Libertarianisme er en betegnelse for et bredt spektrum af politiske filosofier, som prioriterer individuel frihed hjt og forsger at minimere eller endog fjerne statsmagten. Filosofien fremfres oftest som en teori om retfrdighed, om end der ikke er noget forenet princip eller st af principper, som alle libertarianere kan forenes omkring. Libertarianismen har imidlertid strke rdder i isr liberalistisk og anarkistisk filosofi. Sledes er mange libertarianere enten tilhngere af en minarkistisk statsform eller et markedsanarki.
Libertarianismen er traditionelt blevet forsvaret enten p grundlag af konsekventialistiske principper eller som en rent naturretlig doktrin. Stttere af den frstnvnte tilgang betegner ofte sig selv som klassisk liberale, medens tilhngere af sidstnvnte slet og ret holder sig til "libertarianere".[Kilde mangler]
Termen "libertarianer" er meget udbredt i USA, hvor begrebet liberal er mere flertydigt end i visse andre dele af den vestlige verden. I Danmark er det sledes ikke unormalt for personer, som tilslutter sig denne gren af liberalismen, blot at kalde sig selv for liberale. En forgelse af tilgngeligheden af isr amerikansk litteratur om emnet synes dog at vidne om, at termen vinder strre indpas i dansk sprogbrug.[Kilde mangler]
Den frste registrerede brug af termen i en politisk sammenhng, var i 1857 i forbindelse med en oversttelse af det franske ord libertaire til libertarian p engelsk, af den franske anarko-kommunist Joseph Djacque[1]. Termen blev i 1890ernes Frankrig populr som et middel til at undg konsekvenserne af den anti-anarkistiske lovgivning (les lois sclrates).
P omtrent samme tid i USA, begyndte termen ligeledes at sl rod blandt anarkistiske kommunister, og politologen Peter Kropotkin skrev i sin artikel om anarkisme i Encyclopaedia Britannica 1911-udgave:
Det ville vre umuligt p denne plads til fulde at prsentere p den ene side de anarkistiske ideer i den moderne litteratur, og p den anden side den indflydelse, som de libertre ideer har haft, p nutidige forfatteres udvikling af anarkismen[2].
I dag beskriver anarkistiske kommunister, libertre socialister og venstre-libertarianere fortsat sig selv som libertarianere, der ganske vist er imod den private ejendomsret, men som samtidig vender sig imod statslig magtanvendelse for at afskaffe den.
Under Den Store Depression i frste halvdel af 1900-tallet havde en rkke konomer og filosoffer, heriblandt John Maynard Keynes og John Dewey, begyndt at overtage og omdefinere liberalismen. Igennem den skaldte socialliberalisme (ogs kaldet nyliberalisme, hvilket dog ikke m forveksles med det nutidige ord neoliberalisme) fremsatte de argumenter for, hvordan en konomisk krise kunne undgs eller formindskes, hvis blot statsmagten begyndte at intervenere i det konomiske liv. Denne konomiske opfattelse, kaldet keynesianisme, vandt indpas verden over og USA's prsident Franklin D. Roosevelt planlagde sin New Deal p grundlag af dens principper.
Da omfanget af konomer og filosoffer, som kaldte sig selv liberale, men samtidig stttede en strk statslig indblanding i det konomiske liv steg kraftigt i disse r, blev ordet "liberalisme" i stadig hjere grad sammenkdet med etatisme, eller endog socialisme; hvilket stadig er tilfldet i nutidens USA og Storbritannien.
De personer, som stadig fastholdt tiltroen til oplysningstidens idealer om personlig frihed og privat ejendomsret stod sledes i et dilemma, da verden omkring dem havde defineret deres filosofiske grundlag p ny. Nogle begyndte derfor at kalde sig "klassisk liberale", andre "konservative".
Striden om hvad man skulle kalde sit filosofiske grundlag frte til en strre leksikal debat under og efter Den Store Depression blandt isr amerikanske og strigske liberalister.
