Julian Assange: No Surrender | Black Agenda Report

Supporters of the Wikileaks founder say he wont leave the Ecuadorian embassy in London unless the British police drag him away.

If you look at his enemies, and you look at who wants to lock him up forever, it's clear that we have to defend him.

Wikileaks founder Julian Assange appears to be one step closer to forcible removal from Ecuador's London Embassy, most likely to be extradited to the US to face charges in the Eastern District Court of Virginia, which is commonly known as the espionage court. If UK police have to go in and remove him by force that will of course demonstrate the brutality of the state in the Gandhian tradition.

The US and UK governments may nevertheless be in a hurry to get hold of him however they can, with Theresa May's Tory government so close to collapse and Jeremy Corbyn's Labor Party so close to power. Given all that Corbyn has said about protecting journalists who take risks to reveal the truth about power, it's hard to imagine him extraditing Assange in response to US demands, even though refusal would no doubt damage the longstanding Anglo-American alliance.

It's hard to imagine Jeremy Corbynextraditing Assange in response to US demands.

Ecuador Envivo reports that Ecuador's new ambassador to the UK has very clear instructions regarding Assange, who has been an asylee in the embassy for the past six years. And that the government said Assange's asylum has been detrimental to its relationship with the UK and could further damage trade relations between the two countries.

Supporters of Assange met last Friday evening on an international online video conference about his worsening situation. Consortium News Editor Joe Lauria said that he does not expect Assange to leave the embassy of his own volition. Stefania Maurizi, Italian La Republica journalist and longtime Wikileaks publishing partner, told Lauria that she was able to see Assange about 10 days ago, and that he's not planning to come out on his own, no matter what they do to him.

Black Agenda Report columnist Margaret Kimberley and Joe Lauria both said that the elite list of those determined to arrest and silence Assange prove that he deserves the support of the people:

Margaret Kimberley:If you look at his enemies, and you look at who wants to lock him up forever, it's clear that he's important and it's clear that we have to defend him.

Joe Lauria:They want to lock him up because he's directly threatening their interests. I'm talking about individuals inside the CIA, the NSA, the Pentagon, MI6, and big business. If you oppose Julian Assange, you're on the side of the state against the people.

Chris Hedges said that defending Assange is equivalent to defending the possibility of investigative journalism despite mass surveillance:

Investigative journalism into the inner workings of power has been frozen completely because of wholesale surveillance.

Chris Hedges:I really can't reiterate enough times that this is the last chance we have not only to defend Julian Assange, but also to protect publishers ability to disseminate material on the inner workings of corporations and corporate states.

I worked as an investigative journalist for the New York Timesand I still have colleagues there, and they are quite blunt about the fact that investigative journalism into the inner workings of power has been frozen completely because of wholesale surveillance.Government officials, because they know they're monitored, and journalists, because they know they're monitored, can no longer shine a light into the inner workings of power. Leaks are the only mechanisms left by which we can understand power and particularly the crimes that are being committed by power, by the elites.

The three-hour video conferences regarding developments and possible responses to the UK and US governments pursuit of Julian Assange can be viewed every Friday evening beginning at 8 pm Eastern Time on the website Unity4J.com. Viewers can ask questions, make suggestions, and share details of upcoming Assange solidarity events in the YouTube chat window.

Ann Garrison is an independent journalist based in the San Francisco Bay Area. In 2014, she received the Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza Democracy and Peace Prizefor her reporting on conflict in the African Great Lakes region. She can be reached at [emailprotected].

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Julian Assange: No Surrender | Black Agenda Report

The Bomb that Did Not Detonate: Julian Assange, Manafort and …

This is going to be one of the most infamous news disasters since Stern published the Hitler Diaries. WikiLeaks, Twitter, Nov 27, 2018

Those at The Guardian certainly felt they were onto something. It would be a scoop that would have consequences on a range of fronts featuring President Donald Trumps former campaign chairman Paul Manafort, Julian Assange and the eponymous Russian connection with the 2016 US elections.

If they could tie the ribbon of Manafort over the Assage package, one linked to the release of hacked Democratic National Committee emails in the summer of 2016, they could strike journalistic gold. At one stroke, they could achieve a trifecta: an expos on WikiLeaks, Russian involvement, and the tie-in with the Trump campaign.

The virally charged story, when run towards the leg end of November, claimed that Manafort had visited Assange in the embassy in 2013, 2015 and in spring 2016. Speculation happily followed in an account untroubled by heavy documentation. It is unclear why Manafort would have wanted to see Assange and what was discussed. But the last apparent meeting is likely to come under scrutiny and could interest Robert Mueller, the special prosecutor who is investigating alleged collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia.

It was a strikingly shoddy effort. An internal document supposedly garnered from the Ecuadorean intelligence agency named a certain Paul Manaford [sic] as a guest while also noting the presence of Russians. No document or individual names were supplied.

The enterprise was supposedly to come with an added satisfaction: getting one over the prickly Assange, a person with whom the paper has yet a frosty association with since things went pear shaped after Cablegate in 2010. Luke Harding, the lead behind this latest packaging effort, has received his fair share of pasting in the past, with Assange accusing him of minimal additional research and mere reiteration in the shabby cobbling The Snowden Files: The Inside Story of the Worlds Most Wanted Man (2014). The Guardian, Assange observed in reviewing the work, is a curiously inward-looking beast. Harding, for his part, is whistling the promotional tune of his unmistakably titled book Collusion: How Russia Helped Trump Win the White House. The feud persists with much fuel.

Unfortunately for those coup seekers attempting a framed symmetry, the bomb has yet to detonate, an inert creature finding its ways into placid waters. WikiLeaks was, understandably, the first out of the stables with an irate tweet. Remember this day when the Guardian permitted a serial fabricator to totally destroy the papers reputation. @WikiLeaks is willing to bet the Guardian a million dollars and its editors head that Manafort never met Assange.

Manafort himself denied ever meeting Assange. I have never met Julian Assange or anyone connected to him. I have never been contacted by anyone connected to WikiLeaks, either directly or indirectly. I have never reached out to Assange or WikiLeaks on any matter.

WikiLeaks has also pointed to a certain busy bee fabricator as a possible source for Harding et al, an Ecuadorean journalist by the name of Fernando Villavicencio. Villavicencio cut his teeth digging into the record of Morenos predecessor and somewhat Assange friendly, Rafael Correa.

Glenn Greenwald, himself having had a stint and a fruitful one covering the Snowden revelations on the National Security Agency had also been relentless on the inconsistencies. If Manafort did visit Assange, why the vagueness and absence of evidence? London, he points out, is one of the worlds most surveilled, if not the most surveilled, cities. The Ecuadorean embassy is, in turn, one of the most scrutinized, surveilled, monitored and filmed locations on the planet. Yet no photographic or video evidence has been found linking Manafort to Assange.

