My Lord Mayor, Your Excellencies, Ladies and gentlemen.

According to some, this was destined to be the era of authoritarianism.

Three years ago Vladimir Putin said Western liberalism was dead.

Last year President Xi argued that the west is declining.

In April 2022 things look very different.

Recent months have shown the deep resilience of the human spirit and of free societies

Faced with appalling barbarism and war crimes, which wed hoped had been consigned to history, the free world has united behind Ukraine in its brave fight for freedom and self-determination.

Those who think they can win through oppression, coercion or invasion are being proved wrong by this new stand on global security one that not only seeks to deter, but also ensures that aggressors fail.

We cannot be complacent the fate of Ukraine hangs in the balance.

But lets be clear if Putin succeeds there will be untold further misery across Europe and terrible consequences across the globe.

We would never feel safe again.

So we must be prepared for the long haul. Weve got to double down on our support for Ukraine. And we must also follow through on the unity shown in the crisis. We must reboot, recast and remodel our approach.

My vision is a world where free nations are assertive and in the ascendant.

Where freedom and democracy are strengthened through a network of economic and security partnerships.

Where aggressors are contained and forced to take a better path.

This is the long term prize: a new era of peace, security of prosperity.

Lets be honest. The architecture that was designed to guarantee peace and prosperity has failed Ukraine.

The economic and security structures that were developed after the Second World War and the Cold War have been bent out of shape so far, they have enabled rather than contained aggression.

Russia is able to block any effective action at the UN Security Council. Putin sees his veto as a green light to barbarism.

Hes walked away from the NATO-Russia Founding Act and the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe. Hes violated multiple measures on arms control.

The G20 cant function as an effective economic body while Russia remains at the table.

The Soviet Union used to regularly use their UN veto, but, for all the many evils they inflicted, even they behaved with some kind of rationality on the world stage.

They were able to stick to deals when they saw risks to strategic stability, as they did with the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.

They would de-escalate when they were confronted and called out, as with the Cuban Missile Crisis 60 years ago.

And they had their eye on their global reputation.

None of these factors apply to Putin.

We are dealing with a desperate rogue operator with no interest in international norms.

This is at a time when the world economy had never been more open to Russia.

During the Cold War western allies fuelled each others prosperity, and we restricted flows of trade, investment and technology to the USSR.

In the 1990s these constraints were removed but it didnt lead to the expected gains in economic openness and democracy.

We took progress for granted instead of applying the necessary carrots and sticks.

And leaders like Putin spurned the opportunity to change because they feared losing control. Instead they took the money from oil and gas and used it to consolidate power and gain leverage abroad.

Wandel durch handel the assumption that economic integration drives political change didnt work.

We now need a new approach, one that melds hard security and economic security, one that builds stronger global alliances and where free nations are more assertive and self-confident, one that recognises geopolitics is back.

Britain has always stood up to bullies.

We have always been risk takers.

So we are prepared be bold, using our strength in security and diplomacy, our economic heft, and our will and agility to lead the way.

We are already stepping up in Ukraine.

The war in Ukraine is our war it is everyones war because Ukraines victory is a strategic imperative for all of us.

Heavy weapons, tanks, aeroplanes digging deep into our inventories, ramping up production. We need to do all of this.

Our sanctions have already seen Russia facing its first external debt default for a century. We need to go further.

There must be nowhere for Putin to fund this appalling war. That means cutting off oil and gas imports once and for all.

At the same time, we need to deliver support to the Ukrainian people. It means helping refugees, it means delivery of food, medicine, and other essentials, and it means keeping the economy afloat.

It also means holding the Putin regime to account for the appalling crimes that have been committed.

And, when the guns finally fall silent in Ukraine, it means making sure Kyiv has the resources it needs to maintain security, deter further attacks, and rebuild.

Thats why we are working on our joint commission with Poland to ensure Ukraine is equipped with NATO-standard weapons.

And its why we are determined to work with the US, with the EU and other allies on a new Marshall Plan for the country.

Ukraine deserves nothing less than a landmark international effort to rebuild their towns and cities, regenerate their industries, and secure their freedom for the long term.

We are doubling down.

