Wakako Yuki

TOKYO (THE JAPAN NEWS/ASIA NEWS NETWORK) - The International Olympic Committee (IOC), facing a critical trend of bid city withdrawal, opened the way for a double award for Paris and Los Angeles as the 2024 and 2028 summer Olympic Games hosts. Los Angeles responded on Monday that the city would accept 2028 candidacy.

The fact that the IOC resorted to such an unusual measure suggests that the Olympic Movement today faces a historic turning point.

"Our discussions and decisions today will chart the course of the Olympic Games for the foreseeable future."

With these words, IOC President Thomas Bach began his speech to open the Extraordinary IOC Session in Lausanne, Switzerland, on July 11.

"Today, when people see that the government, the opposition, business and the sport community - in other words, the entire establishment - is united behind one project (an Olympic Games bid), then the people immediately have mistrust and conclude that something must be terribly wrong.

"Populist movements are on the rise. There is a profound change in the decision-making process in many Western countries. For all these reasons we had and continue to have a much smaller number of potential candidate cities," he said.

By giving Paris and Los Angeles, the two remaining cities in the 2024 bid race, the right to host the 2024 and 2028 Summer Olympic Games, the IOC has found a way to ensure stability for the next 11 years. Emphasising this point, Bach secured unanimous agreement to the proposal.

However, establishing stability is not the same as solving the problem. It is necessary to focus on the root of the trend.

Why are there such strong public criticisms slowing down the Olympic bid momentum?

Many cities withdrew from the 2022 and 2024 Olympic bidding after defeats in local referendums or due to political decisions citing negative public opinion. Is the Olympic Movement coming to a crossroads? I listened to the views of the IOC members at the extraordinary session.

Many IOC members endorse the view put forth by Bach that today's political and social climate, the zeitgeist, is a factor. In other words, it is a view that looks for the cause in trends outside the Olympic Movement, not internally.

Europe, the birthplace of the modern Olympics, has been shaken by economic crises, terrorism and immigration issues.

Today there is less need for city redevelopment as many European and U.S. cities have matured, changing the meaning of hosting the Games. In the age of the internet, negative impressions move freely, making it easy for critical opinion and opposition movements to spread.

The public movements that led to the election of U.S. President Donald Trump in the United States, and to the Brexit decision in Britain, contain at heart misgivings toward the existing political and economic system and long-held values. The same adverse wind faces Olympic bids.

Hence the modern Olympic Games, which for last three decades have built and expanded their reach using a capitalist model and by gaining support from political and economic systems, are now prone to face criticism, often under the banner of "concern for cost."

IOC members often point out that the only Games cost for which the IOC has any responsibility are the operation costs of the organising committees, which are not on the rise and are almost all in surplus.

There is no doubt that the Olympics are a mirror reflecting international society and are influenced by present trends. However, if one were to look back over the Olympics' history, it may seem that the shortage of bid cities can be attributed to external factors in those particular eras, as well as overlapping incidents that have occurred during the preceding Olympiads. Two factors seem to affect the decline most: costs being out of control, and the damage to Olympic values based on ethics and ideals.

When in the past the number of bidding cities decreased to two or less, it was thought to be a warning signal for the continuation of the Olympics. For the 2022 Winter Olympic bid (won by Beijing in 2015) and for the 2024 Summer Games (to be voted on in September) only two cities remained in the final selection for each.

The last decline in Olympic history took place in an era that the late Juan Antonio Samaranch, who became IOC president in 1980, called "a challenging period which was labeled by critics as the demise of the Olympic Games."

The decade featured the terrorist incident during the 1972 Munich Games, the financial overrun of the 1976 Montreal Games (after this there was only one candidate city), and the 1980 Moscow Games that were hit by boycotts. The host city selection held in 1981 featured two Asian cities, Seoul and Nagoya (won by Seoul). Though the boycotts were an external factor, they damaged the philosophy set forth by the Olympics, and lowered their perceived value. The opposition movement in Nagoya at the time serves as proof of this.

The trend was turned by the commercialisation of the Games led by then-President Samaranch, and right after the financial success of the 1984 Los Angeles Games, the number of Olympic bid cities recorded a new surge. However, in the last several years, they have declined again.

Looking at the current situation in light of the past, a similar trend may emerge. There were reports that the total cost of the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, Russia, which actually included massive urban development, reached 5 trillion (S$61.47 billion), an all-time high for either the summer or winter Games.

This, combined with the economic recession in Europe, scared off European candidates for the 2022 Winter Games bidding. The following year saw a damning revelation of systematic doping in Russia, together with the corruption of the former president of the International Association of Athletics Federations, then an IOC member.

These led to a loss of confidence in the fairness of competitions and damaged ethical values. For the 2016 Rio de Janeiro Games, Brazil's political and economic turmoil obviously played the key part, but the delayed preparations and financial challenges left a negative impression.

"There may be some of that reaction (rooted in current political and social trends), but I suspect much of it is the result of growing concerns about corruption and moral leadership," was the observation of Dick Pound, who led an investigation into the Russian doping scandal. "Sport has, to a considerable degree, allowed those values to become tarnished. If it can re-instate them, I believe that much of the current doubt or cynicism could be dissipated."

Using the 11 years of "golden stability" that will be secured by choosing hosts for both the 2024 and 2028 Games, how can the IOC restructure the Olympic Games and the bidding system? Bach responded that he intends to "increase the value of the Olympic Games."

By reducing costs, and making reforms that will attract more bidding cities, Bach hopes to establish historical proof in the examples of successful Games organisation, including Tokyo 2020.

He often says: "If you react to a challenge, your options are limited. We want to be the leaders of change, not the object of change."

So he did, at the end of 2014, when the IOC approved the "Olympic Agenda 2020" for reform, which already highlighted the need for cost reduction and changes to the bidding process.

The 2020 Tokyo Olympics will be the first summer Games under the reformed policy, expected to be the cornerstone of efforts to change the tide.

Paving the way for two cities to hold the 2024 and 2028 Olympics is another strategic cornerstone.

While putting on a strong face, the IOC can break the negative trend of cities withdrawing bids.

Furthermore, the two cities are expected to present "golden opportunities" for raising the value of the Olympic Games; Paris, where the modern Olympic Games saw their creation by Baron Pierre de Coubertin, and Los Angeles, promising another private-funded Olympic organisation.

What then?

"The rest is up to my successor," said Bach, with a big smile hiding the meticulous calculations behind it.

Read the rest here:

Olympic Games face crucial turning point: The Japan News columnist - The Straits Times

Females Are Strong As Hell

If youve been on Instagram at all since November, then youve probably noticed a resurgence in politically-charged tees. Tees have always been loud statement-makers, especially in a political context. How clothing is made, what it means in relation to the zeitgeist, and what it represents are all inherently political, even though it may not always be obvious. And in case youre looking to wear your woke-ness on your sleeve with a shirt, then you may want to grab this Equal Rights Now tee featuring iconic feministsDorothy Pitman HughesandGloria Steinem.

The photo on this shirt, which first appeared in a 1971 issue of Esquire magazine, features Gloria and Dorothy with their fists up. Its a stern and timeless testament to everything the womens empowerment movement stands for: Intersectional equality on every front. Now, the famed photo is getting a DIY makeover on this shirt and furthering the demand for equal rights for all.

Thanks to everyone who supported our represent.com/equalrights campaign so far! Help raise money and awareness for the Equal Rights Coalition to finally pass the Equal Rights Amendment! #EqualRightNow

Giving some background on the amendment, Represent states,

The ERA still hasnt been passed, and the goal of this shirt is to help promote awareness so that it can finally be adopted. And for $24.99, you know your money is going to a good cause while also helping you spread the word about the importance of this amendment.

The shirts start shipping on August 25th, so prepare your bodies. Youll be able to wear these sooner than you think.

The rest is here:

Here's where you can buy the "Equal Rights Now" tee you've seen almost every celebrity wearing - HelloGiggles

Should the leading online tech companies be regulated as public utilities? Maybe so, according to White House advisor Steve Bannon. His basic argument, according to The Intercept, is that Facebook and Google have become effectively a necessity in contemporary life. Thus far, the tech sector and Washington think-tank crowd have not grappled with that possibility in much depth, if at all. This post will provide a look at some reasons that leading tech companies today resemble sectors traditionally subjected to public utility regulation, and then consider some strong critiques of such a regulatory approach.

Historically, utility regulation has been more prominent where we see: (1) high market share; (2) a service that is vital for consumers; (3) a natural monopoly; and (4) barriers to exit by consumers. For the first factor, one can debate which market measurements to use, but Facebook and Google are unquestionably large. Both have billions of users globally. Google has about an 88 percent market share globally for search, and Facebook now reaches about 89 percent of U.S. Internet users. As to the second, online services are perhaps not quite as vital to daily life as electricity, but Bannon is likely correct to say that services such as search, navigation, and social networks are effectively a necessity of modern life.

The third factor appears more complicated; at first glance, tech companies are not a great fit with the traditional concept of natural monopoly, which economist William Baumol defined as an industry in which multi-firm production is more costly than production by a monopoly." Traditional utility regulation focused on sectors such as electricity, telephone, and cable: high capital costs to entering those markets meant it usually made no economic sense to build a duplicative set of power, phone, or cable lines to the home. For online services, by contrast, the cost of creating a new web site is trivially small, so new social networks can easily begin with an innovative approach and instantly get to the users home or mobile device. However, a network becomes more valuable as more people joina concept called a network effect. Network effects can readily exist for social networks, with sites like Twitter and Facebook increasing in value to each member as more users join. Strong network effects can create costly if not impossible conditions for new entrants seeking to compete with the market leader.

Lastly, as for barriers to exit for consumers, the government applied traditional utility regulation when consumers had no easy way to cut themselves off from a service, such as electricity or phone service. This condition may well apply to Facebook, Google, or other major tech firms. For Facebook, ending use would risk losing touch with friends, accessing news and emergency alerts, and quite a bit more. For Google services, logged-in users could lose access to some of the most advanced email, navigation, video, search, and other personalized services.

There are also compelling arguments against the view that online services today deserve regulation as public utilities. For online services, a competing service really is just a click away if the current service does not serve customer needs. In addition, antitrust experts emphasize the importance of leapfrog competition, in which a different company or business model does not compete head-on with the current market leader, but instead jumps to the next generation and displaces the incumbent there. This phenomenon has many examples in information technology. MySpace lost out to Facebook. Windows and Microsoft Office dominated the PC market for many years, but have no similar hold on todays pervasive mobile devices, while Google Docs and other cloud software services have successfully challenged Microsofts software license model.

More broadly, public utility regulation as a cure may be worse than the disease. A major deregulatory backlash followed the public utility regulation applied to numerous U.S. industries in the 1960s. Under President Carter, a progressive alliance of economist Alfred Kahn, then-Senate staffer Stephen Breyer, and Ralph Nader succeeded in eliminating the Civil Aeronautics Board and price setting for airline tickets, opening the way for discount airlines. Under President Reagan and afterwards, deregulation spread to many previously-regulated utilities, including energy, telecommunications, and other sectors.

Observers vary greatly in which of these deregulatory changes they favor, and my intention here is not to pronounce judgment on which of the changes was desirable. Instead, I suggest that the deregulatory movement had at least three insights that corrected for some of the earlier preference for public utility regulation. First, as airline deregulation exemplifies, the traditional public utility approach does not work well for markets characterized by innovation and rapid change. Second, the debate over proper designation of public utility status should cite more than a study of market failures to justify public utility or other regulation; instead, as Neil Komesar has ably argued, policymakers should look empirically at both government failures and market failures to assess whether regulation is likely to be worthwhile in a given setting. Third, even Democratic Presidents Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton, and Barack Obama have issued Executive Orders supporting use of cost-benefit analysis to proposed regulations (while recognizing the difficulty of quantifying important variables). Applying these three insights to tech firms, innovation and rapid change are common to the tech industry, government imperfections in regulation can be high when applied to cutting-edge technology, and the costs of regulation can be especially steep in industries that otherwise would continue to innovate.

In short, there are some reasonably strong arguments that the biggest online services today are similar to traditional public utilities due to their high market share, network effects, and difficulty for consumers to live without the service. On the other hand, the old public utility approach to regulation had numerous flaws, and does not adapt readily to high-innovation markets where competition is typically based on factors other than price.

Rather than fitting public utility models for electricity or airline pricing, the emerging calls for regulation bear a closer resemblance to some of the Federal Communications Commissions past efforts to use its public utility authority to regulate television content. The growing calls for online services to take down ISIS and other terrorist communications can be seen as an update to the FCCs prohibitions on profanity (George Carlins seven dirty words) and broader historical efforts to prohibit indecent content. The calls for limits on fake news can similarly start to resemble a modern-day Fairness Doctrine, where fake news is unfair and blocked, while real news is fair and goes out to viewers.

The efforts to regulate online services as utilities, moreover, are likely to advance more quickly in countries other than the United States. The United States is more laissez faire than the rest of the world and proud of and reluctant to interfere with American-grown tech success stories. By contrast, the European Union has been willing to take high-visibility actions against Google, in the right to be forgotten limits on what can be shown in search results, and in the recent EU antitrust order that Google must avoid prioritizing search results of Google-affiliated services.

In conclusion, those who thought public utility regulation was a thing of the past might want to reconsider what is likely to happen with respect to the largest online tech companies. Steven Bannon, in calling for public utility treatment, may be expressing something in the American zeitgeist, and other countries are likely even more willing to regulate in this area than the United States. For those who are familiar with the many problems of public utility regulation, the time has likely come to make more considered and persuasive explanations for the flaws of that approach.

More:

Should the Leading Online Tech Companies Be Regulated as Public Utilities? - Lawfare (blog)

What's in the cards for San Francisco? Author Michelle Tea gives a reading for the city and discovers some surprising advice. (Photo: Jenn Rosenstein / Illustration: Ingrid Rojas Contreras and Gabe Meline/KQED)

When writer Michelle Tea first came to San Francisco, she had yet to win awards or develop a diehard following. Instead, she supported herself on Haight Street by giving Tarot readings as she describes it, an ancient story system, a pack of cards that tell a multitude of tales depending on the ways in which theyre placed alongside one another. In other words, a writers dream.

Teas new book, Modern Tarot (Harper Collins; $22.99), is a prismatically down-to-earth guide, and Tea is a sagacious tour guide. Hip and discerning, Tea shares personal anecdotes, shares some of her personal rituals to take each cards meaning into her life, and, perhaps my favorite, decodes the symbolism of each card. (Tea describing the snow on which stands the Hermit, a sage old woman supporting herself on a staff: If water is the emotions and air is the intellect, then snow is the emotions made tangible, by the cold air of logic.)

Modern Tarot offers the most straightforward interpretationIve found about how Tarot cards work, and how the mythic journeys each card portrays can be used to harness a personal moment. So naturally, Ive asked Michelle Tea to give the city of San Francisco a reading.

Below, Tea trains her eye on the City and finds, among other things, that the tech bubble is not a bubble that will burst just yet; that the city needs to work on its partying; that it must get in touch with the emotional impact of its existence; and, she says, If San Francisco cant get itself together to honor the feminine, the feminine will just storm the castle.

Youve been warned, San Francisco.

A Tarot reading by Michelle Tea

A reading I like to do, for myself and for others, is a general Celtic Cross. The Celtic Cross spread is a popular one for a reason its simple, its thorough, it provides a good overview of whats happened, whats going on, and whats on the rise. I shuffle the deck and ask in a broad sense what the outcoming and incoming energies are right now, and this afternoon, I asked on behalf of the city of San Francisco.