The grey-haired establishment types are also wondering about the lack of fizz and bubble. Paul Farhi at The Washington Post furnishes an example: No other news organization has been able to corroborate the Guardians reporting to substantiate its central claim of a meeting. News organizations typically do such independent reporting to confirm important stories.

Another distorting aspect to this squalid matter is the Manafort-Ecuadorean link, which does little to help Hardings account. A debt-ridden Manafort, according to the New York Times, ventured his way to Ecuador in mid-May last year to proffer his services to the newly elected president, Lenn Moreno. Moreno could not have been flattered: this was a mans swansong and rescue bid, desperate to ingratiate himself with governments as varied as Iraqi Kurdistan and Puerto Rico.

In two meetings (the number might be more) between Manafort and his Ecuadorean interlocutor, various issues were canvassed. Eyes remained on China but there was also interest in finding some workable solution to debt relief from the United States. Then came that issue of a certain Australian, and now also Ecuadorean national, holed up in the Ecuadorean embassy in Knightsbridge, London.

Moreno has been courting several options, none of which seem to have grown wings. A possibility of getting a diplomatic post for Assange in Russia did not take off. (British authorities still threatened the prospect of arrest.) The issue of removing the thorniest dissident publisher in modern memory remains furiously alive.

As ever, accounts of the Moreno-Manafort tte--tte vary. A spokesman for Manafort, one Jason Maloni, suggests a different account. Manafort was not the instigator, but merely the recipient, of a query from Moreno about his desire to remove Julian Assange from Ecuadors embassy. Manafort listened impassively, but made no promises as this was ancillary to the purpose of the meeting. Russia, he sought to clarify, did not crop up.

Fraud might run through Manaforts blood (convictions on eight counts of bank-and tax-fraud is fairly convincing proof of that), but the case assembled against Assange seems very much one of enthusiastic botch-up masquerading as a stitch-up. So far, the paper has batten down the hatches, and Harding has referred any queries through The Guardians spokesman, Brendan OGrady. Zeal can be punishing. OGrady will have to earn his keep.

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The Bomb that Did Not Detonate: Julian Assange, Manafort and ...

The Persecution of Julian Assange: WikiLeaks Editor Says …

Last week, The Guardian published a "bombshell" front-page story asserting, without producing any evidence, that Julian Assange had secretly met the recently convicted former Donald Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort in 2013, 2015 and 2016. The Guardian's attack on Assange came only days after it was confirmed that he has been indicted some time ago, under seal, and that the U.S. will seek his extradition from the U.K. The story was published just hours before a hearing brought by media groups trying to stop the U.S. government from keeping its attempts to extradite Assange secret.

The story went viral, repeated uncritically by many media outlets around the world, including Newsweek. This falsely cast Assange into the center of a conspiracy between Putin and Trump. The Guardian even had the gall to post a call to its readers to donate to protect "independent journalism when factual, trustworthy reporting is under threat."

These three meetings with Manafort did not happen.

As The Guardian admitted, the Embassy's visitor logs show no such visits. The Guardian claims they saw a separate internal document written by Ecuador's Senain intelligence agency that lists "Paul Manaford [sic]" as one of several well-known guests.'

Manafort, through his spokesman, has stated: This story is totally false and deliberately libelous. I have never met Julian Assange or anyone connected to him.

It appears The Guardian editors tried to backpedal from the original story with post-publication stealth edits, but theyhavenot issued a correction or apology.

The journalists who wrote this story must surely know that guests who enter the embassy must be registered in logs, as pointed out by the former first secretary at the Ecuadorian Embassy from 2010 to July 2018.

Ecuadorian intelligence has spent millions of dollars on setting up security cameras inside its embassy in London to monitor Julian Assange and his visitors. The Guardian has previously published still shots from those cameras. However, in the case of the claimed Manafort visit, they apparently demanded no such verification.

They also overlooked the simple fact that millions of pounds have been spent over the years by the Metropolitan police and secret services on monitoring the entrances of the embassy 24/7.

This is part of a series of stories from The Guardian, such as its recent claim of a "Russia escape plot" to enable Assange to flee the embassy, which is not true.

What do these stories have in common? They all give the U.K. and Ecuador political cover to arrest Assange and for the U.S. to extradite him. Any journalists worth their salt should be investigating who is involved in these plots.

Julian Assange gestures as he speaks to the media from the balcony of the Ecuadorian Embassy in London, on May 19, 2017. Jack Taylor/Getty Images

Mike Pompeo, when he was CIA director, said the U.S. was "working to take down" WikiLeaks. This was months after WikiLeaks released thousands of files on the CIA, the "largest leak of CIA documents in history," called Vault 7. The Guardian seems determined to link Assange to Russia, in full knowledge that such claims are prejudicial in the context of Mueller's probe in the U.S. and the Democratic National Committeelawsuit against WikiLeaks.

Numerous commentators have criticized The Guardian for its coverage of Assange. Glenn Greenwald, former columnist for The Guardian, writes that the paper has "...such a pervasive and unprofessionally personal hatred for Julian Assange that it has frequently dispensed with all journalistic standards in order to malign him." Another former Guardian journalist, Jonathan Cook, writes: "The propaganda function of the piece is patent. It is intended to provide evidence for long-standing allegations that Assange conspired with Trump, and Trump's supposed backers in the Kremlin, to damage Hillary Clinton during the 2016 presidential race."

Hours before The Guardian published its article, WikiLeaks received knowledge of the story and "outed" it, with a denial, to its 5.4 million Twitter followers. The story then made the front page, and The Guardian asserted they had not received a denial prior to publicationas they had failed to contact the correct person.

A simple retraction and apology will not be enough. This persecution of Assange is one of the most serious attacks on journalism in recent times.

Kristinn Hrafnsson is an Icelandic investigative journalist who has worked with WikiLeaks since 2009, as spokesperson for the organization from 2010 to 2016 and editor-in-chief since September 2018.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own.

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The Persecution of Julian Assange: WikiLeaks Editor Says ...

The Guardian’s Vilification of Julian Assange

The Guardian did not make a mistake in vilifying Assange without a shred of evidence. It did what it is designed to do, says Jonathan Cook.

By Jonathan CookJohanthan-Cook.net

It is welcome that finally there has been a little pushback, including from leading journalists, toThe Guardians long-running vilification of Julian Assange, the founder of Wikileaks.

Reporter Luke Hardings latest article,claimingthat Donald Trumps disgraced former campaign manager Paul Manafort secretly visited Assange in Ecuadors embassy in London on three occasions, is so full of holes that even hardened opponents of Assange in the corporate media are strugglingto stand by it.

