Athens Punks Sound Off on the State of the Scene – Flagpole Magazine

See also: 10 Athens Punk Bands You Should Know

Ive lived in Athens for three years, and there are currently more active hardcore/punk acts right now than Ive seen the entire time Ive lived here, which is tight Athens doesnt have a single all-ages community space that hosts shows. Spaces like that are crucial to a growing, young punk scene. Its dangerous for a younger audience to be so intermingled with the bar culture that Athens is overridden with.

Oliver Vitale (Under a Sky So Blue)

As someone who doesn't drink, I only frequent the bars downtown for local music. I often feel out of place in these spots, and the bars themselves seem detached from the music scene while also limiting its growth due to age restrictions and late starting times. It seems that there's an unexplored need for a space specific to the punk scene that would remove these limitations and provide others with a safe space to explore music.

Daylan Brazis

I started doing shows at my house because it was never even a question for me to support the punk scene. I always knew [that] when I bought a place, I'd put on shows for my friends' bands. It comes from years of DIY touring and being treated like shit by clubs, then we'd play a punk house and be treated like royalty.

Christian DeRoeck (Deep State)

The current zeitgeist of Athens music overwhelmingly favors dance-friendly pop, indie rock and the immediacy of buying a beer over nurturing a countercultural movement. It's also worth noting that the creative population of Athens is largely homogeneous, liberal and honestly just not that angry.

Malevich

The scene itself, if you can call it that, is definitely tired and played out with imitations of bigger, better artists on full display and a serious lack of original, creative voices that may be present but are not shining through. This is musica reflection of culture and emotions. It is not a popularity contest. To the punk fans, stop supporting these tedious bands that are cool or safe to like. To the punk artists: Stop settling.

Kwazymoto

Athens can be a bit insular, which is a good and bad thing. People in the scene are super supportive (to us able-bodied, cisgendered, straight white males [from] upper-middle-class families, which doesn't mean much, I guess), but after being around Athens for three years, some of the small-town aspects of the scene are a bit more obvious.

Tiger Li (Faith Healerz)

I think publications in Athens tend to be focused more on garage-rock, indie rock, indie-pop, etc. The only Athens publication that has mentioned us is The Red & Black, which is honestly hilarious. When I go to shows here, people show up to watch their friends bands and then leave There's a lot of room for improvement, but considering the population of Athens, there are a lot of people doing really cool things here. We usually have better luck in Atlanta, so we've just been playing there more.

Brian Perez-Canto (Fishmonger)

Ive toured all over the U.S. and Europe, but I love to come back to Athens. For me, I feel like in a big town with a big scene, people and bands can be overlooked Athens may be mostly the land of R.E.M. and [the] B-52s, but there has been a thriving punk scene here for as long as Ive been here, and long before I got here. We've hosted bands from all over the world. People grow out of it, new people get into it, some people never get out of it, but for me, punk/hardcore has always been a part of my life.

Jason Griffin (Apparition)

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Athens Punks Sound Off on the State of the Scene - Flagpole Magazine

10 hashtags that defined the decade – PRWeek

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From #MAGA to #Maythe4th, here are some of the biggest hashtags of the first 10 years of the hashtag.

Its been 10 years since Chris Messina tweeted the first hashtag. In that time, hashtags have come to define not only social media, but also a generation of internet culture.

Every news item, product release, marketing campaign, movie premiere anything and everything really, has been collated around the hash symbol. As such, 10 people can come up with 10 different answers as to which 10 hashtags have defined the last 10 years on social media. Heres that selection from PRWeek staffers, in no particular order:

#Jan25One of the defining moments in modern international politics the uprising in Egypt in 2011 that eventually resulted in the resignation of the countrys former dictator, Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak was also a defining moment for social media. It showed that Twitter had real applications outside of cat memes and trolls.

#GamergateAn ugly moment for gamers, gamergate began as a statement against corruption in games journalism, and ended up as a rallying point for misogynists and trolls. Still, it was a moment that wont soon fade from memory.

#MakeAmericaGreatAgainNot much to be said about this one, really. It was (and is) as much a viral hashtag as a symbol of the right-wing zeitgeist. If nothing else, its been effective.

#YesWeCanThe chant that propelled President Barack Obama to the oval office during the campaign, and the ethos that defined much of his two terms. This hashtag defined not only the decade, but a new generation of American voters.

#BlackLivesMatterBLM seems more like a political party here in the waning weeks of 2017, but the movement began as social rally cry against police brutality; specifically, the killing of Trayvon Martin. Now it is one of the most prolific political chants in history.

#IceBucketChallengeThe magnitude of the virility of the ice bucket challenge is difficult to understate. Look at all the various "challenges" it left in its wake, with more cropping up all the time. The ice bucket challenge was a true gem as far as viral social media moments go, and it was one of the few that brands were able to effectively and organically co-opt.

#BreakTheInternetIts entirely possible to fill a list like this with Kim Kardashian content. But if one hashtag defines her reign, its #BreakTheInternet; a social media event where the semi-nude Kardashian literally broke Twitter.

#ImWithHerHillary Clinton remains a divisive, even near on 12 months after her defeat in last years presidential election. But the hashtag that followed her continues to be a call to action for women and womens rights groups.

#OscarsSoWhiteHollywood has a long and documented history of racism and exclusion, but the industry has been doing a bit of course correction in the wake of 2015s #OscarsSoWhite; a viral response to the Academy Awards that year (and many other years), which didnt include a single actor of color.