Hmmmm, I was afraid of this. Right now, San Francisco is all about work. The card Im using the Rider-Waite deck, with art by the wonderful Pamela Coleman Smith depicts an architect getting the thumbs up from a couple of moneybags. Hooray, theyre going to pay him to design their castle! The Bay Area has gotten the thumbs up from moneybags everywhere from the continued development of all things tech. An old story, but whats interesting is, this card is a three were still at the start of this current work cycle. We know this bubble isnt a bubble at all. Its got stability, staying power, and its only going to grow from here. Good news for many, Im sure, but all work and no play makes Jack a dull town.

Verrrrry interesting. This card represents what crosses the present, what influences it, either helping it along or slowing it down. The Queen of Cups is a heavy-duty feminine energy card. It represents the realm of emotions. A Queen, it is a mature card, it thinks before it acts and considers the way a behavior could wound or heal. It is a poet and a dreamer.

This to me looks a lot like the battle between good and evil enacted in San Francisco for decades now the masculine-fueled work drive opposing and being opposed by a feminine-fueled emotion drive. My read on this is that industry in San Francisco will not be able to fully, truly grow until it begins to mature out of its little-kid, I-want-it-all phase and responds to the emotional impact of its existence. By integrating not just poetry but poets, not just dreams but dreamers into the scope of its vision, San Franciscos work life will begin to achieve some balance. Until this happens, the pressure that these more artistic realms place on the corporate will not let up.

Also, though it is true that in the Tarot, masculine and feminine energies are embodied by all genders, so for this particular reading I would say that San Franciscos industry needs to take a look at how it treats women and female-identified people need to continue putting pressure on growing powers to make sure they are included in the bigger picture of city life.

San Francisco has always dreamed big. The Star is about taking your wildest inspirations and somehow bringing them down to terra firma and making them real. Ive long felt that San Francisco is a place where people come to see if their theory can be put into practice, whether on an intensely personal level, a community level or within larger cultural movements.

The city sees itself as deeply innovating, whether what is being disrupted are algorithms or the gender binary. There is special energy here that can make things happen, and it favors movements with high ideals, inclusiveness and accessibility. The Star is connected to Aquarius, which is the sign of the future. The future starts in San Francisco (or at least the citys ego believes this). I see this card as evidence that collectively, San Francisco knows it needs to dream bigger and work harder to make idealistic situations exist for more of the city.

In San Franciscos heart, its always been the Summer of Love. Its not a coincidence that this famous moment occurred here, or that the countrys queer community gathered and thrived here. Deep down, it is love that rules this place, that makes it work. Its the foundation that everything is currently built upon, the big hearts of the citys ancestors and their forgotten labors of love that made the city great.

The image on the card is two people exchanging cups, and its this human connection, emotional communication, that is still the heart of the city very deep and hard to extinguish. There is a channel between this underground love and the conscious idealism of The Star. The city thinks of itself as a loving place and needs to draw upon that history in order to manifest more progressive projects.

Okay, it is not a coincidence that San Franciscos recent past is the richest dude in the deck. The King of Pentacles is materialistic, hes great at business, he earns his money and spends it luxuriously. The past always brings us to the future, so it is the work and influence of this man (these men) that has made San Francisco the epicenter of industry it currently is. But its done so at the expense of the citys spiritual and emotional aspects, as seen in the Queen of Cups. One tarot reader explained to me once that she sees that crossing card as the bridge that brings us from the past to the future, and if that is the case, the serene, emotional queen is taking our hand, pulling us away from big daddy moneybags and leading us to

The Future is Female, yall. With all my fingers crossed, I hopefully report that the energies native to the feminine healing, nurturing, love, beauty, abundance, giving, serenity, creativity are ready to lovingly ambush San Francisco. Out with the yang, in with the yin: a feminine renaissance, with intuition, healing arts, art in general and a need for equality as the citys zeitgeist. Precedence given to the experience of female-identified and otherwise feminine people. A movement to ease the burden on mothers at all economic levels, and a sense that San Francisco is our mother, and all of us her children, and lets start taking better care of her and of each other.

Yes, San Francisco won the karmic lotto, if high-paying jobs and skyrocketing rents are how one defines fortune. The city has established itself as a world-class location with all the cash and prizes that go along with that. It is, in so many ways, blessed. But the what goes up must come down rule applies to this card we may currently be that Sphinx, riding high, but the jackal and the snake will get their turn, too. Better for the city to keep its eye on the center to better able ride out the inevitable downs that come with these magnificent ups. But no matter what ever happens, the city always rises. It is The Wheel of Fortune.

This card represents the environment the querent finds themselves in, but as the querent in this reading is an environment err, uh, hmmmm. I guess this card stands for you, all of you, the citizens of San Francisco, influencing her vibes and character on the daily. And generally speaking, the people of San Francisco are new. They think thoughts that havent been thunk before, they try things that havent been tried, they live lives that havent been lived. And they love it. Thought, literature, communication, media, these are all ruled by the Ace of Swords and they rule the people of San Francisco. Debates, healthy and otherwise. These are a people who will go to the mat for what they believe. On some level, everyone knows that they are at the vanguard of our culture, and the city loves this about her children.

This card is the anxiety card of the spread, and weve got the dull, plodding if capable Knight of Pentacles. While the fantasy of big King Pentacle in the citys past is pretty attractive to pretty much everyone (even I wouldnt mind eating grapes off his lap), this Knight of Pentacles is the average Jos reality: a working stiff whose job eats her life and who doesnt have much time for anything cool or fun or creative. Is this what the city is afraid of becoming? I see this as all the inspired people who moved to town with dreams only to find themselves with big rent they need to work hella hard to pay, leaving them too exhausted to pursue their real life at the end of the day. San Francisco, dont let this be you! It suggests to me that the city is aware that its becoming a bore, and it keeps them up at night.

The card that ties it all together, and here we have the magnificent Queen of Wands, emphasizing the already-strong message that it is time for feminine energies to take the wheel. This Queen builds upon the watery power of the Queen of Cups and the nurturing abundance of The Empress and sets it ablaze. If San Francisco cant get itself together to honor the feminine, the feminine will just storm the castle. Queen of Wands is crafty and powerful, full of energy and ideas, has tons of endurance and stamina, creativity and chutzpah.

Artists, lovers, politicians, activists: this Queen makes shit happen. Youre either on her train or youre eating dust. All aboard, San Francisco! Its time to leave the past behind.

Thanks to Michelle Tea for this weeks Tarot reading. Modern Tarot: Connecting with your Higher Self Through the Wisdom of the Cards features updated, feminist, and queer-friendly reading of Tarot, personal anecdotes, and spells. Yes, spells.

The Spine is a biweekly book column. Catch us back here in two weeks.

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Reading the Cards: Michelle Tea's Tarot Advice for San Francisco - KQED

What does it mean to speak of postinternet cities or postinternet architecture? To invoke any post- term (postinternet, postmodern, post-technological), especially in the context of that trusty binary of utopia/dystopia, we seem to have an a priori whiff of the future. And yet the word alone reveals the truth of its pointing to a post hoc condition; of reflecting on something that has already come to be status quo.

When I began using the term postinternet over a decade ago to describe my own art work and that of my peers that I wanted to support, I had no inkling that I was starting a controversial movement or coining a term over which others would fight about the provenance, insisting it must have been this or that man that actually said the word before me or knew better what he meant than I did. I could not project that Kanye West would come to call himself the Postinternet Disney and describe his wedding seating chart as arranged according to postinternet philosophy, or that Id one day open the catalogue for an exhibition I was in and find anonymously quoted London gallerists laughing around a far away dinner table about wanting to kill me for having coined the term.

Image from The New Yorker,cartoon by Peter Steiner, 1993.

As I feel Ive now had to repeat endless times over the last decade, only to constantly read that postinternet art has yet to be defined, or to endlessly see people compelled to place the words so-called before the term, I was simply doing two things in using the word Postinternet":

1. Describing my own work, which was a combination of art made online and art made offline, after the internet, i.e. immediately after logging off and in the style of the internet, both celebrating and critiquing itmuch as I also did online, independently and in my pro-surfer work as a founding member of the collective Nasty Nets;

2. Working at Rhizome, an organization then about to celebrate its tenth anniversary of supporting internet art, I wanted to expand the mission statement to address internet-engaged art that could be offline or online. At the time, it seemed radical to propose that a painter, photographer, or textile artist could be an internet artist and that these underdogs could use our support. Who knew postinternet was about to be the most common submission theme at the Frieze fair?

Both of these sentiments were informed by my having been a part of the new media scene since the mid/late-1990s. It all came out of a zeitgeist in which Id been influenced by the other artists I was seeking to champion (not to mention the thinking of much earlier artists like Nam June Paik, who said even in the late 1960s, Cybernated art is very important, but art for cybernated life is more important, and the latter need not be cybernated), as well as curators & critics like Sarah Cook, Steve Dietz, Josephine Bosma, Jon Ippolito, and Lev Manovich, whod all expressed related sentiments, including the fact that new media was not really new anymore and the novelty had worn off. In a sense, these were organizers shoring up and riding a line between utopia and dystopia: Whereas theyd once gone out on a limb to identify experimental forms and practices in art, those practitioners were now starting to feel ghettoized in the small niche expression zones painstakingly carved-out for those using technology to make art, whereas the rest of the world was using technology to do everything.

I summarize this old story here for those readers unfamiliar with it and to draw out a point I feel might be germane to the discussion of postinternet architecture. One small, yet often overlooked aspect of the postinternet movement is its social context. In a broader art world in which curators are controversially including their partners in biennials and nepotism abounds, social connections are often a dirty joke, if not a secret, but I think it behooves those with an interest in city planning, architecture, and broader concepts of world-building to consider these social aspects when they draw on networked culture and aesthetics to design for the social and emotional needs of communities that are increasingly defined by their relationship to digital media. I do not mean to imply that nepotism was the word of the day and that it should also drive architecture, but rather that sharing, social bookmarking, the old saw that information wants to be free, and a spirit of internet friendship were the guiding ethos behind the genesis of the movement.

Sondra Perry,Lineage for a Multiple-Monitor Workstation: Number One, 2015.Courtesy of the artist.

Much as I referred earlier to the late-90s dichotomy between what new media artists were doing with technology and how the rest of world related to it, the reason that the term postinternet now refers to a status quo is that, certainly for those who are reading and exchanging the word (those whom I presume to be literate Westerners with access to the World Wide Web), the internet is a given. We know what it is, what it looks like, what its aesthetics and many of its inside jokes are about, and were not surprised when we see its vapors offline: Yelp stickers on restaurant doors, emoji magnets, Tumblr aesthetic bedsheets, etc. In fact, we increasingly see very little difference between online and offline, because the internet keeps our calendar of events, GPS helps us arrive at destinationsmoreover, technology often helps us be in two places at once, we live-tweet and Instagram experiences (if only in our minds and conversations), we punctuate our downtime by checking our phones for emails and texts, and as we so often joke, we never log-off.

If there is any reason at all to have a word like postinternet (and at this point, it really could be any word), it is to have a placeholder to discuss the situation of network conditions. Feeling unable to unplug (due to the forces of capital, the infrastructural reach of the grid, family expectations, FOMO, etc.) is but one of many symptoms of network culture, which may also include the perversion of the notion of transparency in the slippage between surveillance and software lingo; the dismissal of failure and the abject along with a conflation of disruption and experimentation; a naivet as to the physicality of infrastructures and the spatial logic of the net; the ongoing veiling of physical, intellectual, and affective labor involved in the production and maintenance of network culture and its participants; an outdated assumption that technological determinism is somehow teleological; and finally two that relate most to our purposes here: an overarching internet centrism, a la Jaron Lanier's cybernetic totalism that casts an anthropomorphic lens on the net privileging a singularity in which nature and technology are fusing in a misguided assumption that technology and the net will solve all of our emotional problems; and lastly a kind of eschatological cynicism of the doomedness of the network (and hence human cultures) that has led to the misnomer (and subsequent criticism) that "post-internet" refers to the death of the internet, a fallacious techno-apocalypse.

All of that said, to imagine planning for the city of the future in the context of designing postinternet architecture is to imagine designing for the singularitya moment in which the intelligence, creative, and emotional capacity of humans is seen to merge with or be surpassed by machines. It should be pointed out that this concept is defined by its speculative nature, and that various writers have cast it as utopian versus dystopian. As an artist and cultural historian of technology, my interest lies in the perseverance of the theory, as an artifact, and the way that it reflects and even affects (as a phantasmatic byproduct of programmers and developers who subscribe to the ideal) the way that we share information across social networks and the public sphere writ large. After all, these are our commons and the spheres around which we bounce and mold our ideas of public and private. In fact, I would argue that the introduction of metaspheresof online and offline spaces that are both real and different worldshave bifurcated these concepts so that we have more than one notion of public or of private. There can be private acts in public space, public records of very private information, an insistence on privacy that stands parallel to a persistence in frequent public disclosure.

Installation view of Signe Pierce, Virtual Normality, 2017.

Its almost as if the more we try to push toward these binaries, the more tenuous they reveal themselves to be. To give in to them is to be locked into a kind of Althusserian subjectivity that queer theory has described all too well as a non-choice. If we try to persist with frameworks of proposed heterogeneity that really offer only a sequence of either/or choiceschoose your own adventure: public or private, inside or outside, utopia or dystopia, skyscraper condo or suburban duplexwe may in fact be both liquidating all fantasy potential from the concept of the utopic and overriding the greatest creative tactic at the disposal of the overall schema of postinternet art, which falls under the rubric of appropriation.

To speak first to the latter, I mean to say that whether a work of postinternet art is online or offline, in any medium or duration whatsoever, part of its distinction as such is its participation in conveying, critiquing, existing under or during the conditions of network culture. The work itself is somehow part and parcel of those conditions, and one likely would not have to look hard to see those symptoms. This ability to appropriate at a sort of constitutive, DNA-level blows open the shutters on discourses of relationality, binarism, perspectivalism, and either/or states of being. This is where postinternet meets sci-fi meets 17D-modeling.

This is where we meet fantasy and look back to the future. The literary and film theorist Jos Esteban Muoz wrote, in Cruising Utopia, "The here and now is a prison house. We must strive, in the face of the here and nows totalizing rendering of reality, to think and feel a then and there. Some will say that all we have are the pleasures of the moment, but we must never settle for that minimal transport; we must dream and enact new and better pleasures, other ways of being in the world, and ultimately new worlds. Muoz, a pioneer among queer theorists in arguing for a postbinary way of looking at the world, drew on close readings of multiple artists to expand the definition of queer to embrace a broad vision of an alternate reality: Queerness is essentially about the rejection of a here and now and an insistence on potentiality or concrete possibility for another world."

I am not an architect, not a city planner, not even an engineer or psychic with a great sense of what the future holds. I am simply a city dweller. A resident. Ive called four countries home in my life, and numerous cities. Ive read and even taught all the great undergrad theories on the poetics of space and place, and their phenomenologies and semiotics too, but at the end of the day I find myself thinking more about Black Mirror and Tron and Tati than Bachelard or Merleau-Ponty when I think about the future and what I may or may not want in a living space. I think about FOMO vs JOMO (the Fear of Missing Out versus the Joy of Missing Out) while at home, isolating oneself from humans on a social network, and the relationship between windows in rooms and computer screen windows. I wonder about the smart devices were going to be living with and if they are going to be smart enough to trick us into actually going outside now and then, or to tell when were lonely or even dead, rather than just lying very still for a very long time, uploading and downloading material to and from our consciousness. I wonder how tall the buildings will need to be to accommodate our planets growing population, and sometimes I just imagine buildings like the ones we have now, copied and pasted many times on top of each other. I just wonder if we will be able to see this sky of ours that we keep polluting with new technologies and the factories that produce them in, and the server farms that run the social networks we use to organize our environmental protests on

But above it all I try to keep an open mind. I remember that those speculative forecasts about unregulated growth, the ones that would pitch our dwellings and computer brains into an endless scroll, are just speculation. Its not like we wouldnt be there to keep up with it. Its not like we wouldnt be participating in the design and appropriation, going along for the cruise. And its not like Im describing the status quo and not a future, right?