Faced with the backlash,The Guardianquickly and very quietly rowed backits initial certainty that its story was based on verified facts. Instead, it amended the text, without acknowledging it had done so, to attribute the claims to unnamed, and uncheckable, sources.

The propaganda function of the piece is patent. It is intended to provide evidence for long-standing allegations that Assange conspired with Trump, and Trumps supposed backers in the Kremlin, to damage Hillary Clinton during the 2016 presidential race.

The Guardians latest story provides a supposedly stronger foundation for an existing narrative: that Assange and Wikileaks knowingly published emails hacked by Russia from the Democratic partys servers. In truth, there isno public evidencethat the emails were hacked, or that Russia was involved. Central actors have suggested instead that the emails were leaked from within the Democratic party.

Nonetheless, this unverified allegation has been aggressively exploited by the Democratic leadership because it shifts attention away both from its failure to mount an effective electoral challenge to Trump and from the damaging contents of the emails. These show that party bureaucrats sought torig the primariesto make sure Clintons challenger for the Democratic nomination, Bernie Sanders, lost.

To underscore the intended effect of the Guardians new claims, Harding even throws in a casual and unsubstantiated reference to Russians joining Manafort in supposedly meeting Assange.

Manafort hasdeniedthe Guardians claims, while Assange hasthreatened to sue The Guardian for libel.

The emotional impact ofThe Guardian is to suggest that Assange is responsible for four years or more of Trump rule. But more significantly, it bolsters the otherwiserisible claimthat Assange is not a publisher and thereby entitled to the protections of a free press, as enjoyed byThe Guardian or The New York Times but the head of an organization engaged in espionage for a foreign power.

The intention is to deeply discredit Assange, and by extension the Wikileaks organization, in the eyes of right-thinking liberals. That, in turn, will make it much easier to silence Assange and the vital cause he represents: the use of new media to hold to account the old, corporate media and political elites through the imposition of far greater transparency.

The Guardian story will prepare public opinion for the moment when Ecuadors rightwing government under President Lenin Moreno forces Assange out of the embassy, having already withdrawn most of his rights to use digital media.

It will soften opposition when the UK moves to arrest Assange onself-serving bail violation chargesand extradites him to the US. And it will pave the way for the US legal system to lock Assange up for a very long time.

For the best part of a decade, any claims by Assanges supporters that avoiding this fate was the reason Assange originally sought asylum in the embassy was ridiculed by corporate journalists, not least at the Guardian.

Even when a United Nations panel of experts in international law ruled in 2016 that Assange was being arbitrarily and unlawfully detained by the UK, Guardian writers led efforts to discredit the UN report. Seehereandhere.

Now Assange and his supporters have been proved right once again. An administrative error this month revealed that the US justice department hadsecretly filed criminal chargesagainst Assange.

The problem forThe Guardian, which should have been obvious to its editors from the outset, is that any visits by Manafort would be easily verifiable without relying on unnamed sources.

Glenn Greenwald is far from alone innotingthat London is possibly the most surveilled city in the world, with CCTV cameras everywhere. The environs of the Ecuadorian embassy are monitored especially heavily, with continuous filming by the UK and Ecuadorian authorities and most likely by the US and other actors with an interest in Assanges fate.

The idea that Manafort or Russians could have wandered into the embassy to meet Assange even once without their trail, entry and meeting being intimately scrutinized and recorded is simply preposterous.

According to Greenwald: If Paul Manafort visited Assange at the Embassy, there would be ample amounts of video and other photographic proof demonstrating that this happened.The Guardian providesnone of that.

Former British ambassador Craig Murray alsopoints outthe extensive security checks insisted on by the embassy to which any visitor to Assange must submit. Any visits by Manafort would have been logged.

In fact,The Guardian obtainedthe embassys logs in May, and has never made any mention of either Manafort or Russians being identified in them. It did not refer to the logs in its latest story.

Murray:

The problem with this latest fabrication is that [Ecuadors President] Moreno had already released the visitor logs to the Mueller inquiry. Neither Manafort nor these Russians are in the visitor logs What possible motive would the Ecuadorean government have for facilitating secret unrecorded visits by Paul Manafort? Furthermore it is impossible that the intelligence agency who were in charge of the security would not know the identity of these alleged Russians.

It is worth noting it should be vitally important for a serious publication likeThe Guardian to ensure its claims are unassailably true both because Assanges personal fate rests on their veracity, and because, even more importantly, a fundamental right, the freedom of the press, is at stake.

Given this, one would have expectedThe Guardians editors to have insisted on the most stringent checks imaginable before going to press with Hardings story. At a very minimum, they should have sought out a response from Assange and Manafort before publication. Neither precaution was taken.

I worked forThe Guardian for a number of years, and know well the layers of checks that any highly sensitive story has to go through before publication. In that lengthy process, a variety of commissioning editors, lawyers, backbench editors and the editor herself, Kath Viner, would normally insist on cuts to anything that could not be rigorously defended and corroborated.

And yet this piece seems to have been casually waved through, given a green light even though its profound shortcomings were evident to a range of well-placed analysts and journalists from the outset.

That at the very least hints thatThe Guardian thought they had insurance on this story. And the only people who could have promised that kind of insurance are the security and intelligence services presumably of Britain, the United States and / or Ecuador.

It appearsThe Guardian has simply taken this story, provided by spooks, at face value. Even if it later turns out that Manafort did visit Assange,The Guardian clearly had no compelling evidence for its claims when it published them. That is profoundly irresponsible journalism fake news that should be of the gravest concern to readers.

Despite all this, even analysts critical ofThe Guardians behavior have shown a glaring failure to understand that its latest coverage represents not an aberration by the paper but decisively fits with a pattern.

Glenn Greenwald, who once had an influential column inThe Guardian until an apparent, though unacknowledged, falling out with his employer over the Edward Snowden revelations, wrote a series of baffling observations aboutThe Guardians latest story.

First, hesuggestedit was simply evidence ofThe Guardians long-standing (and well-documented) hostility towards Assange.

The Guardian, an otherwise solid and reliable paper, has such a pervasive and unprofessionally personal hatred for Julian Assange that it has frequently dispensed with all journalistic standards in order to malign him.

It was also apparently evidence of the papers clickbait tendencies:

They [Guardian editors] knew that publishing this story would cause partisan warriors to excitedly spread the story, and that cable news outlets would hyperventilate over it, and that theyd reap the rewards regardless of whether the story turned out to be true or false.

And finally, in a bizarre tweet, Greenwald opined, I hope the story [maligning Assange] turns out true apparently because maintenance ofThe Guardians reputation is more important than Assanges fate and the right of journalists to dig up embarrassing secrets without fear of being imprisoned.