We will keep going further and faster to push Russia out of the whole of Ukraine.

And this has to be a catalyst for wider change.

We must also apply this tough stance to the threats that are emerging beyond Ukraine.

Our new approach is based on three areas: military strength, economic security and deeper global alliances.

Firstly, we need to strengthen our collective defence.

In the words of President Zelenskyy: Freedom must be better armed than tyranny.

Ahead of the NATO summit in Madrid, we need to lift our sights.

We have long argued that NATO needs to be flexible, agile and integrated.

The Eastern Flank must be strengthened, and we must support crucial states like Poland. Thats why we are increasing our troop presence and were deepening our defence cooperation.

We also have to learn the lessons of Ukraine.

The UK sent weapons and trained Ukrainian troops long before the war started.

But the world should have done more to deter the invasion. We will never make that same mistake again.

Some argue we shouldnt provide heavy weapons for fear of provoking something worse.

But my view, is that Inaction would be the greatest provocation. This is a time for courage not for caution.

And we must ensure that, alongside Ukraine, the Western Balkans and countries like Moldova and Georgia have the resilience and the capabilities to maintain their sovereignty and freedom.

NATOs open door policy is sacrosanct.

If Finland and Sweden choose to join in response to Russias aggression, we must integrate them as soon as possible.

And we reject the false choice between stronger traditional defence and modern capabilities. We need to defend ourselves against attacks in space and cyberspace as well as by land, air and sea.

We also reject the false choice between Euro-Atlantic security and Indo-Pacific security. In the modern world we need both.

We need a global NATO.

By that I dont mean extending the membership to those from other regions.

I mean that NATO must have a global outlook, ready to tackle global threats.

We need to pre-empt threats in the Indo-Pacific, working with our allies like Japan and Australia to ensure the Pacific is protected.

And we must ensure that democracies like Taiwan are able to defend themselves.

All of this will require resources.

We are correcting a generation of underinvestment.

Thats why the Prime Minister has announced the biggest investment in our Armed Forces since the Cold War. We recognised Russia as the most acute threat in our Integrated Review, adopting the same vigilance as NATOs Eastern Allies.

Others are now also stepping up as well. But we all need to go further.

Spending 2% on defence must be a floor, not a ceiling.

There is no substitute for hard military power, backed by intelligence and diplomacy.

Secondly, we need to recognise the growing role that the economy plays in security.

In the UK we are now using all of our economic levers trade, sanctions, investment and development policy in a much more assertive way.

We recognise that growth from cheap gas and money syphoned from kleptocracies is growth built on sand. Its not the same as real, sustained growth from higher productivity and greater innovation.

Free trade and free markets are the most powerful engine of human progress. We will always champion economic freedom.

But free trade must be fair and that means playing by the rules.

For too long many have been nave about the geopolitical power of economics. Aggressors treat it as a tool of foreign policy using patronage, investment and debt as a means to exert control and coerce.

They are ruthless in their approach. Our response wont mirror their malign tactics, but we will match them in our resolve.

Its time to wise up.

Access to the global economy must depend on playing by the rules.

There can be no more free passes.

We are showing this with the Russia-Ukraine conflict Russias pass has been rescinded.

We are hitting them with every element of economic policy.

We have raised tariffs on Russian goods. Weve cut them off from WTO terms. Weve banned their ships from our ports, weve banned their planes from our airports.

We have sanctioned more individuals and organisations than any other nation, hitting Russias banks, oligarchs, defence companies, Central Bank reserves, and oil and gas supplies.

Were cutting off the funding for Putins war effort.

We are also cutting investment ties with Russia banning all new outward investment and ending the investor visa.

At the same time, we are removing all import tariffs for Ukraine, and were supporting the Ukrainian economy with loan guarantees, fiscal support and investment.

We are showing that economic access is no longer a given. It has to be earned.

Countries must play by the rules.

And that includes China.

Beijing has not condemned Russian aggression or its war crimes. Russian exports to China rose by almost a third in the first quarter of this year.

Originally posted here:

Foreign Secretary's Mansion House speech at the Lord Mayor's Easter Banquet: The return of geopolitics - GOV.UK