Post-Internet Cities is a collaborative project between e-flux Architecture and MAAT Museum of Art, Architecture and Technology within the context of the Utopia/Dystopia exhibition and Post-Internet Cities conference, produced in association with Institute for Art History, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities Universidade NOVA de Lisboa and Instituto Superior Tcnico Universidade de Lisboa, and supported by MIT Portugal Program and Millennium bcp Foundation.

Marisa Olson is an artist, writer, and media theorist. Her interdisciplinary work combines performance, video, drawing and installation to address the cultural history of technology, the politics of participation in pop culture and the aesthetics of failure.

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On the Internet, No One Knows You're a Doghouse - E-Flux

Sally Rooney wrote Conversations With Friends over three months while studying for a masters in American literature at Trinity College in Dublin. A short year later, she found herself caught in the middle of a seven-way tussle between publishers vying for the rights. (It should go without saying that this is a remarkable situation for any novelist, let alone a 26-year-old who had only recently finished her thesis.) Faber emerged from the battle victorious, and since the release of her book, which came out late May in the U.K., and earlier this month in the States, Rooneys writing has been compared to that of Sheila Heti and Edna OBrien, described by Kazuo Ishiguro as a moment of real significance, and, in a uniquely zeitgeist-y turn-of-phrase, she was dubbed no less than the Salinger of the Snapchat generation .

Set firmly in the digital age, Conversations With Friends thankfully veers away from the easily labored territory of Snapchat and selfies, and instead follows Frances, a student at Trinity who moonlights as a spoken-word poet alongside her best friend and ex-girlfriend, the abrasive and magnetic Bobbi. When the pair are profiled for a distinguished magazine by Melissa, a celebrated writer and photographer, they fall into the older womans alluring sphere, populated by glamorous creative types, and soon, Frances starts an affair with Nick, Melissas faintly famous 32-year-old actor husband. Trying to play their romantic assignations outside the hackneyed clich (the older man, the younger girl), Nick and Frances find themselves flailing and failing to convey what they actually mean to each other. They are armed with all this feminist theory, and they are kind of conscientious people who obviously dont want to be oppressing each other. It takes them both some time to actually see past the superficial power disparity between them and try and negotiate what they are actually going through as individual people, says Rooney, on the phone from her parents house in Mayo, Ireland, and the novel knits together the various ways we communicate in the novel, as the characters conversations slip seamlessly across face-to-face, email, text, and instant messenger, meshing together the series of tangled, overlapping relationships that color the plot.

There is often a weighted assumption that young, female writers mirror their own lives in their work (see Jami Attenberg s essay, Stop Reading My Fiction as the Story of My Life ), and while Conversations With Friends is certainly not autobiographical, it does draw upon Rooneys experience as a competitive debater while at Trinity, which the author recalls as an introduction to an elite and unfamiliar world. I thought, I have to very quickly now absorb the norms and the social behavior and the etiquette that will make me socially acceptable, says Rooney. And that certainly informed the novel. Thats how Frances feels with Melissa and their friends: I want these people to accept me. How do I do that? How do I observe them closely enough that I can fool them into thinking I can belong? The book becomes a treatise about not just the complexities of desire in the modern era, but also the complexities of being a young woman in the world, with all of the potential heights and hazards that follow along.

Vogue spoke with Rooney about the changing face of Ireland, what good dialogue and sex scenes have in common, and whether the Internet is a good or bad thing, below.

You are from Mayo, and you lived there until you went to Trinity. How much of the novel did you draw from your life and experiences?

Frances is actually from Dublin. Her parents are from Mayo, and they move back there, but she actually grows up in Dublin. There are certainly elements of the social world that I inhabited growing up and then in college that I draw from. I mean, obviously, I studied English in Trinity, and I think the book is very much about observing a social milieu as much as anything else, and obviously I chose to write about social circles that I felt I had an understanding of the norms and manners. So in that sense, absolutely there are autobiographical elements, and its written about a city that I have lived in for eight years and that I know pretty well, but, in terms of the actual substance of the book, its not drawn from my real life.

It strikes me that the novel seems to be about Dublin very much as it is now. I moved to Dublin in 2010, and it was in the middle of the crash, and it has changed so much.

Yes, its certainly set [today]. . . I think the economic situation of the characters reflects contemporary Dublin, which is kind of slowly grappling with recovery from the crash, and I think the last sector recovering is that millennial class, who have never really had an experience of properly waged work. People think the book is about extraordinarily privileged people, but its not really. At one stage, Frances has got so little money that she cant feed herself, and she has an unpaid internship at one point, and a minimum wage job, and she makes reference to several other minimum wage jobs she has had. . . . [Theres this culture in creative fields of] constantly being shuffled around very low paid unsatisfying work that you have to do to get by, and that to have any prospect of having a satisfying career you are expected to do loads of unpaid work. I think its miserable.

The fact that people come away from the book thinking it portrays a really privileged lifestyle is really confusing to me. The characters read a lot and are very culturally literate, but they are not really privileged people. Nick and Melissa have a nice house, but they are not predatory capitalists or anything. . . they certainly occupy a cultural position that people associate with privilege, in that they are artists that lead a bohemian lifestyle.

I know you debated at Trinity. What impact did that have on your use of language, and your ability to construct plot and narrative?

One thing debating did was bring me in contact with a whole social world that I had never experienced before. Its sort of a very international, very niche hobby. . . and once you rise to a certain level, you find yourself constantly taking flights to faraway countries and youre seeing all the same faces everywhere you go, and it wasnt very unlike being on the festival circuit as a young writer. It was an introduction to a world I was previously unfamiliar with, and I thought I have to very quickly now absorb the norms and the social behavior and the etiquette that will make me socially acceptable in this world. And that certainly informed the novel. Its very much that worldthats how Frances feels with Melissa and their friends. I want these people to accept me. How do I do that? How do I observe them closely enough that I can fool them into thinking I can belong? So that was part of my experience at college that I definitely encountered in debating. But as for use of language, I dont know, that was that one of the reasons I was drawn to debating was that I probably already was drawn to language, and politics and stuff in a way that probably comes through in the novel as well.

Sex is notoriously difficult for authors to write about well. It comes up a fair amount in this book.

I think the whole idea of a sex scene is strange, because we would never say a dialogue scene; that scene is defined by the content of what happens in the dialogue. Similarly, a sex scene where the two characters end up crying in a bed is not going to be substantially similar to a sex scene where they have just started their affair and are obsessed with each other. A lot of what my characters encounter in their dialoguestrying to express themselves and trying to connect but also trying to guard themselves against feeling vulnerablethose are the same issues that came up in their sex scenes, too.

I wonder if the way you approach and have structured the relationship and the fluid sexualities in the bookFrances is bisexual, Bobbi is a lesbian, other characters seem sort of open. . . is that something that would have been written or well received say, five, six years ago, even? Do you feel like there is a moment of tangible change in Ireland in terms of social progress?

Five, six years ago, maybe. 10 years ago, Im not sure. 20 years ago, almost certainly not. So there definitely is now the idea that you can write about these characters and their realities without delving into the oppression that they have faced, the difficulties they may have had in coming out. Its like, now lets just get to the interesting part of them being adults and working their lives out without having to explain how they got to that situation.

I was talking to my Mum about this, actually, and she definitely has [witnessed progress firsthand]. Ireland now is so different even from the Ireland of the early 1990s. You know, gay pride went through Castlebar yesterday afternoon. Its accepted that there is a vibrant gay community in small towns, and that is a massive change. We still havent had the emergence of a left-wing movement. And I think that is something that would mark a real sort of landmark shift in Irish political life, if that was to happen. When I was at university I was quite active in the Repeal the 8th [pro-choice] movement. Since leaving university I go to protests and rallies, Im not involved in any activist groups, but I must get involved now, because I know there is going to be a referendum next year, over the next few months probably. Its something that any young Irish woman cant be unaware of.

Irish writing is having a big moment, and I have read that you dont necessarily perceive yourself as an Irish writer.

I saw this as well, but I think its been misinterpreted. I definitely do see myself as an Irish writer, and I see myself as part of a community of Irish writers, and I am really excited about the writing that is coming out of Ireland at the moment. I guess its the whole idea of richness and nationality, Im increasingly not really sure what it means. In the past, we obviously had a national identity that was defined by opposition to British imperialism, and that is all very well and in the past, now. And our new national identity is just seems to be a way of justifying our privileged position in the world and protecting ourselves at the expense of others. You know, deporting people, refusing to admit asylum seekers. Is that now what Irishness really means? Is that a protective gesture against open borders and this idea that we have a national identity that we quote unquote have to protect? That is not something that I am interested in participating in at all. But I think generally most Irish writers arent and Irish literature is not really a part of that project, and certainly I dont want to think that it is. But I definitely identify as an Irish writer, but when it comes to the question of what Irishness is and what is Irish writing, I definitely dont have a convincing answer to any of those questions.

The way that we communicate has changed so much, and so much of it is online. A lot of communication in the book is through digital means. But I dont feel like it has pervaded literature enough.

Its funny because the forms of novel have often been associated with changes in technological forms. If you look at the history of the letter in the novel, small changes in the British postal service became really significant because of how quickly people are suddenly able to communicate, and letters actually arrive at the intended time, and they arrive to the correct recipient. All of this is really important to a plot. It seems really natural that when our forms of communication change as rapidly as they have over the last 20 years that the form of our fiction should be changing rapidly too. And I couldnt imagine how these characters would live their lives without constantly sending texts and emails and or without having instant messgage conversations, or looking back on their old conversations, or looking at videos or clips of each other. In the beginning, when Frances finds out that Melissa is married to Nick, obviously the first thing she does is put his name in the Internet and look at pictures of him. I wasnt trying to write a commentary on our use of Google Images, I was just trying to think: What would I do? I would want to know what the guy looks like.

All those forms of experience dictate so much of how we relate to one another, and particularly I think if you meet people who are of a certain status in society, they have a presence that precedes you meeting them because that presence is maintained on the Internet. It would be really difficult for me to imagine how you would go about navigating that without recourse to the technology that supplies how much of how we communicate now. I wasnt trying to do it in any way as a commentary on the use of the Internet. I dont have any answers as to whether the Internet is a good or a bad thing, but its certainly an important thing for the novel because novels are so much about communication, and when communication changes, the novel has to change.

Something I related to was the idea of constructing a dry, wry version of yourself online, with someone you are in a relationship with, and how this gap between that person and how you are really feeling can form.

Certainly, and Frances will use any possibility she can to protect herself from vulnerability. She finds it very difficult to open up about her emotional life. The Internet is just one of many tools she will use for the purpose of trying to protect herself from the difficult aspects of intimacy with other people, but certainly the Internet gives her an ability. . . . You can spend an hour drafting an email and it will look like youve written it in 10 seconds. In real life, your body language will communicate what you may not want the other person to know. You may not have the same control over yourself like you do over text and that makes sense for Frances, she is a writer.

I felt that the book brought up this question of the divergence between how you may think of yourself and who you actually are. At one point, Nick refers to himself as oppressive white male. He cant help being a white man. So how does he operate past that?

That is one of the central questions of the book. When people mean well and they want to do the right thing and they really think about it and they seriously put some thought into power structures and how do we actually live that out on a individual level, and how do we actually ask of ourselves, and how much can we give to ourselves to other people in service of trying to live a good life. I mean, I obviously have no answers to any of those questions. But I think thats what the book is trying to analyze.

This interview has been condensed and edited.

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Sally Rooney Sees Right Through You - Vogue.com

Is India overshadowed by a monologue? Is there space for alternative views? Or, are we expected to fall in line? And speak in unison?

As India celebrates the seventieth year of Independence, this book brings together diverse views: Politicians, activists, administrators, artistes and academicians offer their myriad ideas of the nation. With a contextual introduction by Nidhi Razdan, this politically charged, argumentative, candid and humorous book opens a window to our understanding of India.*

Who thought up paper money? How did the contraceptive pill change the face of the legal profession? What was the secret element that made the Gutenberg printing press possible?

The world economy defies comprehension. A continuously changing system of immense complexity, it offers over ten billion distinct products and services, doubles in size every fifteen years and links almost every one of the planets seven billion people. It delivers astonishing luxury to hundreds of millions. It also leaves hundreds of millions behind, puts tremendous strains on the ecosystem and has an alarming habit of stalling. Nobody is in charge of it. Indeed, no individual understands more than a fraction of whats going on.

How can we make sense of this bewildering system on which our lives depend?

From the tally stick to the barcode, concrete to cuneiform, each invention in Tim Harfords fascinating new book has its own curious, surprising and memorable story, a vignette against a grand backdrop. Step by step, readers will start to understand where we are, how we got here and where we might be going next. *

Smart and provocative, witty and uncompromising, this collection of Laurie Pennys writing establishes her as one of the most urgent and vibrant feminist voices of our times. From the shock of Donald Trumps election and the victories of the far right, to online harassment and the transgender rights movement, these darkly humorous articles provoke challenging conversations about the definitive social issues of today.

Penny is lyrical and passionate in her desire to contest injustice; she writes at the raw edge of the zeitgeist at a time when it has never been more vital to confront social norms. These revelatory, revolutionary essays will give readers hope and tools for change from one of todays boldest commentators.*

*All text from flap/back of the book.

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HT Picks: This week's most interesting reads - Hindustan Times

Watercolours of five-Bengali artists make for the soul of the ongoing exhibition at Kalakriti Art Gallery. Art often grows based on personal experiences and therefore the title Souls of Wide Walls was chosen as a way of looking at individual proclivities through the creative expression of these five maestros.

The exhibition showcases the recent and gives a glimpse of past works, which reflect years of hard work and efforts in different styles, but similar medium.

The five artists includeJogen Chowdhury, Sanjay Bhattacharya, Paresh Maity, Samir Mondal and Avijit Dutta. Artist Jogen Chowdhury is known for his ability to successfully marry traditional imagery with the zeitgeist of contemporary painting, in a skillful blend of an urbane self-awareness and a highly localised Bengali influence. His early works show an attention to figuration that carries through in his current pieces.

Artist Sanjay Bhattacharyas involvement with the streets of Calcutta comes through on his artworks, and convey a story in themselves. Some of his works are most endearing and refreshing works on Gods Own Country.Watercolours created in the flat mold with sinuous lines and curves are more for fun, to let creative juices flow, an attempt at a serious amalgam of words and lines in art, says Sanjay Bhattacharya.

Another artist, Paresh Maity unveils the viewer with the opportunity to be led into a new invigorating experience of landscapes, essentially a representation of space that radically extends the possibilities of an aesthetic experience. Samir Mondals watercolours bring alive faces, landscapes, flowers, butterflies, animals images that will haunt you, not for their apparent beauty but by their secret power.

His complete mastery over his medium, the way he makes the watercolours move and sway at his touch, the flow and confluence of colours, is the true sign of his genius. Samir is now part of the Global Watercolour Art Movement, his works are part of international art books and magazines.

Avijit Duttas life and art have always been intertwined and existed as a single entity. His curiosity to know the past lives of people and their lifestyle has always been profound, which gets reflected in his paintings repeatedly.

I tried to bring forward all the existing taboos and experiences of the long-lost lives of people , which are somewhat intertwined with my present life, he says. Since its a collection of his journey with these past life stories and its associated taboos hence it is titledMy Private Museum.The art show is on until July 31.

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Beyond the colours on canvas - The Hans India

At a time when alternative facts rule the day and the landmark achievements of the Civil Rights Movement, and democracy itself, are on life support, its important for those of us in the know and in the struggle to share stories of local victories and profiles in courage to fuel our hope for a better tomorrow (particularly as thousands of recent law school graduates sit and prepare for their bar exams). Indeed, two quotes come to mind the first from the late critically acclaimed historian and social activist Howard Zinn, the second from the slain New York Senator and promising presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy:

One such man is Harvard Law Professor and Harvard College Faculty Dean Ronald S. Sullivan Jr.