What this misses is that The Guardians attacks on Assange are not exceptional or motivated solely by personal animosity. They are entirely predictable and systematic. Rather than being the reason forThe Guardian violating basic journalistic standards and ethics, the papers hatred of Assange is a symptom of a deeper malaise inThe Guardian and the wider corporate media.

Even aside from its decade-long campaign against Assange,The Guardian is far from solid and reliable, as Greenwald claims. It has been at the forefront of the relentless, and unhinged, attacks on Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn for prioritizing the rights of Palestinians over Israels right to continue its belligerent occupation. Over the past three years,The Guardian has injected credibility into the Israel lobbys desperate efforts to tar Corbyn as an anti-semite. Seehere,hereandhere.

Similarly,The Guardian worked tirelessly to promote Clinton and undermine Sanders in the 2016 Democratic nomination process another reason the paper has been so assiduous in promoting the idea that Assange, aided by Russia, was determined to promote Trump over Clinton for the presidency.

The Guardians coverage of Latin America, especially of populist leftwing governments that have rebelled against traditional and oppressive U.S. hegemony in the region, has long grated with analysts and experts. Its especial venom has been reserved for leftwing figures like Venezuelas Hugo Chavez, democratically elected but official enemies of the U.S., rather than the regions rightwing authoritarians beloved of Washington.

The Guardian has been vocal in the so-called fake news hysteria, decrying the influence of social media, the only place where leftwing dissidents have managed to find a small foothold to promote their politics and counter the corporate media narrative.

The Guardian has painted social media chiefly as a platform overrun by Russian trolls, arguing that this should justify ever-tighter restrictions that have so far curbed critical voices of the dissident left more than the right.

Equally,The Guardian has made clear who its true heroes are. Certainly not Corbyn or Assange, who threaten to disrupt the entrenched neoliberal order that is hurtling us towards climate breakdown and economic collapse.

Its pages, however, are readily available to the latest effort to prop up the status quo from Tony Blair, the man who led Britain, on false pretenses, into the largest crime against humanity in living memory the attack on Iraq.

That humanitarian intervention cost the lives of many hundreds of thousands of Iraqis and created a vacuum that destabilized much of the Middle East, sucked in Islamic jihadists like al-Qaeda and ISIS, and contributed to the migrant crisis in Europe that has fueled the resurgence of the far-right. None of that is discussed inThe Guardian or considered grounds for disqualifying Blair as an arbiter of what is good for Britain and the worlds future.

The Guardian also has an especial soft spot for blogger Elliot Higgins, who,aided byThe Guardian, has shot to unlikely prominence as a self-styled weapons expert. Like Luke Harding, Higgins invariably seems ready to echo whatever the British and American security services need verifying independently.

Higgins and his well-staffed website Bellingcat have taken on for themselves the role of arbiters of truth on many foreign affairs issues, taking a prominent role in advocating for narratives that promote U.S. and NATO hegemony while demonizing Russia, especially in highly contested arenas such as Syria.

That clear partisanship should be no surprise, given that Higgins now enjoys an academic position at, and funding from, the Atlantic Council: a high-level, Washington-based think-tank founded to drum up support for NATO and justify its imperialist agenda.

Improbably,The Guardian has adopted Higgins as the poster-boy for a supposed citizen journalism it has sought to undermine as fake news whenever it occurs on social media without the endorsement of state-backed organizations.

The truth isThe Guardianhas not erred in this latest story attacking Assange, or in its much longer-running campaign to vilify him. With this story, it has done what it regularly does when supposedly vital western foreign policy interests are at stake it simply regurgitates an elite-serving, western narrative.

Its job is to shore up a consensuson the leftfor attacks on leading threats to the existing, neoliberal order: whether they are a platform like WikiLeaks promoting whistle-blowing against a corrupt western elite; or a politician like Corbyn seeking to break apart the status quo on the rapacious financial industries or Israel-Palestine; a radical leader like Hugo Chavez who threatened to overturn damaging and exploitative U.S. dominance of Americas backyard; or social media dissidents, whove started to chip away at the elite-friendly narratives of corporate media, includingThe Guardianitself.

The Guardian did not make a mistake in vilifying Assange without a shred of evidence. It did what it is designed to do.

This article originally appeared on jonathan-cook.net. Republished with permission from the author.

Jonathan Cook is a freelance journalist based in Nazareth. He blogs athttps://www.jonathan-cook.net/blog/.

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The Guardian's Vilification of Julian Assange

Bitcoin – Investopedia – Sharper Insight. Smarter Investing.

What is Bitcoin

Bitcoin is a digital currency created in 2009. It follows the ideas set out in a white paper by the mysterious Satoshi Nakamoto, whose true identity has yet to be verified. Bitcoin offers the promise of lower transaction fees than traditional online payment mechanisms and is operated by a decentralized authority, unlike government-issued currencies.

There are no physical bitcoins, only balances kept on a public ledger in the cloud, that along with all Bitcoin transactions is verified by a massive amount of computing power. Bitcoins are not issued or backed by any banks or governments, nor are individual bitcoins valuable as a commodity. Despite its not being legal tender, Bitcoin charts high on popularity, and has triggered the launch of other virtual currencies collectively referred to as Altcoins.

Bitcoin is a type ofcryptocurrency: Balances are kept using public and private "keys," which are long strings of numbers and letters linked through the mathematical encryption algorithm that was used to create them. The public key (comparable to a bank account number) serves as the address which is published to the world and to which others may send bitcoins. The private key (comparable to an ATM PIN) is meant to be a guarded secret, and only used to authorize Bitcoin transmissions.

Style notes: According to the official Bitcoin Foundation, the word "Bitcoin" is capitalized in the context of referring to the entity or concept, whereas "bitcoin" is written in the lower case when referring to a quantity of the currency (e.g. "I traded 20 bitcoin") or the units themselves. The plural form can be either "bitcoin" or "bitcoins."

Bitcoin is one of the first digital currencies to use peer-to-peer technology to facilitate instant payments. The independent individuals and companies who own the governing computing power and participate in the Bitcoin network, also known as "miners," are motivated by rewards (the release of new bitcoin) and transaction fees paid in bitcoin. These miners can be thought of as the decentralized authority enforcing the credibility of the Bitcoin network. New bitcoin is being released to the miners at a fixed, but periodically declining rate, such that the total supply of bitcoins approaches 21 million. One bitcoin is divisible to eight decimal places (100 millionth of one bitcoin), and this smallest unit is referred to as a Satoshi. If necessary, and if the participating miners accept the change, Bitcoin could eventually be made divisible to even more decimal places.

