occasionally humorous. Among other issues, he discussed the price he has paid for speaking truth to power, his definition of patriotism and accountability, and his frustration with Americas media and political system. The interview has been edited and abridged for publication, compressing lengthy conversations about technological issues that Snowden has discussed elsewhere.

The Nation: Its very good to be here with you. We visit Moscow often for our work and to see old friends, but you didnt choose to be in Russia. Are you able to use your time here to work and have some kind of social life? Or do you feel confined and bored?

Snowden: I describe myself as an indoor cat, because Im a computer guy and I always have been. I dont go out and play football and stuffthats not me. I want to think, I want to build, I want to talk, I want to create. So, ever since Ive been here, my life has been consumed with work thats actually fulfilling and satisfying.

The Nation: You have everything you need to continue your work?

Snowden: Yes. You know, I dont spend all day running hand-on-hat from shadowy figuresIm in exile. My government revoked my passport intentionally to leave me exiled. If they really wanted to capture me, they wouldve allowed me to travel to Latin America, because the CIA can operate with impunity down there. They did not want that; they chose to keep me in Russia.

The Nation: We understand youre not a person who gives a high priority to social life, but do you have some here in Moscow?

Snowden: Yeah, Ive got more than enough for my needs, lets put it that way.

The Nation: If you feel like just getting together and chatting with people, you can?

Snowden: Yeah, I can. And I do go out. Ive been recognized every now and then. Its always in computer stores. Its something like brain associations, because Ill be in the grocery store and nobody will recognize me. Even in my glasses, looking exactly like my picture, nobody will recognize me. But I could be totally clean-shaven, hat on, looking nothing like myself in a computer store, and theyre like, Snowden?!

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Edward Snowden: A ‘Nation’ Interview | The Nation

Why the surveillance state lives on

The Snowden revelations have fizzled politically, and reform isnt coming any time soon.

Once upon a time, Glenn Greenwald was a lonely voice in the blogging wilderness, and Edward Snowden was an isolated functionary at the heart of the American national-security state. Then everything seemed to change at once. Snowden, who was desperate to tell his fellow Americans of the evils of NSA surveillance, revealed his secrets to Greenwald, Congress erupted, the entire world got angry, and Greenwald won a Pulitzer and a fat media contract from a billionaire eBay founder Pierre Omidyar while Snowden became the most famous exile in the world.

Now it looks very much like Greenwald is becoming a voice in the blogging wilderness again, and Snowden is watching from Moscow, once again isolated, as his explosive revelations fizzle out politically. On Tuesday, led by Republicans voting en masse, the US Senate defeated a motion to vote on the USA Freedom Act, which would have curbed the NSA's bulk collection of Americans' phone records. The new, harder-line Republican Congress coming in January doesnt seem likely to pass the bill either, to the point where Greenwald lamented in blog post Wednesday that it was self-evidently moronic to rely on the US government to fix the US government. Governments dont walk around trying to figure out how to limit their own power, and thats particularly true of empires, he wrote. The entire system in D.C. is designed at its core to prevent real reform. This Congress is not going to enact anything resembling fundamental limits on the NSAs powers of mass surveillance.

Nor does Greenwald think that the courts, especially the Supreme Court, will do the trick, despite a Dec. 2013 district court ruling against the NSAs phone-data collection program: When it comes to placing real limits on the NSA, I place almost as little faith in the judiciary as I do in the Congress and executive branch. As for the noble libertarian entrepreneurs of Silicon Valley, theyre also dealing falsely with us, Greenwald said. The big internet companies deliberately supported a watered-down bill to point to something called reform so they can trick hundreds of millions of current and future users around the world into believing that their communications are now safe if they use Facebook, Google, Skype and the rest, he wrote.