I first met Dean Sullivan seven years ago, at Morehouse Colleges A Candle in the Dark Gala, where I was honored to introduce him as that years Bennie Leadership Award recipient (one of the colleges highest alumni awards). Well, seven years ago, Sullivan was 43 years-old and just a year into his historic appointment as the first African American Faculty Dean (formerly known as House Master) in Harvards nearly 400-year history.

In addition to his appointment as Faculty Dean of Winthrop House at Harvard College, hed been recruited from the faculty of Yale Law School (where he won the award for outstanding teaching after his first year) to Harvard Law School by then-Harvard Law School Dean (now Supreme Court Justice) Elena Kagan where he continues to serve as a senior member of the faculty and Faculty Director of both the Criminal Justice Institute and the Trial Advocacy Workshop; before Yale, he served as Director of the D.C. Public Defender Service, where he broke records for never losing a case for his indigent defendants; and before that, he was a visiting scholar for the Law Society of Kenya, where he sat on a committee charged with drafting a new constitution for Kenya.

Seven years ago, hed achieved this and more, but seven years later, he has clearly established himself as a history-making social engineer (of course Charles Hamilton Houston reminds us that a lawyers either a social engineer or a parasite on society). Not only has he just completed a $300-million capital campaign to completely renovate Winthrop House, enabling New Winthrop to open to its 500-plus students, (historically diverse) faculty and staff next month (a year ahead of schedule), but he was also recently invited to give a TED Talk in Washington, DC on the news that hed won the release of more wrongfully incarcerated individuals over 6,000 than arguably anyone in U.S. history.

In her zeitgeist-shifting book, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness, Michelle Alexander reveals how President Reagan's malicious drug war media offensive cultivated an implicit bias against blacks, "[leaving] little doubt about who the enemy was in the War on Drugs," to the point where by the time a 1995 survey (published in the Journal of Alcohol and Drug Education) asked "Would you close your eyes for a second, envision a drug user, and describe that person to me?" 95% of respondents pictured a black drug user, while only 5% imagined other groups (of course multiple studies have now shown that whites use drugs at a similar or higher rate than blacks).

Consequently, with the presumption of "criminality" being ascribed to "blackness" in the public mind, "blackness" was increasingly met with the presumption of "guilt" (without due process/fair trial) in the criminal justice system a fact evinced by the rise in both (1) support for the racially biased death penalty over the past decades since the "get tough"/drug war campaigns, and (2) wrongful criminal convictions since that time.

On the latter, with "Gideon's promise" in mind, Dean Sullivan answered Justice's call in 2014 by designing and implementing a Conviction Review Unit for the newly elected Brooklyn District Attorney. In its first year, Sullivan discovered over 10 wrongful convictions (which the DA ultimately vacated, exonerating some citizens who had served over 30 years behind bars) and issued a clarion call to district attorneys across the nation to follow suit given the fact that out of 2,300 district attorney offices nationwide, just over a dozen had conviction integrity programs as of 2014. Brooklyns Conviction Review Unit went on to exonerate more wrongfully convicted persons and has become regarded as the model conviction integrity program in the nation. In fact, Sullivan was recently tapped by the newly elected District Attorney of Chicagos Cook County (the second-largest prosecutors office in the nation) to revamp that offices Conviction Integrity Unit, in hopes of ending Cook Countys reputation as the wrongful conviction capital of the U.S.

Whether at the D.C. Public Defender Service or in New Orleans in the wake of Katrina and the criminal justice crisis that came with it where Sullivan was tasked to design an indigent defense delivery system that resulted in the release of nearly all the 6,000 inmates who lacked representation and whose official records were destroyed by the hurricane; whether in Brooklyn or in Chicago; whether at Harvards Criminal Justice Institute educating law school students through practice in representing Massachusetts indigent defendants or at the White House serving on the team that represented former president Bill Clinton or serving as Chair of the Criminal Justice Advisory Committee for then-Senator Obamas (his former law school classmate) presidential campaign, member of the National Legal Advisory Group for the Obama campaign, and Advisor to the Department of Justice Presidential Transition Team; whether representing 1 of the Jena 6, the family of Michael Brown, or star athletes like Aaron Hernandez winning what many said was an unwinnable case due to Hernandezs prior murder conviction (not to mention the bitter-sweet posthumous exoneration on that prior conviction) Sullivan has clearly established himself as the Muhammad Ali in the fight against Mass Incarceration and, in so doing, inspired us all to take a minute of each day to do some justice (see the Ted Talk, below, that left many in tears and earned him the only standing ovation of the day).

Nevertheless, for all the heavy-lifting that Dean Sullivan and his contemporaries (those like Michelle Alexander and Bryan Stevenson, whom Ava DuVernays riveting documentary, 13th, prominently feature) have done, we have our work cut out for us. But with the wisdom of Coretta Scott King in mind (Struggle is a never ending process. Freedom is never really won, you earn it and win it in every generation.) we take solace in the fact best illustrated through the Latin metaphor nanos gigantum humeris insidentes, which essentially says that we, as small and powerless as we may seem, can see further because we stand on the shoulders of giants. And should we ever stumble or falter along the way, well look back, in Sankofa fashion, to glean from the luminous blueprint that these giants have left for us.

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An Unsung Hero in Our Midst: Ronald S. Sullivan Jr., the Man Who Dealt the Biggest Blow to Mass Incarceration - HuffPost

Victory Gardens Theater announces the lineup for the 2017 IGNITION Festival of New Plays, including Tuvalu, or The Saddest Song by Antoinette Nwandu; This Land Was Made by Tori Sampson; Spin Moves by Ken Weitzman; Tell Them I'm Still Young by Julia Doolittle; Wolf Play by Hansol Jung; and Suspension by Kristiana Rae Coln.

The 2017 Festival runs August 4-6, 2017 at Victory Gardens Theater, located at 2433 N Lincoln Avenue. All readings will be free and open to the public, though a reservation is strongly encouraged. For more information or to RSVP, visit http://www.victorygardens.org/ignition or call the Victory Gardens Box Office at 773.871.3000.

IGNITION's six selected plays will be presented in a festival of readings and will be directed by leading artists from across the country. Following the readings, any number of the plays may be selected for intensive workshops during Victory Gardens Theater's 2017-18 season, and Victory Gardens may produce these plays in an upcoming season.

"At Victory Gardens, we bridge Chicago communities through innovative and challenging new plays by giving playwrights the time and space to develop their work. We are thrilled to welcome these six remarkable and unique voices in the American theater to our IGNITION Festival," comments Artistic Director Chay Yew. "These playwrights not only reflect the challenges in our current political climate, but push us to imagine a greater future."

"This year's lineup exemplifies the current political and cultural zeitgeist of our city and country: a young girl's journey to self-empowerment, a movement towards a revolution, the role basketball plays in international peace, how to recover from the loss of a child, America's role in Korean adoptions, and the ancestral power of #blackgirlmagic. Come experience these new plays and hear what they have to say about the world in which we live," remarks Director of New Play Development Isaac Gomez.

The 2017 Lineup Includes:

Friday, August 4, 2017 at 7:30 p.m.

Tuvalu, or The Saddest Song

By Antoinette Nwandu

Directed by Jess McLeod

It is Los Angeles in the mid-nineties, and Jackie-girl is at a crossroads. This lyrical and powerful coming of age story with a soundtrack asks how the girls whose mothers' lives have been tainted by abuse, violence, poverty, and shame ever grow into healthy and empowered women.

Tuvalu, or The Saddest Song features Aneisa J. Hicks (Jackie), Curtis Edward Jackson (Boy), Al'Jaleel McGhee (Man), Lanise Antoine Shelley (Momma), Kelly O'Sullivan (Nicole) and Penelope Walker (Raylene). Additional casting to be announced.

About Antoinette Nwandu

Antoinette Nwandu is a New York-based playwright via Los Angeles. Her play Pass Over received its World Premiere production at Steppenwolf in June 2017, and her play Breach will receive a World Premiere at Victory Gardens in February 2018. She is currently under commission from Echo Theater Company in Los Angeles. Antoinette's plays have been supported by the Cherry Lane Mentor Project (mentor: Katori Hall), Kennedy Center, Page73, Ars Nova, PlayPenn, Space on Ryder Farm, Southern Rep, The Flea, Naked Angels, Fire This Time, and The Movement Theater Company. Honors include a spot on the 2016 and 2017 Kilroys list, the Lorraine Hansberry Playwriting Award, the Negro Ensemble Company's Douglas Turner Ward Prize, and a Literary Fellowship at the Eugene O'Neill Playwrights Conference. Antoinette is an alum of the Ars Nova Play Group, the Naked Angels Issues PlayLab, and Dramatists Guild Fellowship. Additional honors include being named a Ruby Prize finalist, PONY Fellowship finalist, Page73 Fellowship finalist, NBT's I Am Soul Fellowship finalist, and two-time Princess Grace Award semi-finalist. Education: Harvard, The University of Edinburgh, Tisch School of the Arts.

IGNITION Opening Night Kick-Off at 9:30 p.m.

Victory Gardens Theater Lobby

Stick around for this opening night celebration with a live DJ, delicious appetizers, and complimentary drinks as we raise a glass to kick off our IGNITION Festival of New Plays.

Saturday, August 5, 2017 at 3:00 p.m.

This Land Was Made

By Tori Sampson

Directed by Chika Ike

Oakland in 1967 was a powder keg of social activism about to boil over into radical action that would soon change how the whole country engaged in politics. For the patrons of Miss Trish's Bar, however, these ain't nothing but talking points-that is, until the full seductive and explosive force of the revolution walks through the door.

This Land Was Made features Tyla Abercrumbie (Miss Trish), Will Allan (Herbert Heanes), Ayanna Bria Bakari (Gail), Jordan Brodess (John Frey), Sheldon Brown (Troy), Bernard Gilbert (Huey), Martasia Jones (Sassy), Daniel Kyri (Drew/Gene) and Dexter Zollicoffer (Mr. Far).

About Tori Sampson

Tori Sampson is a recent graduate of Yale School of Drama, where her credits include This Land Was Made, Some Bodies Travel, and If Pretty Hurts Ugly Must be a Muhfucka. Her plays have been developed at Great Plains National Theater Conference and Berkeley Repertory Theater's The Ground Floor residency program. She holds an Honorable Mention from the 2016 Relentless Award, is the Kennedy Center's 2016 Paula Vogel Playwright and second-place Lorraine Hansberry recipient. She is a 2017 finalist for the Alliance Theater's Kendeda Prize. Tori's other plays include Cadillac Crew, Black Girl Nerd and Cottoned Like Candy. Her short play, She's our President, will be produced by Baltimore Center Stage as part of the My America: She commission. Tori is currently working on a commission from Berkeley Repertory Theater and will spend the next year as a Jerome Fellow at The Playwrights' Center in Minneapolis. A native of Boston, Massachusetts, she holds a B.S. in sociology from Ball State University in Muncie, IN.

Bringing New Plays to Life at 5:00 p.m.

Panel Conversation

Rehearsal Room

Victory Gardens is home to some of the richest and boldest new plays premiering across the country. In a city where audiences are hungry for new theater work, what is the current state of new play development and its future? What are the best practices for new play collaborations? Join this timeless conversation on the new play process featuring IGNITION playwrights Antoinette Nwandu, Tori Sampson, Ken Weitzman, Julia Doolittle, Hansol Jung, and Kristiana Rae Coln.

Saturday, August 5, 2017 at 7:30 p.m.

Spin Moves

By Ken Weitzman

Directed by Devon de Mayo

It's 1996, the inaugural year of the WNBA, and Maja dreams of playing high school basketball - but having escaped to the U.S. from the war in Bosnia, panic attacks prevent her from playing the game she loves. That is, until a new coach appears at her high school. He helps Maja to face her fears, but his unorthodox tactics alarm Maja's fiercely protective mother.

Spin Moves features Brian Balcom (Willam), Hayley Burgess (Maya), Gabriel Ruiz (Coach), Kristina Valada-Viars (Melika) and Netta Walker (Trish).

About Ken Weitzman

Ken Weitzman's most recent play, Halftime with Don, is in the midst of a 2017 National New Play Network Rolling World Premiere. Ken's previous productions include, among others, The Catch (The Denver Center Theatre Company), Fire in the Garden (Indiana Repertory Theatre), The As If Body Loop (Humana Festival), Arrangements (Atlantic Theatre Company). His devised work includes Memorabilia (ALLIANCE THEATRE), Hominid (Out of Hand Theatre/Theatre Emory/Oerol Festival Netherlands), and Stadium 360 (Out of Hand Theatre). Plays-in-progress include Spin Moves (New Harmony Project) and seal boy (Keen Company Playwrights Lab, The Lark's Meeting of the Minds, Playwrights' Center of Minneapolis). National Awards include The L. Arnold Weissberger Award for Playwriting for Arrangements, TCG Edgerton Foundation New American Play Award for The Catch, the Fratti/Newman Political Play Contest Award for Fire in the Garden, and South Coast Repertory's Elizabeth George Commission for an Outstanding Emerging Playwright Organizations who have commissioned Ken's work include the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art, Arena Stage, the ALLIANCE THEATRE, Actors Theatre of Louisville, Theatre Emory, Out of Hand Theatre, and South Coast Repertory Theatre. Ken is a Core Writer at the Playwrights Center of Minneapolis, and a former board member of The New Harmony Project. Ken received his MFA from University of California, San Diego and has taught at UCSD, Emory University, Indiana University (head of MFA in Playwriting) and, currently, at Stony Brook University.

Artist Meet, Greet, & Ice Cream Social at 9:30 p.m.

Victory Gardens Theater Lobby

Hang out with the playwrights and artists while cooling off with boozy ice cream floats at this post-show artist meet and greet.

Sunday, August 6, 2017 at 12:00 p.m.

Tell Them I'm Still Young

By Julia Doolittle

Directed by Jessica L. Fisch

Allen and Kay are approaching sixty-five when their only daughter is killed in a car crash. Now parents without children, the two struggle to renegotiate their identities and their marriage, as the entrance of two young people revives a painful longing for what's been lost: their family and their futures.

Tell Them I'm Still Young features Marilyn Dodds Frank (Kay), Bryce Gangel (Taylor) and Joe Lino (Seth). Additional casting to be announced.

About Julia Doolittle

Julia Doolittle is a Brooklyn-based playwright and screenwriter whose work has been developed at the Williamstown Theatre Festival, Rattlestick Playwright's Theatre, The Tank, Tiny Rhino, The Women's Project, Ensemble Studio Theatre, Urban Stages, and Rogue Machine Theatre. She is a 2016 recipient of the Elizabeth George Commission from South Coast Rep. Upcoming, the Samuel French Off-Off-Broadway Play Festival.

Sunday, August 6, 2017 at 3:00 p.m.

Wolf Play

By Hansol Jung

Directed by Halena Kays

An American father un-adopts a Korean boy but just before he leaves the new house, the ex-father finds out that the new couple to whom he has "re-homed" his ex-son, is lesbian. This doesn't sit well with ex-father at all. The boy is actually not a real boy. He is a puppet. And his puppeteer is the Emcee of the evening, and spinner of the night's tale: a lone wolf.

Wolf Play features Charin Alvarez (Robin), Eddie Martinez (Ryan), Patrese McClain (Ash), Alec Silver (Wolf), and Eric Slater (Peter).