Bitcoin miningisthe process through which bitcoins are released to come into circulation. Basically, it involves solving a computationally difficult puzzle to discover a new block, which is added to the blockchain, and receiving a reward in the form of few bitcoins. The block reward was 50 new bitcoins in 2009; it decreases every four years. As more and more bitcoins are created, the difficulty of the mining process that is, the amount of computing power involved increases. The mining difficulty began at 1.0 with Bitcoin's debut back in 2009; at the end of the year, it was only 1.18.As of April 2017, the mining difficulty is over 4.24 billion. Once, an ordinary desktop computer sufficed for the mining process; now, to combat the difficulty level, miners must use faster hardware like Application-Specific Integrated Circuits (ASIC), more advanced processing units like Graphic Processing Units (GPUs), etc.

In 2017 alone, the price of Bitcoin rose from a little under $1,000 at the beginning of the year to close to $19,000, ending the year more than 1,400% higher.

Bitcoin's price is also quite dependent on the size of its mining network, since the larger the network is, the more difficult and thus more costly it is to produce new bitcoins. As a result, the price of bitcoin has to increase as its cost of production also rises. The Bitcoin mining network's aggregate power has more than tripled over the past twelve months.

Aug. 18, 2008: The domain name bitcoin.org isregistered. Today, at least, this domain is "WhoisGuardProtected," meaning the identity of the person who registered it is not public information.

Oct. 31, 2008: Someone using the name Satoshi Nakamotomakes anannouncement on The Cryptography Mailing list at metzdowd.com: "I've been working on a new electronic cash system that's fully peer-to-peer, with no trusted third party. The paper is available athttp://www.bitcoin.org/bitcoin.pdf."This link leads to the now-famous white paper published on bitcoin.org entitled "Bitcoin: A Peer-to-Peer Electronic Cash System." This paper would become the Magna Carta for how Bitcoin operates today.

Jan. 3, 2009: The first Bitcoin block is mined, Block 0. This is also known as the "genesis block" and contains the text: "The Times 03/Jan/2009 Chancellor on brink of second bailout for banks," perhaps as proof that the block was mined on or after that date, and perhaps also as relevant political commentary.

Jan. 8, 2009: The first version of theBitcoinsoftware isannouncedon The Cryptography Mailing list.

Jan. 9, 2009:Block 1is mined, andBitcoin mining commences in earnest.

No one knows. Not conclusively, at any rate. SatoshiNakamotois the name associated with the person or group of people who released the originalBitcoinwhitepaperin 2008 and worked on the originalBitcoinsoftware that was released in 2009. TheBitcoinprotocol requires users to enter a birthday upon signup, and we knowthat an individual named SatoshiNakamotoregistered and put down April 5 as a birth date. And that's about it.

Though it is tempting to believe the media's spin that Satoshi Nakamoto is a lone, quixotic genius who created Bitcoin out of thin air, such innovations do not happen in a vacuum. All major scientific discoveries, no matter how original-seeming, were built on previously existing research. There are precursors toBitcoin:Adam BacksHashcash, invented in 1997, and subsequently WeiDaisb-money, NickSzabosbit-gold and Hal Finneys Reusable Proof of Work. The Bitcoin white paper itself cites Hashcashand b-money, as well as various other works spanning several research fields.

There are two primary motivations for keeping Bitcoin's inventor keeping his or her or their identity secret.One is privacy.AsBitcoinhas gained in popularity becoming something of a worldwide phenomenon SatoshiNakamoto would likely garner a lot of attention from the media and from governments.

The other reason is safety.Looking at 2009 alone, 32,489 blockswere mined; at the then-reward rate of 50BTC per block, the total payout in 2009 was 1,624,500BTC, which at todays prices is over $900 million. One may conclude that only Satoshi and perhaps a few other people were mining through 2009, and that they possess a majority of that $900 million worth ofBTC. Someone in possession of that muchBTCcould become a target of criminals, especially sincebitcoinsare less like stocks and more like cash, where the private keys needed to authorize spending could be printed out and literally kept under a mattress. While it's likely the inventor ofBitcoinwould take precautions to make any extortion-induced transfers traceable, remaining anonymous is a good way for Satoshi to limit exposure.

Numerous people have been suggested as possible SatoshiNakamotosby major media outlets.On Oct. 10, 2011, TheNew Yorkerpublished an article speculating thatNakamotomight be Irish cryptography student Michael Clear, or economic sociologistViliLehdonvirta. A day later,Fast Companysuggested thatNakamotocould be a group of three people Neal King, VladimirOksman and CharlesBry who together appear on a patent related to secure communications that was filed two months before bitcoin.org was registered. AVice articlepublished in May 2013 added more suspects to the list, including GavinAndresen, theBitcoinprojects lead developer; JedMcCaleb, co-founder of now-defunctBitcoinexchange Mt. Gox; and famed Japanese mathematicianShinichiMochizuki.

In December, 2013,Techcrunchpublished an interview with researcher Skye Grey who claimed textual analysis of published writings shows a link between Satoshi and bit-gold creator NickSzabo. And perhaps most famously, in March 2014,Newsweekran a cover article claiming that Satoshi is actually an individual named SatoshiNakamoto a 64-year-old Japanese-American engineer living in California. The list of suspects is long, and all the individuals deny being Satoshi.

It would seem even early collaborators on the project dont have verifiable proof of Satoshis identity. To reveal conclusively who SatoshiNakamoto is, a definitive link would need to be made between his/her activity withBitcoinand his/her identity.That could come in the form of linking the party behind the domain registration of bitcoin.org, email and forum accounts used by SatoshiNakamoto, or ownership of some portion of the earliest minedbitcoins. Even though thebitcoinsSatoshi likely possesses are traceable on theblockchain, it seems he/she has yet to cash them out in a way that reveals his/her identity. If Satoshi were to move his/herbitcoinsto an exchange today, this might attract attention, but it seems unlikely that a well-funded and successful exchange would betray a customer's privacy.

There are many Bitcoin supporters who believe that digital currency is the future.Those who endorse it are of the view that it facilitates a much faster, no-fee payment system for transactions across the globe. Although it is not itself any backed by any government or central bank,bitcoin can be exchanged for traditional currencies; in fact, its exchange rate against the dollar attracts potential investors and traders interested in currency plays. Indeed, one of the primary reasons for the growth of digital currencies like Bitcoin is that they can act as an alternative to national fiat money and traditional commodities like gold.

In March 2014, the IRS stated that all virtual currencies, including bitcoins, would be taxed as property rather than currency. Gains or losses from bitcoins held as capital will be realized as capital gains or losses, while bitcoins held as inventory will incur ordinary gains or losses.

Like any other asset, the principle of buy low and sell high applies to bitcoins.The most popular way of amassing the currency is through buying on a Bitcoin exchange, but there are many other ways to earn and own bitcoins. Here are a few options which Bitcoin enthusiasts can explore.