I denne debat var den strigske konom og jurist Ludwig von Mises aktiv i sine bestrbelser p, at udrydde hvad han opfattede som intellektuel og praktisk forvirring. Iflge von Mises var det ikke blot et ord der var p spil, men en betydningsfuld forskel imellem den forholdsvist uforstyrrede markedskonomi og en statsstyret planlgningskonomi.
I sin bog Liberalismus fra 1927 gjorde von Mises op med de skaldte moderne liberale som mente, at politik alene handlede om et ml, f.eks. konomisk lighed. Heroverfor fremsatte von Mises den pstand, at politik slet ikke handlede om et ml i sig selv, men om de midler, hvormed et ml skal opns. Socialister og liberalister kunne sledes meget vel have samme ml, f.eks. menneskelig lykke, men midlet til at opn dette var vidt forskelligt.
For at understrege denne forskel, begyndte Leonard Read, der i 1937 havde grundlagt den liberale uddannelsesinstitution Foundation for Economic Education, i 1940erne, at omtale sin filosofiske opfattelse som "libertariansk" fordi han mente, folk ville misfortolke "klassisk", i klassisk liberal, p en sdan mde, at de ville tro, der var tale om et antikt og utidssvarende filosofisk system[3]. I 1955 skrev Dean Russell en artikel, hvori han funderede over, hvad han skulle kalde sdan en som sig selv, der var tilhnger af den klassisk liberale filosofi. Han foreslog:
Lad os, som elsker frihed, tage patent p det gode navn "libertarianer".[4]
Visse fremtrdende personligheder indenfor den libertarianske verden fortsatte dog med at betegne sig selv som klassisk liberale. Blandt disse var netop Ludwig von Mises og Friedrich Hayek, der begge i deres intellektuelle arbejde havde identificeret socialismen og fascismens kollektivistiske grundlag, som vrende i familie med totalitarismen.
Ayn Rands internationale bestsellere The Fountainhead (1943) og Atlas Shrugged (1957), samt hendes bger om den objektivistiske filosofi, affdte en fornyet interesse i de libertarianske ideer om frihed og kapitalisme[5] .
I 1958 udgav den britiske akademiker Isaiah Berlin sin essay Two Concepts of Liberty hvori han opstillede to forskellige definitioner af frihed: Positiv og negativ frihed. Hvor klassiske liberale arbejde for at sikre frihed i en negativ forstand, det vil sige frihed fra tvang, forsgte den skaldt moderne liberalisme og socialismen at opn frihed i sin positive betydning, ved at sikre mennesker en frihed til at opn en mulighed.
J. S. Mill's Liberty, Spencer's Individual versus the State, Marc Guyau's Morality without Obligation or Sanction, and Fouille's La Morale, I'art et la religion, the works of Multatuli (E. Douwes Dekker), Richard Wagner's Art and Revolution, the works of Nietzsche, Emerson, W. Lloyd Garrison, Thoreau, Alexander Herzen, Edward Carpenter and so on; and in the domain of fiction, the dramas of Ibsen, the poetry of Walt Whitman, Tolstoy's War and Peace, Zola's Paris and Le Travail, the latest works of Merezhkovsky, and an infinity of works of less known authors, are full of ideas which show how closely anarchism is interwoven with the work that is going on in modern thought in the same direction of enfranchisement of man from the bonds of the state as well as from those of capitalism.
Many of us call ourselves "liberals," And it is true that the word "liberal" once described persons who respected the individual and feared the use of mass compulsions. But the leftists have now corrupted that once-proud term to identify themselves and their program of more government ownership of property and more controls over persons. As a result, those of us who believe in freedom must explain that when we call ourselves liberals, we mean liberals in the uncorrupted classical sense. At best, this is awkward, subject to misunderstanding. Here is a suggestion: Let those of us who love liberty trademark and reserve for our own use the good and honorable word "libertarian."
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