About Hansol Jung

Hansol Jung is a playwright and director from South Korea. Productions include Cardboard Piano (Humana Festival at Actors Theater of Louisville), Among the Dead (Ma-Yi Theatre Company), and No More Sad Things (co-world premiere at Sideshow Theatre, and Boise Contemporary Theatre). Commissions from Playwrights Horizons, Seattle Repertory Theatre, Artists Repertory Theater, the Virginia B. Toulmin Foundation grant with Ma-Yi Theatre and a translation of Romeo and Juliet for Play On! at Oregon Shakespeare Festival. Her work has been developed at The Public Theater, Royal Court, New York Theatre Workshop, Berkeley Repertory's Ground Floor, Sundance Theatre Lab, O'Neill Theater Center's New Play Conference, Lark Play Development Center, Salt Lake Acting Company, Boston Court Theatre, Bushwick Starr, Ma-Yi Theater Company, Asia Society New York, and Seven Devils Playwright Conference. She is the recipient of the Page 73 Playwright Fellowship, Rita Goldberg Playwrights' Workshop Fellowship at the Lark, 2050 Fellowship at New York Theater Workshop, MacDowell Colony Artist Residency, and International Playwrights Residency at Royal Court. She has translated over thirty English musicals into Korean, including Evita, Dracula, Spamalot, and The 25th Annual Putnam County Spelling Bee, while working on several award winning musical theatre productions as director, lyricist and translator in Seoul, South Korea. Hansol holds a Playwriting MFA from Yale School of Drama, and is a member of the Ma-Yi Theatre Writers Lab.

The Race Race at 5:00 p.m.

Panel Conversation

Richard Christiansen Theater

In a country so divided and polarized by topics of race, how are these conflicts reflected in the dramatic arts? What role does theater play in conversations around race and how can it begin the process of healing and understanding? Join IGNITION and Chicago-based playwrights as we begin to uncover the role race plays in creating new work.

Sunday, August 6, 2017 at 7:30 p.m.

Suspension

By Kristiana Rae Coln

Directed by Monty Cole

On the 100th day of 45's first term, two Black teen girls stage a coup of the authoritarian regime of Climb & Succeed Charter Academy, a not-so-dystopian high school where campus security patrols the halls in riot gear and a new disciplinary code takes in-school suspension to a haunting extreme. Voltaire & Yansa, guided by a mystic teaching artist, learn to wield their ancestral magic and Blackgirl badassery to combat the harrowing militarization of public education.

Suspension features Caren Blackmore (yennenga uhura), Amy J. Carle (panoptica), Amanda Drinkall (ms. max), Brandon Greenhouse (mr. blaise), LaKecia Harris (yansa turner), Rory Hayes (rabbit), Kiah McKirnan (mika hampton), Ireon Roach (voltaire pride) and Sejah-Amaru Villegas (riley).

About Kristiana Rae ColnKristiana Rae Coln is a poet, playwright, actor, educator, Cave Canem Fellow, creator of #BlackSexMatters and co-director of the #LetUsBreathe Collective. She was awarded 2017 Best Black Playwright by The Black Mall. In 2016, her play good friday had its world premiere at Oracle Productions, Octagon had its American premiere at Jackalope Theater in Chicago, and but i cd only whisper had its American premiere at The Flea in New York. Octagon was the winner of Arizona Theater Company's 2014 National Latino Playwriting Award and Polarity Ensemble Theater's Dionysos Festival of New Work, and had its 2015 world premiere at the Arcola Theater in London. In 2013, she toured the UK for two months with her collection of poems promised instruments, winner of the inaugural Drinking Gourd Poetry Prize and published by Northwestern University Press. Kristiana is an alum of the Goodman Theater's Playwrights Unit where she developed florissant & canfield, an epic reimagining of the Ferguson protests, which was featured in the 2016 Hedgebrook Women Playwrights Festival. She is a resident playwright at Chicago Dramatists and one half of the brother/sister hip-hop duo April Fools. She appeared on the fifth season of HBO's Def Poetry Jam. Kristiana's writing, producing, and organizing work to radically reimagine power structures, our complicity in them, and visions for liberation.

Performances are at the Victory Gardens Biograph Theater, 2433 N Lincoln Avenue, in the heart of Chicago's Lincoln Park neighborhood. Admission to all festival readings and events is free, though an RSVP is strongly encouraged. For more information or to RSVP, visit http://www.victorygardens.org/ignition or call the Victory Gardens Box Office at 773.871.3000.

Under the leadership of Artistic Director Chay Yew and Managing Director Erica Daniels, Victory Gardens is dedicated to artistic excellence while creating a vital, contemporary American Theater that is accessible and relevant to all people through productions of challenging new plays and musicals. Victory Gardens Theater is committed to the development, production and support of new plays that has been the mission of the theater since its founding, set forth by Dennis Za?ek, Marcelle McVay, and the original founders of Victory Gardens Theater.

Victory Gardens Theater is a leader in developing and producing new theater work and cultivating an inclusive Chicago theater community. Victory Gardens' core strengths are nurturing and producing dynamic and inspiring new plays, reflecting the diversity of our city's and nation's culture through engaging diverse communities, and in partnership with Chicago Public Schools, bringing art and culture to our city's active student population.

Since its founding in 1974, the company has produced more world premieres than any other Chicago theater, a commitment recognized nationally when Victory Gardens received the 2001 Tony Award for Outstanding Regional Theatre. Located in the Lincoln Park neighborhood, Victory Gardens Biograph Theater includes the Za?ek-McVay Theater, a state-of-the-art 259-seat mainstage and the 109-seat studio theater on the second floor, named the Richard Christiansen Theater.

Victory Gardens Ensemble Playwrights include Luis Alfaro, Philip Dawkins, Marcus Gardley, Ike Holter, Samuel D. Hunter, Naomi Iizuka, Tanya Saracho, and Laura Schellhardt. Each playwright has a seven-year residency at Victory Gardens Theater.

For more information about Victory Gardens, visit http://www.victorygardens.org. Follow us on Facebook at Facebook.com/victorygardens, Twitter @VictoryGardens and Instagram at instagram.com/victorygardenstheater.

Read more here:

Victory Gardens Announces Casting for 2017 IGNITION Festival of New Plays - Broadway World

Monday July 24 2017

Nasa leader Raila Odinga addresses a rally at Hola Stadium in Tana River County on July 22, 2017. Nasa is seeking to exploit its national appeal linked to its ethnic diversity. PHOTO | KEVIN ODIT | NATION MEDIA GROUP

With less than two weeks to go to the General Election, its all hands on deck for National Super Alliance (Nasa) presidential candidate Raila Odinga and his running, Mr Kalonzo Musyoka.

While not a new concept, the formation of a super alliance with five key principals from diverse ethnic groups, coupled with a devolved government, a relatively autonomous Judiciary, and populist movement for change zeitgeist, has seen Mr Odingas odds to win the presidency steadily increase.

VOTER TURNOUT The alliances ability to execute an effective elections strategy will be vital, considering that Mr Odingas strongholds have historically registered low voter turnouts.

The ability of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) to conduct credible elections will be a key determinant of the outcome.

This will be Mr Odingas fourth and possibly final attempt to secure the big office.

Over the years, he has become skilled at opposition politics, having played kingmaker for former President Mwai Kibaki in 2002.

This was followed by his contribution to creating the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), which in the 2005 referendum, successfully opposed the implementation of a new constitution.

His greatest political success came in 2007 when he became the Prime Minister, a post created under a caretaker government after the 2007/08 post-election violence.

Mr Odinga is the flagbearer of the super alliance, which is brimming with confidence, but also banging a drum around perceived efforts by the incumbent to manipulate the results.

This could set the scene for a contested election outcome.

The rebirth of the pentagon structure under Nasa follows a multi-ethnic representation narrative, as Jubilee Party is deemed to be dominated by Kikuyus and Kalenjins.

Although the represented tribes in Nasa remain largely the same as in 2007, the political landscape has changed significantly over the past 10 years.

Notably, the post-election violence allegations against Mr Uhuru Kenyatta and Mr William Ruto in the International Criminal Court (ICC) a crucial bond for their 2013 election victory no longer exists.

There is also general frustration over the recurring Kikuyu/Kalenjin presidency, with parts of the electorate calling for change over perceived governance failures.

This is around national security, food security, and inconsistencies in the infrastructure development, on which Jubilees campaign is anchored.

Nasa has some power brokers who will be crucial in delivering the strongholds and swing counties.

Governors Hassan Joho (Mombasa) and Josphat Nanok (Turkana) can win key constituencies for Nasa.

Both have openly tussled with President Kenyatta, who has lambasted them.

This has worked in Nasas favour by degrading the Executive voice.

RIFT VALLEY The inclusion of Bomet Governor Isaac Ruto in the new pentagon could also earn Nasa some vital votes in the Rift Valley.

Mr Ruto, who has a historical rivalry with Deputy President William Ruto, has developed his stature as a respected politician in the Rift Valley and nationally.

Mr Musalia Mudavadi and Mr Musyoka, who also harbour presidential ambitions, are pushing to be in government to remain relevant, in the emergence of younger exciting politicians.

Although Jubilee has the incumbency advantage, a first-round victory by Mr Odinga cannot be ruled out.

However, the IEBCs questionable credibility and preparedness reduces the odds of such a victory.

A second-round victory would have the odds tipped narrowly in Jubilees favour despite growing momentum in the opposition campaign.

Nasas strategy includes shaming the government and key players and discrediting the administration to push the populist change narrative.

This has been driven through an effective social media campaign.

Nasa is also seeking to exploit its national appeal linked to its ethnic diversity despite some of the sensitivities entailed in such identity-based politics.

Nasa has also voiced concern over IEBCs independence and preparedness.

This serves the twin aim of discrediting the authorities to win sympathy, and providing the grounds for contesting any potential loss.

President Kenyatta and his Jubilee administration maintain a narrow advantage heading into the poll.

However, a consistent campaign by Nasa could see this lead erode further, replicating similar opposition campaigns witnessed in several other recent African elections.

Ms Cheramboss is an intelligence and analysis consultant at Africapractice EA Ltd. Twitter: @africapractice

Missing running mates' debate made Jubilee fall for our scheme, says Raila's running mate.

Nasa presidential candidate did not want to share the stage with fringe candidates.

Original post:

Tight race in Raila's fourth attempt - Daily Nation

In The Jury Speaks, a four-part true crime series airing this week, Oxygen is delving into a handful of the most infamous cases in American history. The cases range from celebrity spectacle (Michael Jackson) to eerily topical (O.J. Simpson). But one casethe 2013 George Zimmerman trialstands apart as a singular moment in our national zeitgeist that still reverberates. While other trials before and after have captured the attention of the entire country, they didnt spark a movement.

The Jury Speaks seeks to reexamine the George Zimmerman trial through the eyes of the jurors who deliberated on the case; jurors who, unlike much of the country, hadnt been closely following the extensive media coverage of Trayvon Martins death. The irony, for the six women who ended up delivering a not guilty verdict, is that the two names that they had barely heard of before reporting for jury duty have followed them ever since. Its hard for me to sleep, its hard for me to eat because I feel I was forcefully included in Trayvon Martins death, juror Maddy explained in an interview following the trial. She continued, And as I carry him on my back, Im hurting as much [as] Trayvons Martins mother because theres no way that any mother should feel that pain.

Four years later, Maddy is still horrified by the tragedy of Martins death, but maintains that she had no choice but to adhere to the law as she understood it. Its a point that comes up time and time again in The Jury Speaksthe painful chasm between a personal urge to administer justice, and a citizens responsibility to go by the letter of the law.

As Maddy tells The Daily Beast, They give you this paper, and the five women were explaining it to me, saying, This is the way it has to goyou cant look at the situation from where George Zimmerman was calling 911 and was chasing him or, you know, hovering over himthats not necessarily intent to hurt anybody. You have to look at it when Trayvon Martin was on top of him. Did he feel like his life was in danger? So you look at the rules they gave you, and youre stuck in a box. You have no choiceits not emotional, its not what we want. In other words, The decision is made before we even get there.

Still, Maddy has doubts. I was the only juror who openly gave my objections and opinions to the world, she muses when asked about her post-trial interview. I just didnt have the chance to do it with [my fellow jurors], because they were very vocal, they said because I didnt know the law they were gonna help me. Was I manipulated? I dont know.

It bears mentioning, as so many did in the wake of the trial, that Maddy, who is Puerto Rican, was the only person of color on a six-woman jury. Maddy divulges, If were being totally honest, that she felt very different from her fellow jurors, although race wasnt the only factor: I was around high-maintenance women, women who were very educated, women who were not my color, women who were not raised with the struggle that I was.

While Maddy admits that she was not the only juror who struggled with the verdict, there was one woman whose motives she questions to this day. The only person who I can honestly say that I felt in my bones was racist, was the one who came out on TV, B37, she confesses. During an infamous CNN appearance, Juror B37 said that she believed Zimmermans heart was in the right place on the night of the attack, and that Martin probably threw the first punch.

[B37] tried to argue with me about a TV show that I taped, and then was like, Oh my god, there she goes with those ghetto shows, Maddy recalls. Me and her were constantly going at it. She would talk to me like I was five years old. We used to go out to restaurants to get something to eatour field trips, I swear to god I felt like I was seven years old. And when I would save my food to take it back to the hotel, she would say, Why are you saving food, you act like youre poor. So those comments, after a while, it got to the point where in the deliberation, I wanted to knock her teeth out. Everything that came out of her mouth was like, Hurry up! Hurry up! We need to hurry up with this! You guys know the answer already!

Maddy chuckles, concluding that, Me and her, we did not have a nice relationship.

What Maddy and her fellow jurors did have in common was a shared ignorance of the Trayvon Martin shootingbefore the trial, they were ostensibly unfamiliar with the details of the case, as well as the larger cultural significance of the shooting. Maddy explains that her lack of prior knowledge was equal parts preference and practicality. She was living in Chicago at the time, and I never watched the news, because in Chicago, all you see in the news is the same things: gangs, shootouts, another person passing away. After a while the news got repetitive. Being a mom and working over 40 or 50 hours a week, I used to just come home, go to sleep, wake up, take care of my kids, and then get ready to go to work again.

When she moved to Florida and showed up for her first day of jury duty, Maddy had no idea what she was in for. It was my first time ever having jury duty. Im sitting there thinking, I hope this goes quick. And so when they asked us to come back the next day, Im like, Why do I have to come back the next day? I thought this was a one-day process? On the second day I came in and filled out more papers, and there were like forty of us, and then little by little, they told us Were choosing you. And again, I was so naive, I thought, This sounds cool! How long is it gonna be? And theyre like no, youre getting sequestered, and Im like, Ok, what does that mean? I dont even know what sequestered is!

At the time, her youngest daughter was only three months old, and Maddy gets understandably emotional describing the toll that the forced separation took on her: When my husband was allowed to come visit me for thirty minutes on Sundays, my three-month-old hardly knew me! And thats time you cant get back.

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Once Maddy and her fellow jurors, along with George Zimmerman, were free to go, Maddy began to experience a new kind of pain. When I came out of deliberations, they put us in the car, and then I saw the helicopters, Maddy recalls. Im coming home, and Im like, What is going on? And they explained it to me, they gave me a big red folder, and in the folder there were a bunch of different news channels that wanted to speak with me, and I was like, About what? In my mind, Im thinking that when you go to court, its private, not knowing that half of the people at that trial were news people. She continues, When I came out, when I got home, and I started watching the TV, I started panicking. I had no idea it was more about black and white, about racismI realized how big it was. In the months and years after the trial, Maddy went through it all losing my home, work, friends and some family. She was harassed, threatened, and treated like I was a contributor to Zimmerman killing.

These tough words were very hard to handle, Maddy says. Again, I had no knowledge of how big the trial would bewere victims of the society that brings us into this situation. For three years of my life I had to feel like Im carrying a child on my back.

These days, Maddy feels as though shes finally channeling the stress of the trial and the personal reckoning that followed into positive change. Shes studying to become a teacher and working at a kids after school program. Im just trying to protect another child from being victimized, she explains. I want to make a difference.

As for George Zimmerman, Maddy feels sad every time she sees a new troubling headline: It causes me to think he doesnt value his own life, so it was easy for him to take someone elses.