Bitcoins can be accepted as a means of payment for products sold or services provided. If you have a brick and mortar store, just display a sign saying Bitcoin Accepted Here and many of your customers may well take you up on it; the transactions can be handled with the requisite hardware terminal or wallet address through QR codes and touch screen apps. An online business can easily accept bitcoins by just adding this payment option to the others it offers, like credit cards, PayPal, etc. Online payments will require a Bitcoin merchant tool (an external processor like Coinbase or BitPay).

Those who are self-employed can get paid for a job in bitcoins. There are several websites/job boards which are dedicated to the digital currency:

Another interesting way (literally) to earn bitcoins is by lending them out, and being repaid in the currency. Lending can take three forms direct lending to someone you know; through a website which facilitates peer-to-peer transactions, pairing borrowers and lenders; or depositing bitcoins in a virtual bank that offers a certain interest rate for Bitcoin accounts. Some such sites are Bitbond, BitLendingClub and BTCjam. Obviously, you should do due diligence on any third-party site.

Its possible to play at casinos that cater to Bitcoin aficionados, with options like online lotteries, jackpots, spread betting and other games. Of course, the pros and cons and risks that apply to any sort of gambling and betting endeavors are in force here too.

The concept of a virtual currency is still novel and, compared to traditional investments, Bitcoin doesn't have much of a longterm track record or history of credibility to back it. With their increasing use, bitcoins are becoming less experimental every day, of course; still, after eight years, they (like all digital currencies) remain in a development phase, still evolving. "It is pretty much the highest-risk, highest-return investment that you can possibly make, says Barry Silbert, CEO of Digital Currency Group, which builds and invests in Bitcoin and blockchain companies.

Not for the risk-adverse, in other words. If you are considering investing in bitcoin, understand these unique investment risks:

Regulatory Risk: Bitcoins are a rival to government currency and may be used for black market transactions, money laundering, illegal activities or tax evasion. As a result, governments may seek to regulate, restrict or ban the use and sale of bitcoins, and some already have. Others are coming up with various rules. For example, in 2015, the New York State Department of Financial Services finalized regulations that would require companies dealing with the buy, sell, transfer or storage of bitcoins to record the identity of customers, have a compliance officer and maintain capital reserves. The transactions worth $10,000 or more will have to be recorded and reported.

Although more agencies will follow suit, issuing rules and guidelines, the lack of uniform regulations about bitcoins (and other virtual currency) raises questions over their longevity, liquidity and universality.

Security Risk: Bitcoin exchanges are entirely digital and, as with any virtual system, are at risk from hackers, malware and operational glitches. If a thief gains access to a Bitcoin owner's computer hard drive and steals his private encryption key, he could transfer the stolen Bitcoins to another account. (Users can prevent this only if bitcoins are stored on a computer which is not connected to the internet, or else by choosing to use a paper wallet printing out the Bitcoin private keys and addresses, and not keeping them on a computer at all.) Hackers can also target Bitcoin exchanges, gaining access to thousands of accounts and digital wallets where bitcoins are stored. One especially notorious hacking incident took place in 2014, when Mt. Gox, a Bitcoin exchange in Japan, was forced to close down after millions of dollars worth of bitcoins were stolen.

This is particularly problematic once you remember that all Bitcoin transactions are permanent and irreversible. It's like dealing with cash: Any transaction carried out with bitcoins can only be reversed if the person who has received them refunds them. There is no third party or a payment processor, as in the case of a debit or credit card hence, no source of protection or appeal if there is a problem.

Fraud Risk: While Bitcoin uses private key encryption to verify owners and register transactions, fraudsters and scammers may attempt to sell false bitcoins. For instance, in July 2013, the SEC brought legal action against an operator of a Bitcoin-related Ponzi scheme.

Market Risk: Like with any investment, Bitcoin values can fluctuate. Indeed, the value of the currency has seen wild swings in price over its short existence. Subject to high volume buying and selling on exchanges, it has a high sensitivity to news." According to the CFPB, the price of bitcoins fell by 61% in a single day in 2013, while the one-day price drop in 2014 has been as big as 80%.

If fewer people begin to accept Bitcoin as a currency, these digital units may lose value and could become worthless. There is already plenty of competition, and though Bitcoin has a huge lead over the other 100-odd digital currencies that have sprung up, thanks to its brand recognition andventure capital money, a technological break-through in the form of a better virtual coin is always a threat.

Tax Risk: As bitcoin is ineligible to be included in any tax-advantaged retirement accounts, there are no good, legal options to shield investments from taxation.

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Bitcoin - Investopedia - Sharper Insight. Smarter Investing.

Julian Assange rejects UK-Ecuador deal for him to leave the …

Last year Jeff Sessions, the former US attorney general, said arresting Mr Assange was a priority.

In November a filing error revealed that Mr Assange faced charges in the US - although it was not clear what those charges were.

Many speculate they would be connected to the release of classified information, and Mr Assange fears a long prison sentence in the US for what his supporters say is publishing information in the public interest.

"The suggestion that as long as the death penalty is off the table, MrAssange need not fear persecution is obviously wrong," said Mr Pollack.

"No one should have to face criminal charges for publishing truthful information.

"Since such charges appear to have been brought against MrAssange in the United States, Ecuador should continue to provide him asylum."

Mr Assange fled to the embassy when he was wanted for questioning in Sweden about sexual assault allegations. He always maintained his innocence and Swedish authorities later said they had dropped their extradition request.

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Julian Assange rejects UK-Ecuador deal for him to leave the ...

Cryptocurrency scammers dupe Singaporeans out of $78,000 in …

Singaporeans have lost $78,000 to cryptocurrency investment scams in the last three months, after authorities uncovered a wave of fraudulent marketing campaigns.

Cryptocurrency con-artists have duped citizens with phony articles featuring well-known Singaporean personalities to garner credibility, local media reports.

The advertisements falsely claim local celebrities earned huge returns on their Bitcoin investments made with fake companies. These lies eventually lured unsuspecting members of the public into sending in their cash, receiving nothing in return.

Police explained individuals who provided contact details normally received calls from supposed representatives, in a bid to legitimize the scams.

According to reports, these schemes originate from countries outside of Singapore. This unfortunately means they are not subject to the authority ofSingapores top financial watchdogs.

But even if these businesses were locally based, those regulators wouldnt be capable of doing anything at all. Singapores government does not actively regulate cryptocurrency. This means it is not able to impose any safeguards to protect local digital asset investors.

Surprisingly similar reports have surfaced in other parts of the world. A string of fake news articles recently hit New Zealand falsely starring local television host Daniel Faitaua.

The bogus ads claimed Faitaua doubled his money almost instantly, after buying a small amount of Bitcoin through a sham investment business in a televised interview.

He was eventuallyforced to make an on-air statement, clarifying he has no connection with the business, and had never bought any Bitcoin. Even more damning, the advertised interview never even happened. Go figure.