Of course, by the entire system in DC and Americas entire private sector Greenwald is suggesting that pretty much everybodythe whole republicis failing him and isnt going to deliver the changes he believes are necessary. Thats a bit of an odd conclusion, considering that Snowden and Greenwald were, not long ago, waxing triumphant about the way their revelations were changing the conversation. Their fundamental premise: If only people could be awakened to the horrific extent of the national-security state, they could be depended upon to act on their own. For me, in terms of personal satisfaction, the missions already accomplished, Snowden told Barton Gellman of the Washington Post in December of last year. As soon as the journalists were able to work, everything that I had been trying to do was validated. Because, remember, I didnt want to change society. I wanted to give society a chance to determine if it should change itself. All I wanted was for the public to be able to have a say in how they are governed.

But society doesnt appear now to be pushing much for change, and the public seems to have spoken on Nov. 4, the first time the nation had gone to the federal ballot box since the Snowden revelations broke. One of the less-noted messages out of the midterm election was that virtually every NSA supporter was re-elected handily, and some of the most vociferous proponents of tighter restrictions on surveillance, like Sen. Mark Udall (D-Colo.) and Sen. Mark Begich (D-Alaska), lost in surprising upsets. Even more to the point, an issue that only a year ago had Congress in an uproarwith members getting earfuls about NSA intrusions at constituent town meetingswas almost a complete no-show issue in the election, the first to be held since the Snowden revelations. Very few candidates brought the NSA up.

A few things, of course, have changed in the year or so since the Snowden revelations startled Washington and set the legislation in motion. For one thing, the NSA has begun internal reform under the direction of the White House, although Obama left to Congress such critical issues as how the NSA should collect telephone metadata. Meanwhile the rise of new violent groups like ISIS, with their seemingly regularly scheduled beheadings of hostages, has given NSA hawks new ammunition. In a Wall Street Journal op-ed on Tuesday, former NSA director Michael Hayden and attorney general Michael Mukasey called the USA Freedom Act NSA reform that only ISIS could love.

But perhaps the more profound trend is that Americans just dont seem to care as much as we once thought a year agoan outcome that Snowden himself feared, once talking of NSA fatigue. With the most sensational revelations past us, the lingering concern over NSA surveillance has become diluted by a general sense of resignation over the loss of privacy. This is not much of a surprise, frankly. We already live in an EZ-Pass world, one in which we are willing to let the government keep a record of everywhere we drive in exchange for the mere convenience of getting through the toll booth more quickly. We shop online despite knowing that the commercial world will track our buying preferences. We share our personal reflections and habits not only with Facebook and Google but also (often unknowingly) with thousands of online marketers who want our information. One thing I find amusing is the absolute terror of Big Brother, when weve all already gone and said, Cuff me, to Little Brother, John Arquilla, an intelligence expert at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, Calif., told me in 2013 shortly after the Snowden story came out.

A remarkable study published earlier this month by the Michigan-based Ponemon Institute, which conducts independent research on privacy and data collection, found that in the year and a half since the Snowden revelations only a relatively small number of Americans, about 14 percent, care enough about their privacy on a consistent basis to change their behavior so as to preserve it. That number is unchanged from a Poneman study done in 2012, before the Snowden revelations. These motivated few are the people who will not buy a book on Amazon because they would have to surrender information about themselves, or who dont go to certain websites if they fear theyre going to be behaviorally profiled, or wont contribute to political campaigns for the same reason. By contrast, a substantial majority of Americans, about 63 percent, say they care about their privacy, but theres no evidence to suggest theyre going to do anything different to preserve it, says Larry Ponemon, who runs the institute. Its very troubling to me, to be honest. People talk a good game. They tell us they are really concerned about what the NSA is doing, but in the end they dont really care enough to take a stand.

The Pew Research Center has also just published a study, Public Perceptions of Privacy and Security in the Post-Snowden Era, which concludes that even though across the board, there is a universal lack of confidence among adults in the security of everyday communications channels, people dont really have a strong sense of how to act to change that. According to the Pew survey, 61 percent of adults say they would like to do more to protect do more to protect their privacy but they feel overwhelmed, and they dont know where to begin, says Mary Madden, the principle author of the Pew survey.

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Why the surveillance state lives on

The Question of Edward Snowden

Citizenfour

a film directed by Laura Poitras

At some point in the chase that led the documentary filmmaker Laura Poitras from America to Berlin and finally to the hotel room in Hong Kong where she would meet the whistle-blower who identified himself as Citizenfour, her unnamed informant sent this warning: I will likely immediately be implicated. This must not deter you.