Link:

The George Zimmerman Juror Haunted By Trayvon Martin's Death - Daily Beast

THE last three years has been a roller-coast ride for the independence movement. We had the great upsurge towards independence in late August and early September 2014, followed by the bitter disappointment of coming so near, yet so far. Then we had the incredible General Election of 2015, which left Scottish Labour almost dead and buried, and the SNP looking like an unstoppable runaway train. And then the slow-down of 2017.

If we have learned anything from the twists and turns of recent politics, not just in Scotland, but across the UK, Europe and the wider world, it is to expect the unexpected. We live in volatile times, and the staid, predictable politics of the past are gone, possibly forever.

But amid the turbulence, one trend stands out with crystal clarity. Politics is deeply polarised, right and left. These days, the centre ground is the most dangerous terrain for any political party or movement to occupy.

Many people feel uncomfortable whenever the issue of social class is raised. Theyll talk freely about other divisive issues gender inequality, Brexit, racism, independence, sectarianism, war and peace. But class is not a favourite topic for conversation at polite dinner parties. For some people on both sides of the independence debate its the word that dare not speak its name.

Yet class is a deep faultline that runs right through the heart of society we live in. It was summed up in a Guardian headline this weekend: Your state pension in Dorset 124,000. In Glasgow? 38,000. The point it flagged up was that the average male in the prosperous coastal county in south-west England can expect to live ten years longer than his counterpart in Scotland biggest city.

Yes, one is in England the other in Scotland. But this is about class, not geography. Scotland may have a stronger egalitarian tradition than England, but we live in grossly unequal country. Some of Jock Tamsons bairns have luxury yachts, lavish mansions and private helicopters, while others have to queue up at foodbanks to stave off hunger. Yes, the independence cause crosses class boundaries. And theres nothing wrong with that.

Politics is not just about occupation and background, its about morality and values.

Which side are you on? sang Billy Bragg during the 1984 miners strike. That was another time of intense political passion and there were plenty of affluent professionals, footballers, entertainers, artists and business people who raised money to support the mining communities. And there were also plenty of poorly paid manual workers who believed what they read in The Sun.

Ive never been a member of the SNP, or the Labour Party for that matter. Unlike some passionate SNP members, I believe that the diversity of the independence movement is one of its greatest strengths. But unlike some passionate non-SNP Yes voters, I believe that diversity wont deliver independence without a strong SNP as part of the mix.

Right now, the party is caught in a pincer movement. In the rural, wealthier and more conservative constituencies many of them in the north east the Tories are resurgent. If that was the only problem the SNP faced, then we could look forward with confidence to the next referendum, whenever that may be.

But the Tories have reached their peak helped by tactical voting in the Unionist camp and will struggle in the future to hold onto the gains of 2017. Far more serious is the resurrection of Labour, thanks to a man who was until recently even more hated than Nicola Sturgeon by many of his own politicians and activists in Scotland.

Overnight, hordes of tartan Blairites have been converted to Corbynism. The party that in Scotland denounced universal benefits, boasted of the success of their privatisation programmes, dismissed rail public ownership, built six council houses in the whole of Scotland between 2003 and 2007 and backed Tony Blairs catastrophic war in Iraq, has now discovered socialism.

Its like Nigel Farage suddenly demanding that the UK join the eurozone, or Donald Trump appearing at press conference wearing Refugees Welcome Here badge.

But voters have short memories and the Labour Party has the luxury of opposition in both Holyrood and Westminster.

Had Corbyn actually won the General Election, rather than run close, the independence cause would, I believe, have been strengthened.

Not because Corbyn is incompetent or unprincipled, but because he would have been left to run a government dealing with the enormity of Brexit, surrounded by hundreds of his own MPs who would be happy to see him fail, and with the whole weight of the establishment ranged against him.

EVEN Clement Attlee, who established the modern NHS, only lasted six years in power, while Harold Wilsons left wing 1974 manifesto was jettisoned within two years as the IMF stepped in to run the British economy and enforce draconian sending cuts and a pay freeze for public sector workers at a time of rampant inflation.

But it will be a long time before Labour is put to the test at Westminster and I fear that unless the SNP takes a sharp turn to left and starts to project itself as the party of the Scottish working class, it will lose further ground and weaken the entire independence movement.

Yes, I anticipate disagreement, especially from some of the old guard of SNP activists, who think the party can defy the laws of gravity by standing above such vulgarities as class and left-right politics.

So, in advance, I suggest they peruse the Scottish Social Attitudes surveys of the past few years where they will discover that on a whole range of issues, the people are far to the left of the politicians.

And they will further discover that two in three Scots define themselves as "working class" while just one in four who say they are "middle class".

This is no time for panic, defeatism, or recriminations. On 13 August 2014, TNS published an opinion poll that showed support for independence at 32 per cent. Just over a month later, 45 per cent voted Yes.

We are in stronger position today than we were just a month before the 2014 referendum. But unless were prepared to move forward boldly and be part of the radical zeitgeist which took Jeremy Corbyn from back-bench obscurity to the Pyramid stage at Glastonbury, we could be left behind.

Read the original post:

Carolyn Leckie: SNP now has to learn from Corbyn's rise or face being left behind - The National

This can already be seen from its utterly meaningless name. It is easy to remember and foreign media dont have to translate it; although in English momentum means something entirely different than in Hungarian [moment Transl.]. But this doesnt matter at all, because its a brand name like Nestl or Pull & Bear. The names of the other young parties, such as Jobbik, Prbeszd, or Egytt [meaning, respectively the better one/the one more to the right; dialogue; and together Transl.] dont mean anything either, but they lack the connotation of being dynamic and a sense of being in the present, so cleverly utilised by the marketing-minded founders of Momentum. At the same time, the term is equally neutral, so the potential voter can imagine and project anything onto it. Momentarily.

There are similar parties in the region: the Romanian USR is a bit to the right of its Hungarian relative, while Polands Razem is well to the left however, in line with the local political culture, they are much more explicit and committed, even though their generational character is also quite strong.

This generational character is not a new element in politics. The Giovine Italia movement was founded in 1831 in Marseille by Giuseppe Marzini, Junges Deutschland, the literary equivalent of the Vormrz, the revolutionary movement that led to the events of 1848, was banned by the Bundestag in 1835. The idea of youth has been associated with the ideas of creative imagination and change ever since German Romanticism the root of which, of course, is the Christian notion of childlike innocence. Youth: a new beginning, starting anew, novelty, progress, change. At the same time, the most famous journal of the Hungarian pre-emptive counterrevolution and the following years of White Terror and state racism between 1913-1944 was also titled New Generation.

The most well-known Hungarian generational party used to be Fidesz.

The most well-known Hungarian generational party used to be Fidesz [Fiatal Demokratk Szvetsge, Alliance of Young Democrats Transl.] which, contrary to popular belief, evoked the strongest feelings of enthusiasm and hope in the wider circle of liberals during the democratic transition. There was even mention of an idea for Fidesz to merge with SzDSz [Alliance of Free Democrats, a now defunct liberal party Transl.]. The idea later disappeared, together with Hungarian liberalism entirely.

But the political tenderness towards youth has never weakened. Its a deep and solid European tradition and not only a political one at that: its a basic form of hope and trust in the future. In European metaphorology, a rejuvenated, renewed world equals a better, happier world. From theology to advertisement, its use is ubiquitous and universally applicable.

MoMo is using it too but more smartly than others: although they are a party (which is usually a hindrance, considering that Hungarian public opinion is consistently averse to pluralism and ideologies), they unite the reactionary clich of neither left, nor right with the symbolic signifiers of novelty and youth, whilst simultaneously seem to be rising above the old conflicts and infamous divisions. At the same time, they connect this with the clich of hypermodernity and the twenty-first century.

Yet they enable an instant identification of an anti-Orbn oppositional public opinion, which is tired of struggling in vain, especially the students mobilized in the wake of CEUs and the NGOs harassment and the middle-class youth of the capital. (But even in these cases, MoMo doesnt make a clear or open statement very wisely).

Momentums most important characteristic is that they take no position in conflicts.

Momentums most important characteristic is that they take no position in class conflicts, ethnic conflicts, or gender conflicts. They are compassionate to both the poor and the rich by subtly referring to the conservative idea of national unity and its faint rhetorical copy: the all-time response of the all-time ruling classes to the challenge of egalitarian movements.

Hurting no one, helping no one. Optimising the congruence or synergy or whatever of potential donations they receive. They are attacking the Fidesz government as being outmoded and obsolete, twentieth century, and the ageing opposition as not being national enough (which is not true, but never mind), while formulating their own positive national consciousness in a way which rejects all historical forms of Hungarian nationalism, and naming a coyly neutralized multiculturalism as a healthy national consciousness.

Relativisation and neutralization can also preserve Momentums two greatest victories. The first being the genius overthrowing of the Olympic project, which was immediately neutralized and made acceptable to the spectator-sports-mania the main collective ethical ideology of late capitalism by only saying that the Olympics would be too expensive (which is true), thereby avoiding conflict once again.

A Hungarian Grassroots Organization, The Momentum Movement, Triumphs in Victory

The second, their Mayday mass demonstrations huge success, was also indebted to the implicit appropriation of the dates progressive spirit, all the while saying nothing about workers on 1 May. In his brilliantly conceptualized and delivered speech received with exultation and cheers, chairman Andrs Fekete-Gyr did no more than synthesise the clichs and epithets of left-liberal rhetoric, by simply but successfully reversing Orbns.

Fekete-Gyr ignored all the problematics of late capitalism as well as the structural elements and local particularities of the Hungarian semi-dictatorship and its civilisational, economic, social, and cultural deterioration. Instead, he positioned only external factors at the centre of his rhetoric, equating the Hungarian right with Russia and Putin, while naming Europe as the correct position. Thus, he cleverly replaced the traditionally Hungarian anti-Western nationalism with a pro-Western liberal nationalism, whilst giving it all a progressive-contemporary frame. This, nevertheless, still retains the neutralised reminiscences of the anti-Sovietism and anticommunism of the Communist regimes conservatives.

But beyond these reminiscences, Fekete-Gyr surpasses liberal nationalism, since he is, after all, much more modern than that: what hes doing is called, to quote Edward Saids notorious book (Orientalism, 1978), orientalism. Since 1848, in Hungary and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the east has not so much meant the colonialised and Muslim, but rather the Greek-Orthodox east. The entire Hungarian journalistic tradition including the political writing of 1945-1989 has equated backwardness with Orthodox Eastern Europe: the Balkans, Byzantium, phanariotes, and so forth.

However, since 1848, in Hungary this has mainly translated as anti-Romanianism and anti-Sebianism (anti-Russianism has always been weak here).Little Entente is one of the worst insults and the Danube Confederation is considered to be treason, while pro-Germanism isnt: Merkel is disliked in Hungary not because of the hegemony of German capital, but because of her pro-refugee policies. (N.B, in Hungary theres no particular hostility towards our former oppressors or occupants, such as the Turks, Austrians, Germans or Russians but rather it is directed towards those whom our own ruling class and state have oppressed and discriminated against the Romanians, Serbs, Slovaks, Gypsies, Jews: all the more so.)

By deploying liberal anti-Putinism it is possible to lend Europeanness a nationalist tint.

And now, by deploying this liberal anti-Putinism (and there is no doubt that the Putinist autocracy is terrible but terrible first of all for the Russian people, regardless what kind of schemes Putin sets up to cause trouble abroad), it is possible to lend Europeanness a nationalist tint which makes it acceptable even in the eyes of those for whom Europe is too liberal, too social, too feminist, and not racist enough. (Although the readers of this publication know all too well just how racist and chauvinist it really is.)

Furthermore, it fits into the spirit of the Fidesz-KDNP-influenced public opinion, according to which all ills come from abroad (case in point here are the law targeting NGOs and the Soros-myth), which is radicalised by saying that, in fact, Fidesz-KDNP also comes from abroad, in so far as they represent the interests of Putin and the Russian state, in unelaborate and untested ways.

The rule of the market in East-Central Europe is absolute [Interview]

But this is also only a tool. Articulating ideologies along cultural-geographical lines exempts Momentum from taking a genuine political stance. However strongly Orbn is affiliating himself with the eastern autocrats (Putin, Erdoan, Duterte, Aliev, etc.), the contemporary anti-freedom, racist far-right is not an eastern phenomenon and its effects are pushing the leaders of the western establishment to the right, as has been seen in Austria, the Netherlands, and even Germany but, on the contrary, very European; not to forget to mention Trump. By utilising orientalism, MoMo can say that the poor and uncool Russia is lame and therefore, from the iPhone-generations point of view, we cant follow in their direction, but we have to catch up with Brussels whatever that means.

What is this, if not the reincarnation of moderate nationalism?

What is this, if not the reincarnation of moderate nationalism, which is merely replacing racism with culturalism? Already during the late years of Communism, the anti-nationalists who were fighting the classically anti-western late-Bolshevik nationalism with contemporary Marxist tools, switched to a pro-western liberal nationalism. (And, as opposed to what Momentum maintains, the official Hungarian left has always been national meaning nationalist.) The seminal document here is the work of Jen Szcss The Three Historical Regions of Europe (1983), which is the root of liberal nationalism developing not out of the democratic opposition, but out of the establishment, with the mediation of orientalism and orientalising historiography. This predominantly the ideology of the contemporary Hungarian liberal intellectual sphere, as opposed to the Danubian patriotism, Eastern-European-consciousness, or the anti-capitalism of the former communist, socially democratic peoples left.

The tedious, unproductive, and false opposition of East and West, which has been poisoning the Hungarian intelligentsia at least since the Reform Era of the 19th century, has been resurrected, in its emptiest, most misleading form to date. I can attest to its success. The Orbnite propaganda posters saying, We have to stop Brussels! have been replaced in hundreds of places in the Budapest metro with ones now saying, We have to stop Moscow! It would be impossible to sink the intellectual level of Hungarian politics even further.

Of course, Putin isnt the cause of Hungarys terrible crisis, however characteristic it is of the Hungarian government to sympathise and cooperate with him. Momentum saves us the efforts we would need to exert to understand our backwardness, and, in accordance with the general tone of Hungarian reactionism , it summarises the national problems under the label of the damned foreign influence. It doesnt matter whether this means Brussels, Moscow or the New YorkTel Aviv axis, the dialectic unification of modernity and xenophobia has been accomplished. As if denouncing Russian poverty and backwardness would claim that poverty and backwardness are political programs. But even Orbn cant be accused of this. He wants autocracy, tyranny, servitude and development simultaneously. You cant even say this is impossible. The example of Southeast Asia (Singapore, Taiwan, China, South Korea, and to an extent Japan) illustrates the possibility of repression and economic development under late capitalism. This should be surprising only for those naive losers, who, for whatever reason, thought that capitalism and democracy are somehow connected. As if fascism had never happened. As if colonialism and the synonymic racial genocide had never happened.

Momentum dont push for change, but advocate a cautious adaption to the appealing western standard.

The rhetoric of reaction according to which any change will harm the situation, or is pointless, or dangerous is a part of modernity, and has been the same since at least 1945. Because of the issues unpopularity, Momentum (and anyone aspiring for political success) cant say that they want to restore the state of transitional rule of law, which preceded Orbns constitutional coup dtat (naturally, in a cleaned-up, corrected version), and for this reason they only mobilise public opinion against the authoritarian-repressive excesses. They dont push for change, but (cautiously) advocate restoration and adaption to the appealing western, European standard. This is also the point of the similarly reactionist rhetoric of neither right nor left. When Andrs Fekete-Gyr says to the Neue Zrcher Zeitung that he supports both gay marriage and border control (meaning the border fence erected by Orbn to keep the refugees out), he positions his party within the complex status quo but with a new, streamlined hipster patriot foundation. At the same time this evokes the typically stupid reaction of the widely despised KDNP [Fideszs Christian democrat partner party in government Transl.], which strengthens Momentums position even more. At the same time, with mild anti-migration sentiments, they attract the casually racist and/but neoliberal young bourgeois voters, who were drawn to Jobbik, but who didnt quite feel comfortable there.