Published December 5, 2018 15:15 UTC

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Cryptocurrency scammers dupe Singaporeans out of $78,000 in ...

Julian Assange: Wikileaks founder set to leave embassy

Ecuadors president has ramped up pressure on Julian Assange to leave his countrys embassy in London, saying that Britain had provided sufficient guarantees that the WikiLeaks founder wont be extradited to face the death penalty abroad.

Lenin Morenos comments in a radio interview suggest that months of quiet diplomacy between the UK and Ecuador to resolve Assanges situation is bearing fruit at a time when questions are swirling about the former Australian hackers legal fate in the US.

The road is clear for Mr. Assange to take the decision to leave, Mr Moreno said, referring to written assurances he said he had received from Britain.

Mr Moreno didnt say he would force Assange out, but said the activists legal team is considering its next steps.

Assange has been holed up in the Ecuadorean embassy since 2012, when he was granted asylum while facing allegations of sex crimes in Sweden that he said were a guise to extradite him to the US.

But his relations with his hosts have soured to the point that Mr Moreno earlier this year cut off his access to the internet, purportedly for violating the terms of his asylum by speaking out on political matters.

Assange in turn sued, saying his rights as an Ecuadorean he was granted citizenship last year as part of an apparent attempt to name him a diplomat and ferry him to Russia were being violated.

The mounting tensions has drawn Mr Moreno closer to the position of Britain, which for years has said it is barred by law from extraditing suspects to any jurisdiction where they would face capital punishment.

RELATED: Ecuador and UK working to end stand-off over Assange

RELATED: Assange wants Australia to stand up to Trump

But nothing is preventing it from extraditing him to the US if prosecutors there were to pledge not to seek the death penalty.

Assange has long maintained the he faces charges under seal in the US for revealing highly sensitive government information on his website. Those fears were heightened when U.S. prosecutors last month mistakenly referenced criminal charges against him in an unrelated case. There have been strong reports that Assange is indeed facing unspecified charges under seal, but US prosecutors have so far provided no official confirmation.

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Julian Assange: Wikileaks founder set to leave embassy

Is Cryptocurrency Dead for Good? | Investopedia

Since it was created, nearly a decade ago, bitcoinand the cryptocurrency market it spawnedhavefaced a constant stream of doomsayers declaring the coin dead or headed for obsolescence. Even so, ten years later, a singlebitcoin is worth fourfigures, and it appears to have found some stability in tandem with its growing maturity. The same cant be said for the sector which now includes thousands of coins and tokens, each of which exhibits varying degrees of success.

Moreover, for all theirpromise,cryptocurrenciesstill can't seem tobreak into the mainstream. There are still very few merchants that accept crypto payments, and most financial services continue to be settled in fiat currencies. Critics saycrypto may have been a flash in the pan. For supporters, though, the signs are clear that even with the current culling of the crypto ranks, the sector will emerge stronger.

The real question is, which group is right?

As of August 2018, the number of cryptocurrencies on the market liessomewhereabove 2,000. This should be a clear signal that the sector is booming, but the numbers are deceptive. A report issued in July of this year found that more than 800 of those are essentially dead, that isworth less than one cent. This comes on the heels of reports of rampant scams and fraud in the initial coin offering (ICO) market, and other signs of trouble for the sector.

The trouble starts with bitcoin itself, as the cryptocurrency faced substantial difficulty in 2018. After reaching stratospheric heights with a near-$20,000 valuation in December 2017, bitcoin prices came crashing down in January, and have struggled to reach last years' heights. Additionally, the value of crypto transactions carried out, which was astronomical in the first quarter of the year, collapsed by nearly 75% during the second quarter. The number of transactions fell from nearly 360,000in late 2017 to roughly 230,000 by September of this year.

The lack of acceptance, especially in the investment arena can partially be attributed to the US SECs denial of more than a dozen applications to list bitcoin exchange-traded funds (ETFs). More importantly, the leeway and freedom cryptocurrenciesenjoyed as unregulated commodities is rapidly coming to an end. 2018 has witnesseda drastic upswingin regulatory efforts, with countries across the globe taking a more serious and deliberate stance. This, many skeptics say, could be yet another nail in the coffin, stifling growth and limiting the sectors true potential as a disintermediating force.

On the other hand, these are not necessarily new critiques of the crypto sector. While it is true that bitcoin pricesand by extension most other cryptocurrenciescrashed in early2018, the volatility that once defined the market appears to be gradually fading. While this is bad news for speculators, it is excellent news for institutional investorswhomany believe are the key to unlocking cryptos future.

More relevantly, cryptocurrencies, and blockchain in general, are starting to garner more mainstream adoption. While merchants remain wary ofdigital currencies, banks, major tech firms, and other corporations have already started employing them.

As Ceek VR CEO and founder Mary Spio noted, cryptocurrency is nowhere near dead, its just scratching the tip of the iceberg toward mainstream adoption, when companies offer purposeful real life value and integration of cryptocurrencies, we will begin to see the next wave and resurgence of cryptocurrency. Its all about creating more natural demand and less speculation and hype. Indeed, it seems many of the cryptocurrencies that have fadedwere those based on hype and little else.

Even though 2018 has seen a downturn in the market following the bull run in 2017, we are convinced that the future holds a rebound, driven by institutional capital flowing into crypto assets. Within crypto assets, the wealth distribution will shift away from utility tokens towards Bitcoin and likely security tokens, said Agada Nameri from iCapital, an iAngels subsidiary dedicated to blockchain opportunities.

It seems that while many have shot down the idea that bitcoin and the crypto market are mainstream, the sector is determined to prove them wrong. While cryptocurrencies may still not be a standard for payments and value exchanges, the technology that underlies themblockchainis quickly becoming a standard in a variety of sectors and industries. Perhaps more crucially, the services that these tools provide are all based on, and powered by, cryptocurrencies and tokens. As companies continue to fix pain points and uncover new frictionless solutions to old problems with blockchain, crypto will flex its muscles even further.

Despite its many doubters and doomsayers, the crypto market has continued to plug along and thrive. Although prices have fluctuated wildlyand in some cases enormously to the downsidethe sector is finally starting to stabilize and increasingly appears to be leaving its infancy behind.

As more companies discover uses for crypto and blockchain, and more users accept themas a way to simplify their lives, theywill remain a central point of conversation in technology. More interestingly, as it better demonstrates its value in a variety of situationsfrom banking to buying coffeethe technology will further ingrain itself. Coins may come and go, and many cryptocurrencies are indeed likely to fail, but the sector will continue to forge ahead unabated.

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Is Cryptocurrency Dead for Good? | Investopedia

Manafort Discussed Deal With Ecuador to Hand Assange Over to …

WASHINGTON In mid-May 2017, Paul Manafort, facing intensifying pressure to settle debts and pay mounting legal bills, flew to Ecuador to offer his services to a potentially lucrative new client the countrys incoming president, Lenn Moreno.