What did he offer in return for the risk he hoped she would take? The answer was compelling. He knew things that the American public ought to know. The director of the National Security Agency, General Keith Alexander, had lied to Congress, which I can prove. Alexander denied under oath that the NSA had ever engaged in the mass surveillance of Americans that was then going forward under the codenames PRISM and XKeyscore. Citizenfour could also demonstrate that General James Clapper, the director of national intelligence, came no closer than General Alexander to telling the truth. When asked, under oath, by Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon whether the NSA collects data on millions or hundreds of millions of Americans, Clapper had answered: Not wittingly.

Clappers statement was false in every possible sense of the words not and wittingly. The agency was indeed collecting data, it was doing so in accordance with a plan, and the director had ordered no halt to the mass collection. The extraction of private information about Americans without our consent seems to have troubled Edward Snowden far back in his employment by the NSA. But there were other things that gave him pause: the astonishing license for ad hoc spying, for example, that was granted to those NSA data workers who had been awarded the relevant authoritiesa bureaucratic synonym for permissions. We could watch drone videos [of the private doings of families in Yemen, Afghanistan, and Pakistan] from desktops. This, Snowden has said, was one of those things that really hardened me.

Citizenfour, a documentary about the rise of mass, suspicionless surveillance and about the dissidents who have worked to expose it, naturally centers on Snowden; and most of the film concentrates on eight days in Hong Kong, during which Poitras filmed while the Guardian reporters Glenn Greenwald and Ewen MacAskill introduced themselves, conducted searching interviews and conversations with Snowden, and came to know something of his character. The focus on a single person is consistent with the design of all three of the extraordinary films in the trilogy that Poitras has devoted to the war on terror.

The first, My Country, My Country (2006), covered a short stretch in the life of an Iraqi doctor, Riyadh al-Adhadh, during the American occupation of Baghdad. In the months before the election of January 2005, al-Adhadh was beset by a family in bad straits and by patients whose physical and emotional state had suffered terribly in the war. He resolved at that exigent moment to help his country by standing as a candidate for the assembly. When his Sunni party withdrew from participation, he was left disappointed and uncertain, his commitment invalidated by the very people he hoped to serve.

The Oath (2010) offered a portrait of Abu Jandal, a taxi driver in Yemen, initially famous only by association as the brother-in-law of Osama bin Ladens driver Salim Ahmed Hamdan. It was Hamdan who suffered five years of imprisonment in Guantnamo before being tried on charges of conspiracy and material support of al-Qaeda. A deeply religious man, he was cleared by a military tribunal of the charge of conspiracy and transferred to Yemen, where he secluded himself and maintained an ascetic silence. (On October 16, 2012, the D.C. Circuit Court threw out Hamdans conviction on the remaining count, material support for terrorism, on the ground that it violated the constitutional ban on ex post facto prosecutions: the acts for which he was charged and convicted were not yet crimes when he performed them.)

As if between the lines of the film, it emerges that Abu Jandal himselfcharismatic, masculine, a hero to the intellectual Muslim radicals who seek him out, yet touchingly gentle in the work of raising his five-year-old sonhad been closer to bin Laden than the relative who was sent to Guantnamo. And even that is not the end: the protagonist is not what he seems at second glance any more than at first. He was once a committed jihadist, yet he was also full of doubts and capable of acting on his doubts. The film leaves him, as the earlier film had left the Iraqi doctor, uncertain and in suspense.

In the same way, we are left without a finished story at the end of Citizenfour. Snowden departs Hong Kong for Moscow, under the protection of human rights lawyers, hoping to fly from there to a Latin American country that will offer him refuge (probably Ecuador). But as we now know and the film reminds us, the US State Department revoked his passport and Snowden in Moscow is still in limbo. Though the film, in a kind of denouement, shows him reunited with his American girlfriend, visited by a political ally, Glenn Greenwald, and encouraged to hear that another whistle-blower has cropped up and disclosed the exorbitant scale of the American watch list, it is hard to know where his story will end.