Dont misunderstand me I do not expect Momentum, or similar, fundamentally right-wing parties to deny their true nature. Only that they declare this nature. In other words: that they dont blatantly deceive their nave public.

But of course they wont.

This is precisely their advantage: this dynamic meaninglessness. The reference (once again related to the zeitgeist) to the local, means that their politics will be shaped by asking (in their own national consultation [The author refers to the governments National Consultation, whereby every citizen received a survey with loaded questions per mail Transl.]) the local focus groups what they find interesting, productive, popular, appropriate. Thats apolitical politics. (Which they falsely appropriate to the old democratic opposition: the defining tendency there was not the apoliticism of Havel and Konrd, but the pro-human rights, social, democratic, and liberal program of Saharov, Orlov, and KOR, the Polish Workers Defense Committee.) Extending the scope of law or preserving privileges? Pluralism or autocracy? Rule of law or developmental dictatorship? Equality before the law or racism and sexism? These are serious dilemmas even within civic politics, and many of us have already moved on from civic democracy and liberalism but, obviously, we will not make unrealistic demands to such bourgeois parties as Momentum. Obviously, if asked, Momentum would respond with progressive clichs in order to win left-wing voters, even though silence would be the wisest response.

Goodbye, Internationalism! On the Anti-Multicultural Left in East-Central Europe

It is tragic that more and more people, including to us congenial individuals and groups, will support and see this contentless nihil as a way out from the severe crisis that Viktor Orbns clique has pushed Hungary into. Momentum is not a remedy for this crisis, but one of its symptoms.

They will thrive precisely because of this.

It is undeniable that there is plenty of talent, willingness, and dynamic individuals within Momentum. They are attracting the hope of the hopeless. Its quite certain that by being honest and conscientious they would lose a lot of votes. Their tactics are excellent. Their rhetoric and style are chosen superbly. With a bit of luck they can determine the course of the next general election.

They will be successful. They are successful.

They want to discuss everything under the sun, except for their own values or goals.

I have no doubt that the founders of Momentum united selflessly, enthusiastically, with a willingness to make sacrifices, and with worthy intentions several of them left behind lucrative jobs abroad in order to help our poor old country, having had enough of the helpless and subpar parliamentary opposition. Undoubtedly, they are disgusted by the provincial, narrow-minded brutality, decadent depravity, irresponsibility, and authoritarianism of the Orbn regime. From the point of view of conventional morality, Momentum is at least for now spotless, and it is likely they will remain so. At the same time, by concealing their goals and hiding their basic principles (if there are any, which is uncertain) they radically contradict the contemporary democratic consensus; not with conspiratorial intentions but to secure votes and popularity. They want to discuss everything under the sun, except for their own values or goals (these terms are theoretically problematic, misleading, and unclear but at least they are understandable in their soft elasticity; so I use them in inverted commas). They want to gather these from the people and to begin with localized approaches to local issues. I detest the term populist, which is used for everything it does not fit (such as Orbn, who is the stark opposite of a populist). However, this is populist strategy in the classic meaning of the term. And, as always, its the struggle between volont de tous and volont gnrale (the will of all and the general will Rousseau).

However, perhaps, the volont de tous ought to be read as hidden agenda. And perhaps this agenda isnt hidden, but non-existent. The neutrality of the employed middle class, euphemistically called the intelligentsia and bourgeoisie (entrepreneurs, bureaucrats, spies, teachers, police officers, engineers, lawyers, marketing- and advertising-experts, entertainment and media-industry workers, academics, NGO-bureaucrats, etc, etc.) is the victim within the context of class conflicts of the attraction of governmentalitys (Foucault) certain formations. In the logic of media and communications this appears as the free and cool youth, who are beautiful, attractive, future-oriented: the Pest boys.

Ever since the Enlightenment, similarly to youth and novelty, West has been a synonym of progress and change in the underdeveloped East. But this symbol is more and more hollow which is not MoMos fault. The novelty is not new: it is 250 years old.

Indeed, there is a way out of Hungarys deep crisis. A way out into nothing.

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Momentum Movement: The Boys from Pest - PoliticalCritique.org

NASA Presidential Candidate Raila Odinga addressing a press conference at Capitol Hill office in Nairobi on Thursday 20/07/17 over fear of the security transfers.PHOTO:BONIFACE OKENDO

With less than a month to the General Election, all hands are on deck for the Opposition National Super Alliance (NASA) led by Raila Odinga and Kalonzo Musyoka.

While not an entirely new concept, the formation of a super alliance with five key principals from diverse ethnic groups, coupled with a devolved government, relatively autonomous Judiciary and populist 'movement for change' zeitgeist, Raila's odds of winning the presidency have steadily increased.

That said, NASA's ability to show strength in unity and execute a well-planned elections strategy will be vital considering that Raila's strongholds have historically registered lower voter turnout. Additionally, the performance of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) in conducting credible polls will likely be a key determinant of the vote outcome.

Raila is no stranger to the Kenyan presidential battle. Over the years, he has become skilled at opposition politics, initially gaining prominence as a kingmaker for former President Mwai Kibaki in 2002. This was followed by his contribution to creating the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), which in the 2005 referendum successfully opposed the implementation of a new constitution.

His greatest political success came in 2007, when he became the country's prime minister.

Pentagon structure

ALSO READ: If Kenya burns, blame Uhuru and Ruto or Raila and his cohorts

This year's rebirth of the pentagon structure under NASA follows a multi-ethnic representation narrative, especially when compared to Jubilee Party, which is deemed to be dominated by Kikuyus and Kalenjins.

Although the represented tribes in NASA remain largely the same as in 2007, the political landscape has changed significantly over the past 10 years. Notably, the post-election violence allegations against President Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto at the International Criminal Court a crucial bond for their 2013 win no longer exist.

There is also a general frustration over the recurring Kikuyu/Kalenjin presidency, with parts of the electorate calling for change amid broader frustration over perceived governance failures and performance shortfalls, notably around security, food supply, social development and even inconsistencies in infrastructure development on which Jubilee's campaign is currently anchored.

Should the Opposition manage to galvanise the frustrations and translate them into votes, then Raila's odds will significantly improve. NASA has a number of controversial power brokers behind its electoral machine who will be vital in delivering the party's strongholds and other swing counties. Figures like Hassan Joho and Josephat Nanok have the ability to win key constituencies for NASA.

The inclusion of Bomet Governor Isaac Ruto in the new pentagon structure could also earn NASA some vital votes in the Rift Valley region. Mr Ruto, who has been vocally critical of the presidency and who has a historic rivalry with the Deputy President in particular, has developed his own stature as a respected politician in Rift Valley and nationally. His popularity could amount to a major win for NASA.

Presidential ambitions

Musalia Mudavadi and Kalonzo, who also harbour presidential ambitions, are pushing to be in Government in order to remain relevant, particularly in the face of younger and more exciting governors and politicians rising across various counties.

ALSO READ: If Kenya burns, blame Uhuru and Ruto or Raila and his cohorts

The national and regional popularity of NASA's power brokers could be key to Raila's victory, particularly on the back of a rising wave of populism and desire for change.

Although Jubilee bears the incumbency advantage, a first-round victory by Raila cannot be ruled out. However, IEBC's questionable credibility and preparedness reduces the odds of such a victory. A second-round victory would also depend on some of these same factors, with the odds still tipped narrowly in Jubilee's favour despite growing momentum in the Opposition campaign.

NASA's current election campaign strategy, which includes shaming the Government and key players for failing the State economically and socially, appears focused on discrediting the incumbent administration and pushing the populist 'change' narrative.

This has been driven both by Opposition leaders and through an effective social media campaign. NASA is also seeking to exploit its national appeal linked to its ethnic diversity despite some of the sensitivities entailed in such identity-based politics.

Finally, NASA has also voiced concerns about IEBC's independence and preparedness. This likely serves a twin aim of discrediting the authorities to win over voters and provide the grounds for contesting any potential loss.

Uhuru and the incumbent Jubilee administration maintain a narrow advantage heading into the polls; however, unified and consistent campaigning by NASA could see this lead erode further, replicating similar opposition campaigns witnessed in several other recent African elections.

ALSO READ: Candidates punished for illegal use of Uhuru and Raila portraits

Ms Cheramboss is an Intelligence and Analysis Consultant at Africapractice EA Ltd

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Raila's final stand for the country's top political office - The Standard

For Mr. Combs, who made headlines in 2001 when he posed with Ms. Campbell for a cover of British Vogue, the calendar comes at a time when there needs to be what he called an unapologetic expression of black pride.

I moved mountains to be a part of this, said Mr. Combs, as he sat in his dressing room after the shoot. It is a chance to push social consciousness and break down barriers. For so many years, something like this would not have happened in the fashion world, so it feels like being part of history and playing an active role. I want to lead by example.

For decades, the Pirelli calendar, first published by the Italian tire company of the same name in 1964, was a soft-core ode to beautiful women. Shot by A-list photographers and usually starring scantily clad supermodels, it is a collectors item and has never been sold on the open market. Instead, it is given to insiders a group of establishment opinion makers including celebrities, media professionals, politicians and chief executives, as well as to Pirellis most valuable clients and distributors.

A year and a half ago, however, for the 2016 edition, photographed by Annie Leibovitz, the calendars raison dtre took a sharp turn from prurience to pride. Rather than celebrating women purely for their physical attributes, it started applauding their accomplishments, featuring such figures as the writer Fran Lebowitz, the investment manager Mellody Hobson and the tennis champion Serena Williams.

Then, for the 2017 version, a cast of fully clothed and makeup-free actresses including Helen Mirren, Nicole Kidman and Julianne Moore were shot in black and white, unairbrushed, by Peter Lindbergh, the better to explore what the photographer described as a different beauty, more real and truthful one not manipulated by commercial interests.

Coming at a time when female objectification and overt sexism had begun to be a more frequent topic of public discussion, the change suggested that while Pirelli knew sex still sold, a corporation that successfully appeared socially aware could and would generate more global attention for its brand (not to mention lift its bottom line).

Still, eyebrows were raised when it first emerged that Pirelli was allowing Mr. Walker, whose reputation has been forged largely on his depictions of eerie romanticism and surrealist fairy-tale worlds in magazines like W, Vogue and Love, to tackle black identity for the calendar.

Would the unveiling of the calendar on Wednesday be seen as a commitment to diversity and positive social change? Or could the campaign spur accusations of corporate exploitation as Pepsi discovered in April after widespread backlash to its protest-themed advertisement featuring the model Kendall Jenner, pulled after only a day, amid claims that it trivialized the Black Lives Matter movement?

Mr. Walker, holding a mug of tea after the shoot in May, was at pains to stress the artistic motivations behind his photographs, rather than underscore specific social messaging.

As a photographer, you dont ever want to do what has been done before, so it was important for me to feel I was doing something completely different here, he said, adding that the decision to cast only black models had been entirely my own. There were zero creative or commercial demands from Pirelli for this project. That is pretty rare in this business.

The story of Alice has been told so many times and in so many ways, but always with a white cast, Mr. Walker continued. There has never been a black Alice, so I wanted to push how fictional fantasy figures can be represented and explore evolving ideas of beauty.

He said that he had devised the concept for this years calendar long before the furor around the Pepsi advertisement, the movie Moonlight winning Best Picture at the Oscars this year or the heightened debate within the fashion industry about a lack of diversity on the catwalks. It is hard to believe, however, that Mr. Walker was not influenced at all by the diversity debate, an issue that has been discussed regularly for the last decade.

This is not about trends, this is about the zeitgeist today, Mr. Walker said. I think we are living in a fantastically exciting time, particularly when a story like that of Alice, that has held such resonance with so many people and been told in a certain way for so long, can now be told compellingly in another.

Mr. Enninful, the Ghana-born, London-bred stylist who was awarded an OBE, or Officer of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, for his work to diversify the fashion industry in 2016, said that he felt a responsibility to ensure that the shoot was received in the way that it was intended: as a theatrical high-fashion celebration with equality and empowerment at its core.

Carrolls original illustrations for the story, drawn for him by John Tenniel and full of the exaggerated sizing and dramatic flourishes typical of 19th-century British caricature, were the starting point for the creative team.

Mr. Enninful saw associations with the contemporary sculptural creations of Japanese designers like Rei Kawakubo and Yohji Yamamoto in the work. Shona Heath, the projects set designer, and her team created an overflowing wardrobe of new silhouettes for the calendar (even Ms. Heaths mother chipped in, making the Mad Hatters hat). The cast was chosen by Piergiorgio Del Moro, including Alice herself: the South Sudanese-Australian model Duckie Thot, a newcomer, in towering platforms and cerulean blue thigh-high socks, with a starched silk minidress and a white lace pinafore.

The outfit was made on me we started with two costumes and eventually pinned them into a single look, said Ms. Thot, 21, who started modeling internationally less than a year ago. Asked how she felt about her starring role, she said, I feel like I am living in my own fairy tale, and am proud to be part of something with such an important message about pride and self-expression.

That sentiment was emphasized by Adwoa Aboah, a Ghanaian-British model popular right now and a feminist activist who played Tweedledee.

Tim launched my career, so anytime he asks me to do something it is always a yes; I trust him, she said. To me, the Pirelli change in direction suggests they are observing what 2017 needs, where the youth are going and what kind of imagery should be out there. We dont need any more pinup imagery, and this cast really does depict new ideas of what beauty is. And it certainly doesnt mean not wearing any clothes.

Amid the boldface names, which include RuPaul as the Queen of Hearts, Ms. Goldberg (the Royal Duchess) and the actress Lupita Nyongo (the Dormouse), particularly striking is Thando Hopa. She is an albino lawyer and model, who plays the Princess of Hearts (a role specifically devised for her by Mr. Walker), and she is currently on a sabbatical after four years as a prosecutor specializing in sexual abuse cases in her native South Africa.

When I was young, I didnt have a single role model who looked like me, who could have been a source of inspiration or motivation, Ms. Hopa said. I wanted to expand other peoples imaginations by not letting them be restricted to specific stories or narratives. Any girl, whether she is black, white, Asian or Indian, should be able to have a sense that they, too, can be a heroine in their own fairy tale. If Alice looks differently here, then Alice can be anybody. Your value comes from far more than the narrative that someone else gives you. I hope that when the calendar goes live, people are able to see the intention behind this. It was a unifying effort.

Continue following our fashion and lifestyle coverage on Facebook (Styles and Modern Love), Twitter (Styles, Fashion and Weddings) and Instagram.

A version of this article appears in print on July 20, 2017, on Page D7 of the New York edition with the headline: Not Just Recording History, but Making It, Too.

See original here:

What the 2018 Pirelli Calendar Says About Race - New York Times

Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Tony Norman: Welcome to Mr. Romero's neighborhood Pittsburgh Post-Gazette He made a lot of money in advertising, immersed himself in high society and spearheaded Pop Art, arguably the most influential art movement of the second half of the 20th century. By comparison, George Romero's contribution to the zeitgeist is ... George Romero's Longtime Collaborator Vows to Finish 4 Film Projects | IndieWireIndieWire all 119 news articles »

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Tony Norman: Welcome to Mr. Romero's neighborhood - Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

A hackerspace might be a tiny student basement, a renovated ex-factory or (arguably) a purpose-built TechShop or FabLab, but in any case, it is full of stuff: tools, materials and projects from beer brewing systems to exquisitely fine jewellery and hacked bikes with glitterballs attached to them (2). The materiality of hacking and making these spaces, these processes, all this stuff is not only important to people who engage in such practices, but has also become the subject of excited discourse among policymakers and businesspeople about democratising innovation, revitalising manufacturing and the rise of a Nation of Makers.