Mr. Manafort made the trip mainly to see if he could broker a deal under which China would invest in Ecuadors power system, possibly yielding a fat commission for Mr. Manafort.

But the talks turned to a diplomatic sticking point between the United States and Ecuador: the fate of the WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange.

In at least two meetings with Mr. Manafort, Mr. Moreno and his aides discussed their desire to rid themselves of Mr. Assange, who has been holed up in the Ecuadorean Embassy in London since 2012, in exchange for concessions like debt relief from the United States, according to three people familiar with the talks, the details of which have not been previously reported.

They said Mr. Manafort suggested he could help negotiate a deal for the handover of Mr. Assange to the United States, which has long investigated Mr. Assange for the disclosure of secret documents and which later filed charges against him that have not yet been made public.

Within a couple of days of Mr. Manaforts final meeting in Quito, Robert S. Mueller III was appointed as the special counsel to investigate Russian interference in the 2016 election and related matters, and it quickly became clear that Mr. Manafort was a primary target. His talks with Ecuador ended without any deals.

There is no evidence that Mr. Manafort was working with or even briefing President Trump or other administration officials on his discussions with the Ecuadoreans about Mr. Assange. Nor is there any evidence that his brief involvement in the talks was motivated by concerns about the role that Mr. Assange and WikiLeaks played in facilitating the Russian effort to help Mr. Trump in the 2016 presidential election, or the investigation into possible coordination between Mr. Assange and Mr. Trumps associates, which has become a focus for Mr. Mueller.

Mr. Manafort and WikiLeaks have both denied a recent report in The Guardian that Mr. Manafort visited Mr. Assange at the Ecuadorean Embassy in London in 2013, 2015 and 2016.

But the revelations about Mr. Manaforts discussions in 2017 about Mr. Assange in Quito underscore how his self-styled role as an international influence broker intersected with the questions surrounding the Trump campaign.

And the episode shows how after Mr. Trumps election, Mr. Manafort sought to cash in on his brief tenure as Mr. Trumps campaign chairman even as investigators were closing in.

The Ecuadoreans continued to explore the possibility of Chinese investment, but with the United States Justice Department and intelligence agencies stepping up their pursuit of Mr. Assange and WikiLeaks, Mr. Morenos team increasingly looked to resolve their Assange problem by turning to Russia.

In the months after Mr. Moreno took office, the Ecuadorean government granted citizenship to Mr. Assange and secretly pursued a plan to provide him a diplomatic post in Russia as a way to free him from confinement in the embassy in London. (That plan was ultimately dropped in the face of opposition from British authorities, who have said they will arrest Mr. Assange if he leaves the embassy.)

Jason Maloni, a spokesman for Mr. Manafort, said that it was Mr. Moreno not Mr. Manafort who broached the issue of Mr. Assange and his desire to remove Julian Assange from Ecuadors embassy. Mr. Manafort listened but made no promises as this was ancillary to the purpose of the meeting, said Mr. Maloni, adding, There was no mention of Russia at the meeting.

Late last year, Mr. Muellers team charged Mr. Manafort with a host of lobbying, money laundering and tax violations in connection with his consulting work for Russia-aligned interests in Ukraine before the 2016 election. Mr. Manafort was convicted of some of the crimes and pleaded guilty to others as part of an agreement to cooperate with prosecutors. But prosecutors said last week that he violated the deal by repeatedly lying to them. Mr. Manafort remains in solitary confinement in a federal detention center in Alexandria, Va., waiting for a judge to set a sentencing date.

The trip to Ecuador was part of a whirlwind world tour that represented the last gasps of Mr. Manaforts once lucrative career.

In those final months, Mr. Manafort pitched officials from a range of governments facing a variety of challenges, from Puerto Rico to Ecuador to Iraqi Kurdistan to the United Arab Emirates. Mr. Manafort, who served on the board of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation in the Reagan administration, presented himself as a liaison to the new Trump administration and, in some cases, as a broker for arranging investments from a fund associated with the state-owned China Development Bank.

In Quito, he told Mr. Morenos team that he could arrange a major cash infusion from the Chinese fund in the Ecuadorean electric utility, and could ease any potential concerns from the Trump administration about such an investment, according to people involved in arranging the meetings.

The week after the Quito trip, Mr. Manafort traveled to Hong Kong to meet with representatives from the China Development Banks fund to discuss the possible investment in Ecuador, as well as a proposal being pushed by Mr. Manafort to buy Puerto Ricos bond debt, possibly in exchange for ownership of the islands electric utility.

In both cases, Mr. Manafort assured the Chinese he could win support from Washington, despite Mr. Trumps oft-expressed qualms about China.

Brokering a deal to bring Mr. Assange to the United States could have been even more complicated. Not only had Mr. Assange not been charged at the time of Mr. Manaforts trip, but Mr. Assanges work was and remains a particularly fraught matter for Mr. Trump and his team.

Mr. Trump and his allies had cheered on WikiLeaks during the campaign, when it released troves of embarrassing internal emails and documents stolen from the Democratic National Committee and Hillary Clintons campaign chairman. Since then, though, the United States intelligence agencies and Mr. Muellers team have made the case that the documents were stolen by Russian government agents, 12 of whom were charged by Mr. Mueller.

Mr. Assange had been pursued by Swedish prosecutors on a rape accusation from 2010. The Ecuadorean Embassy in London granted him asylum in the summer of 2012. That was under Mr. Morenos predecessor, Rafael Correa, whose political identity was based partly on his antagonism toward the United States. Swedish authorities abandoned their attempt to extradite him last year, which invalidated the warrant for his arrest.

During Mr. Correas last day in office, the Ecuadorean government wrote a letter repeating its requests to Britain to accept Mr. Assanges asylum status. The letter asserts that United States officials had left no doubt about their intention to persecute Mr. Assange with the aim of punishing him for alleged offenses.

Mr. Moreno had signaled during his campaign that he would like to wash his hands of Mr. Assange. And last December, Ecuador began carrying out the plan to move Mr. Assange to Russia as a diplomat, which would require him to become an Ecuadorean citizen.

In a citizenship interview at the embassy in London, Mr. Assange explained that he wanted to become a citizen because Ive been welcomed here for the last five years and I feel practically Ecuadorean, according to a written summary of the meeting.

Within 10 days, Mr. Assange was granted citizenship, according to documents released by Paola Vintimilla, an Ecuadorean lawmaker who opposes Mr. Assanges presence in the embassy. But a subsequent effort to grant Mr. Assange diplomatic status, and the immunity that would come with it, was rejected by the British government.

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Manafort Discussed Deal With Ecuador to Hand Assange Over to ...