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The Question of Edward Snowden

Tommy Chong: Edward Snowden Showed Us How Many Freedoms We’ve Lost – Video


Tommy Chong: Edward Snowden Showed Us How Many Freedoms We #39;ve Lost
Air Date: November 19th, 2014 This video may contain copyrighted material. Such material is made available for educational purposes only. This constitutes a #39;fair use #39; of any such copyrighted...

By: selfownership1

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Tommy Chong: Edward Snowden Showed Us How Many Freedoms We've Lost - Video

NSA Debated Phone Tracking Before Edward Snowden Leaks

WASHINGTON (AP) Years before Edward Snowden sparked a public outcry with the disclosure that the National Security Agency had been secretly collecting American telephone records, some NSA executives voiced strong objections to the program, current and former intelligence officials say. The program exceeded the agency's mandate to focus on foreign spying and would do little to stop terror plots, the executives argued.

The 2009 dissent, led by a senior NSA official and embraced by others at the agency, prompted the Obama administration to consider, but ultimately abandon, a plan to stop gathering the records.

The secret internal debate has not been previously reported. The Senate on Tuesday rejected an administration proposal that would have curbed the program and left the records in the hands of telephone companies rather than the government. That would be an arrangement similar to the one the administration quietly rejected in 2009.

The now-retired NSA official, a longtime code-breaker who rose to top management, had just learned in 2009 about the top secret program that was created shortly after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks. He says he argued to then-NSA Director Keith Alexander that storing the calling records of nearly every American fundamentally changed the character of the agency, which is supposed to eavesdrop on foreigners, not Americans.

Alexander politely disagreed, the former official told The Associated Press.

The former official, who spoke only on condition of anonymity because he didn't have permission to discuss a classified matter, said he knows of no evidence the program was used for anything other than its stated purpose to hunt for terrorism plots in the U.S. But he said he and others made the case that the collection of American records in bulk crossed a line that he and his colleagues had been taught was sacrosanct.

He said he also warned of a scandal if it should be disclosed that the NSA was storing records of private calls by Americans to psychiatrists, lovers and suicide hotlines, among other contacts.

Alexander, who led the NSA from 2005 until he retired last year, did not dispute the former official's account, though he said he disagreed that the program was improper.

"An individual did bring us these questions, and he had some great points," Alexander told the AP. "I asked the technical folks, including him, to look at it."

By 2009, several former officials said, concern about the "215 program," so-called for the authorizing provision of the USA Patriot Act, had grown inside NSA's Fort Meade, Maryland, headquarters to the point that the program's intelligence value was being questioned. That was partly true because, for technical and other reasons, the NSA was not capturing most mobile calling records, which were an increasing share of the domestic calling universe, the former officials said.

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NSA Debated Phone Tracking Before Edward Snowden Leaks

Debate on NSA surveillance predated Edward Snowden

WASHINGTON Years before Edward Snowden sparked a public outcry with the disclosure that the National Security Agency had been secretly collecting American telephone records, some NSA executives voiced strong objections to the program, current and former intelligence officials say.

The program exceeded the agency's mandate to focus on foreign spying and would do little to stop terror plots, the executives argued.

The 2009 dissent, led by a senior NSA official and embraced by others at the agency, prompted the Obama administration to consider, but ultimately abandon, a plan to stop gathering the records.

The secret internal debate has not been previously reported.

The Senate on Tuesday rejected an administration proposal that would have curbed the program and left the records in the hands of telephone companies rather than the government. That would be an arrangement similar to the one the administration quietly rejected in 2009.

The now-retired NSA official, a longtime code-breaker who rose to top management, had just learned in 2009 about the top secret program that was created shortly after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

He said he argued to then-NSA Director Keith Alexander that storing the calling records of nearly every American fundamentally changed the character of the agency, which is supposed to eavesdrop on foreigners, not Americans.

Alexander politely disagreed, said the former official, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

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Debate on NSA surveillance predated Edward Snowden