As Davies points out, this rhetoric can seem rather divorced from what actually goes on in hackerspaces (7), and from what their users are interested in. The strength of the book is that Davies communicates the affective dimension of practices streaked through with joy (167) and the optimistic momentum of even modest communal attempts to change the world, while producing a clear-eyed reflection on hacker/maker communities and their relationship to wider society. This is not a phenomenological account of the experience of making (like Trevor Marchands work on craft), but a snapshot of how people talkabout hacking or making (42).

While mainstream popular culture has generally represented hacking as green code flowing down computer screens while young, pale, male savants bash away at keyboards, the concept is applied to technologies as diverse as bio-fuels and phone networks and to communities of practice including textile crafters and the readership of Whole Earth Catalog (see Fred Turner 2010). The common threads forming what Steven Levy calls the hacker ethic are sharing, transparency and a non-hierarchical approach to learning about, accessing and changing technology. While Levys focus was computer hacking, traced back to MIT in the 1950s, Davies stresses the multiple streams within hacking [] with multiple genealogies and origin myths (30). This is important given the books focus on US hackerspaces rather than their European counterparts, which emerge from a more consciously political tradition. The idea of hacking as a whole life activity something that transcends technologies or tools (31) has spread far beyond self-defined hacker communities. Lifehack was nominated as an Oxford Dictionaries Word of the Year in 2005 and the internet (not least http://www.lifehacker.com ) supplies an endless, exhausting plethora of tips for perfecting or subverting lifes minutiae.

Given the broad applicability of a hacker mindset, or spirit, or ethos (71), questions of definition are unavoidable but not terribly fruitful. As Davies points out, the discourse around hacking and making presents these activities as simultaneously cutting-edge and primeval: for example, the idea that the world will never be the same after the advent of digital fabrication is set alongside the notion that making is a fundamental human experience that only recent generations have lost touch with. Davies avoids getting bogged down in such dichotomies by not concentrating on whether these current buzzwords refer to anything radically new, but on why words like this should have a buzz around them at all at this point in time.

Daviess central argument is that hackerspaces and makerspaces represent the zeitgeist in some way, catering to certain sociocultural cravings and norms (157). These include cravings for community, face-to-face interaction, tactile processes, creativity and the freedom to learn outside restrictive structures of work or formal education. Much of this argument relates to Robert B. Putnams conception of social capital, Robert A. Stebbinss work on serious leisure and the more recent surge of writing on craft and community (eg Sennett 2009; Crawford 2009; Gauntlett 2011; and Thomas and Luckman 2018, forthcoming) in a world where it is all too easy to exist suspended in a digital miasma (160).

Davies connects the hackerspace/makerspace phenomenon with the twenty-first-century resurgence in textile crafts and all things handmade. While no one is claiming that involvement in a quilting circle is going to prompt a new industrial revolution (143), to those familiar with the online world of non-digital fabrication, Thingiverse looks rather like Ravelry or Pinterest with knobs on. There are many areas of overlap: for example, the hacker spirit (71) is epitomised by projects like Amy Twigger Holroyds ReKnit Revolution. However, there is still the suspicion that, as Seetal Solanki puts it, textiles are for girls and materials are for boys. Daviess analysis of hackerspaces in the context of The New Domesticity adds depth to her discussion of the cultural hunger they fulfil and of their limitations, not least around diversity and solidarity.

While the idea that anybody can hack is crucial to the hacker spirit (71), the belief that there are no barriers to participation that cannot be craftily circumvented with the right mindset results in communities that are strangely homogenous. With the exception of one hackerspace established with social justice as its explicit mission, Davies finds little internal reflection on why so many spaces that prize accessibility and openness are so male, white and middle-class. A hunger for community and a sense that the world needs changing does not equate to an interest in collective political action after all, as Davies points out, one of the pleasures of community is finding my people and avoiding the rest (167). If hackerspaces are just places for hobbyists to hang out (as many of Daviess respondents see them), this may not matter much. On the other hand, it does matter if the drivers and beneficiaries of the next industrial revolution look so much like those of the first one.

Davies suggests that there is an increasing tension between hackings counter-cultural roots (160) and its role today, when the ideals of the hacker spirit resonate with neoliberal ideology to create a vision of the hacker as the ideal citizen (164): If hackers are self-reliant, proactive agents in a complex, choice-filled world, then we are all hackers now (166). As hacking becomes more commodified, through the identification of hackers as a market for everything from kits to conferences and the rise of companies like MAKE Magazine, and as governments fund hackerspaces and business gurus laud books like Chris Andersons Makers (166), Davies argues that such issues deserve reflection from hackers and makers as well as from observers such as myself (167).

Notes:

Sin Carden is a Research Fellow in the Centre for Rural Creativity, University of the Highlands and Islands. An anthropologist, her current research interests include Shetland textiles, maker cultures and the application of the creative industries concept to rural contexts. She is author of, among other things, Cable Crossings: The Aran jumper as Myth and Merchandise (2014) Costume 48(2): 260-275 and The Aran Jumper in Design Roots: Local Products and Practices in a Globalized World, eds. Stuart Walker et al, Bloomsbury Academic (forthcoming).

Read the original here:

Hackerspaces: Making the Maker Movement Book Review - USAPP American Politics and Policy (blog)

When Chilean director Alejandro Jodorowsky burst onto the screen in the early 1970s, movie buffs were captivated by his highly cinematic El Topo (an eye popping, spaghetti western that John Lennon declared a masterpiece) and The Holy Mountain (about a spiritual quest). A longtime cult favorite, Jodorowsky is credited with being the founder of midnight movieslate night special screenings of often outrageous films at theaters. Capturing the eras psychedelic zeitgeist, Jodorowskys movies arguably had the cinemas most poetic imagery since the films of Alexander Dovzhenko, the Ukrainian director of such classics as 1930s Earth.

Now, at age 88, the Chilean-born writer and director is back with Endless Poetry (Poesia Sin Fin).

With stunning cinematography, bizarre sensuality, and heaps of humor, Jodorowsky recounts in creative, entertaining ways his adolescence growing up Jewish in Chile (his parents had emigrated from Russia). In his 2013 movie, The Dance of Reality, Jodorowsky unfolded memories of his childhood on the Chilean coastal town of Tocopilla. In this sequel of sorts, the filmmaker focuses on his youthful bohemian life in Santiago, as he struggled to become a poet. Along the way, Jodorowsky encounters other avant-garde artists, including writers Enrique Lihn, Stella Diaz Varn, and Nicanor Parra, who would become leading lights of Latino letters.

Jodorowskys conflict with his pennypinching father, who wants his son to become a nice Jewish boy and doctor, is imaginatively and poignantly depicted. The father, a shopkeeper, is portrayed by the directors older son, Mexico-born Brontis Jodorowsky, as he also did in Dance. To round out the family affair, younger son Adan Jodorowsky (he composed much of the original motion picture soundtrack) portrays the father as a young man. A la Alfred Hitchcock, Jodorowsky himself appears on screen from time to time.

In an eyebrow-raising bit of casting, opera soprano Pamela Flores not only reprises her role as Alejandros mother Sara, whom shed likewise played in Dance, but also portrays Stella Daz Varn, the real life, extraordinarily outr poet and Jodorowskys first lover. (Paging Dr. Freud!) During Augusto Pinochets military coup in 1973, Varn reportedly resisted by, among other things, displaying photos of Che Guevara. She was detained and tortured by the dictatorial regime and subsequently honored in Cuba.

In terms of sex, grotesqueness and a sense of whimsy, Alejandro Jodorowsky is a South American counterpart to Federico Fellini. Like Fellini, Jodorowsky has a fascination, if not a fixation, on people with body types out of the norm. In particular, Endless Poetry reminded me of Fellinis ode to his childhood, 1973s charm-your-pants-off Amarcord (I Remember). In one hilarious scene, an Italian socialist sneaks a phonograph into a bell tower to repeatedly play The Internationale, causing fascist troops to literally open fire on the tower.

If Fellini had to contend with Mussolini while growing up in Amarcord, the Jewish Jodorowsky had to contend with Chilean counterparts to Italys Blackshirts and Germanys Brownshirts. Of particular interest are Endless Poetrys references to pre-Pinochet fascism in 1930s and 1940s Chile. Towards the end, a Chilean Nazi movement backing General Carlos Ibanez drive young Jodorowsky into exile in Paris.

Endless abounds with striking images that pop off of the screen. Examples include Adan as Alejandro, clad in white with his face painted white like a mimes, costumed like a cross between a clown and an angel, with outstretched wings, held aloft by a devilish throng wearing red, with horns. The scene has a few actors clad in black and white skeleton-like costumes, who dominate another shot, marching down a streetsome of them atop similarly garbed ghostly horses.

Jodorowskys singular style and surreal vision has previously been too hot to handle. His 1967 movie Fando y Lis provoked a riot and was subsequently banned in Mexico. He didnt direct a movie for almost a quarter century, from 1990s The Rainbow Thief (starring Peter OToole, Omar Sharif and Christopher Lee) to 2013s Dance. As he approaches ninety, Jodorowsky seems to be finding that proverbial pot of gold at the end of the rainbow.

Its great to see this genius, whose edgy artistry led to long stretches of exile from the big screen, continue to make movies. To echo John Lennon, Alejandro Jodorowskys Endless Poetry, with its loving ode to family and the life artistique, just might be yet another movie masterpiece. Bravo maestro!

Endless Poetry begins its U.S. theatrical release July 14. What a great way to celebrate Bastille Day!

As part of the Ten Films That Shook the World series celebrating the Russian Revolutions centennial film historian/reviewer Ed Rampell is co-presenting V.I. Pudovkins revolutionary classic Storm Over Asia on Friday, 7:30 p.m., July 28, 2017 at The L.A. Workers Center, 1251 S. St. Andrews Place, L.A., CA 90019. For info: laworkersedsoc@gmail.com.

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Chilean Maestro Jodorowsky's Endless Poetry: Endless Alejandro and Artistry - Progressive.org

Thursday morning saw the nominations for the Emmy Awards , the often behind-the-times but still authoritative prizes for the best of what's on TV . The most notable new development in this year is big movement in the drama field, as Game of Thrones , the Emmys' reigning Best Drama champ and the all-time-winningest prime-time series is out of contention due to its later-than-usual season this year. In the absence of Thrones , several new shows have the opportunity to grab the top prize, and, possibly win the first ever Best Drama gong for a streaming show. Here are the biggest developments from the nominations:

The Emmys have the tendency to honor the same shows every year it was big news, in 2016, when The Americans broke into the Best Drama field in its fourth season. This year, though, thanks to shows either ineligible (Thrones, the now-concluded Downton Abbey ) or falling out (sorry, Americans ) no fewer than five of the seven Best Drama nominees were brand-new, with only Better Call Saul and House of Cards returning. And the new shows in the field come from across the spectrum of television. There are three streaming series (Netflix's zeitgeist smash Stranger Things and aesthetically ambitious The Crown and Hulu's much-discussed Handmaid's Tale ), one network show (NBC's This Is Us , the first show from a broadcast channel to be nominated since The Good Wife in 2011) and HBO (continuing a long streak of nominations with the sci-fi spectacle Westworld ). It's not hard to imagine that one of the three new streaming series two of which helped fill the Thrones vacuum by generating endless chatter among TV fans , and the other of which is expensively made and about an eminently awardable historical subject could break a longstanding barrier for streaming TV.

MORE: Margaret Atwood and Elisabeth Moss on the Urgency of The Handmaids Tale

The rise of streaming seemed this year to largely apply to Netflix and, with Handmaid's , an ascendant Hulu. Amazon saw its longtime awards stalwart Transparent fall out of major categories in spite of (in my view) its third season being by far the series's best. The series missed the Best Comedy trophy (the only one of last year's nominees, including ABC's long-in-the-tooth Modern Family , to do so). It also lost out in the comedy directing category, where creator Jill Soloway had won the past two years. With 17 nominations, HBO's Veep was, as ever, a powerhouse; unsurprising too was the bounty showered upon the one new Best Comedy nominee, FX's critically-beloved Atlanta . The other big comedy surprise of the morning was Pamela Adlon's acting nomination for FX's Better Things , an underheralded show that generated some of last year's heartiest laughs.

This Is Us landing a Best Drama nomination, even in an age where streaming dominates, wasn't necessarily a shock it's got great support behind it as the last hope for broadcast TV drama, and is skillfully made (if manipulative). But the breadth of its support in acting categories was startling: In Best Actor, for instance, nominations went to not just past Emmy winner Sterling K. Brown but also Milo Ventimiglia. Supporting player Chrissy Metz as well as three guest actors (Denis O'Hare, Brian Tyree Henry, and Gerald McRaney) will be waiting to see if This Is their golden moment, too. Still, This Is Us was not the most nominated-drama; with strength across technical categories owing to the robots and interdimensional creatures they depict, Westworld (22 nominations) and Stranger Things (18) topped the leaderboard. (And in getting a supporting nomination for the supernaturally gifted Millie Bobby Brown and a guest nomination for "Barb" portrayer Shannon Purser, Stranger Things has brought to the party two of the youngest nominees in recent memory.) Even if either or both loses the top prize (though an awards show that's been more pop and populist of late suggests to me that one or the other will win), they may end up taking home the most trophies.

Westworld shares its title as the most-nominated among all series with a much older series: NBC's Saturday Night Live . Given that SNL is the only program of its type with its rapid-fire prosthetic makeup and set construction, a high nomination count is hardly new; what is new is the show's wild dominance of acting categories. Fully half of the comedy supporting actress nominees are sketch comics who worked last year in 30 Rock: Vanessa Bayer (who's since left the show), Leslie Jones and last year's winner Kate McKinnon. Though not an official cast member, Alec Baldwin's volume of appearances as Donald Trump on the series qualified him to enter the supporting actor field, where he looks like a frontrunner; five SNL hosts, including Lin-Manuel Miranda, Dave Chappelle and Sean Spicer impersonator Melissa McCarthy, were nominated in the guest categories. This caps a year of renewed relevance for the late-night stalwart, which isn't the only beneficiary of the present public engagement with newsy humor. TBS's Full Frontal With Samantha Bee and CBS's The Late Show With Stephen Colbert, both of which came up empty for Outstanding Variety Talk Series nominations last year, are nominated this year. Meanwhile, Jimmy Fallon's Tonight Show , which has struggled to find its place in a newly political landscape on late night, was snubbed. (It's the first time Fallon, as host of Late Night or Tonight , has missed this nomination since 2010.)

MORE: Why Saturday Night Live Is More Important Than Ever

The story of the much-watched miniseries categories a hotly-speculated-about field in the years since "limited series" have come into vogue is a showdown between two hugely ambitious female-led projects. HBO's domestic drama Big Little Lies has the imprimatur of two major movie stars, a classy pedigree and above all shrewd insights about the ways in which society pits women against one another. So it's a cruel irony that it's, well, pitted against FX's true-Hollywood-story Feud: Bette and Joan. With 18 nominations, the period-set, richly costumed and decorated Feud has more nominations, but it's hard to imagine Lies ' breakout Nicole Kidman losing even despite her stacked category. (Kidman's competition includes, among others, costar Reese Witherspoon as well as Feud 's Susan Sarandon and Kidman's toughest competition Jessica Lange.) A category to watch to see where the wind is blowing may be Supporting Actress in a Limited Series, where Lies 's Laura Dern and Shailene Woodley are up against Feud 's Judy Davis and (in a pleasant surprise) Jackie Hoffman. Lies was in many ways the TV story of the year proving TV's power to connect even the most well-established of stars with audiences in new ways and to tell stories of seemingly impossible complication in sensitive and powerful ways. And yet it becomes hard to imagine Emmys voters saying no to a story about how much every star loves the adulation of the crowd, and how hard it can be to keep up with Hollywood's rapidly changing vogues.

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The 5 Biggest Surprises of the 2017 Emmy Nominations - TIME