#MayThe4thEntertainment media inherently generates a ton of social buzz, but the viral fervor around 2015s Star Wars: The Force Awakens was an anomaly, even for a blockbuster film. It remains one of the most viewed online trailers in the first 24 hours to this day, and was one of the biggest cinematic events of this generation. Whatever the subjective quality of the film itself, its commercial success pushed May 4 as close as one can go to becoming an official holiday.

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Steve Bannon, destroyer of worlds: After electing a president, he’s back to building a right-wing media empire – Salon

One thing you can say for Steve Bannon, the former presidential adviser and newly returned Breitbart News executive editor, is that he knows how to make an exit. Bannons series of interviews both before and after being fired last Friday put chief antagonist Anthony Scaramuccis diva departure to shame (although Twitter wags were quick to point out that the first headlines from Breitbart News certainlyevoked the memoryof some of The Moochs choice comments about Bannon).

Rumors had been out there since the spring that Bannon was on thin ice. And the reason given, then and now, that makes the most sense is that Donald Trump didnt like his minion receiving so much attention. He was angry last spring when Bannon made the cover of Time, which Trump considers to be such a tremendous honor that he constantly boasts about his own covers, even going so far as tomock up fake ones for Trump properties. The headline for Bannons Time cover was even worse: The Great Manipulator.

They seemed to have papered that over until recently, when Bannon was the subject of considerable press coverage after reporter Joshua Greens new book about him was published. Trump was reportedly upset that the cover featured an unappealing picture of him and that the title put Bannons name first. Considering the presidents overwhelming vanity and narcissism, Im inclined to believe that was the ultimate reason he was fired.

Bannons departure will have little effect on the Trump administration. Even if John Kelly succeeds in making the trains run on time, that doesnt solve the central problem of the Trump administration. Bannon was not the reason this dumpster fire of a presidency has exploded into a raging conflagration. He wasnt mouthing the words President Trump spoke in that odious press conference last Tuesday. He didnt force him to play chicken with the North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un the week before that. He certainly didnt have control of Trumps Twitter account, the window to the presidents frightening mind. Other than convincing the newbie Trump that the entire government bureaucracy is a deep state out to get him, Bannon has been no more influential on Trumps behavior than the latters son Barron.

Bannon is, however, highly influential among Trumpsupporters,although not as much as when he was building the Trump mystique. As conservative talk show host and Never-Trumper Charlie Sykeshas been pointing out for some time, Trumpism is not a movement it is now a full-fledged cult of personality in which the presidents followers believe themselves to be under siege from the same forces Donald Trump rails against: the media, political correctness, elites of both parties, liberals, racial and ethnic minorities. The more they see Trump being attacked the more they identify with him.

Nonetheless,as I pointed outon Friday, Bannon is a professional propagandist with a feel for the right-wing Zeitgeist. We can expect that he will be a player going forward. He told people different things in his manic series of exit interviews, at once claimingthe Trump presidency was effectivelyover and promising to go to war on its behalf. But its pretty clear that Bannon is going to war for Bannon, and for a movement that he apparently believes still exists outside of Trump: In many ways, I think I can be more effective fighting from the outsidefor the agendaPresident Trump ran on, Bannon told The New York Times. (Emphasis mine.) And anyone who stands in our way, we will go to war with.

If the early stories coming out of Breitbart (which Bannon officially rejoinedon Fridaynight) are any indication, he will first concentrate on settling scores. Here are a couple of headlines from over the weekend: McMaster Of Disguise: Natl Security Adviser Endorsed Book That Advocates Quran-Kissing Apology Ceremonies and Report: Ivanka Trump Helped Push Steve Bannon out of the White House.

The New York Times reportedthat Bannon had met with Breitbart benefactors Robert and Rebekah Merceron Mondaynight to plan his post-White House strategy.According to Axios, its a much bigger deal than little old Breitbart.com:

Bannon has told friends he sees a massive opening to the right of Fox News, raising the possibility that hes going to start a network. . . . He believes Fox is heading in a squishy, globalist direction as the Murdoch sons assume more power. . . . His chief financial backer, Long Island hedge fund billionaire Bob Mercer, is ready to invest big in whats coming next, including a huge overseas expansion of Breitbart News.

Bannon may be right that Fox is a shadow of its former self. But the problem isnt that its become squishy and globalist. Its that for the last 20 years the whole network was pretty much a brothel, and since the departure of the sexual harasser Bill OReilly and the sexually harassed Megyn Kelly, its only star is Trumps smarmy sycophant Sean Hannity. Most importantly, the network lost Roger Ailes at the helm, the TV impresario who understood the Fox audience and would have understood how to effectively surf the Trump wave. Ratings are down and the network seems lost without him.

So, theres an opening in right-wing television news for something fresh. Bannon perceives of himself as an all around agitprop genius, buthis terrible moviescertainly dont demonstrate that. He may turn out to be more Trump hot air than Ailes-style brilliance.

As for the Breitbart new media extravaganza, back in October, Bloombergs Joshua Green and Sasha Issenbergpreviewed Bannons post-election plans(presuming Trump wouldnt win) with a big story aboutthe sites plans for European expansionand a Mercer-funded merger between the Trump digital operation and Breitbart.com. Bannon told Green,I wouldnt have come aboard, even for Trump, if I hadnt known they were building this massive Facebook and data engine. Facebook is what propelled Breitbart to a massive audience. We know its power.

Whether Bannon will have access to all that juicy campaign data is unknown, but since hes funded by Mercer, a partial owner in the data mining companyCambridge Analytica, odds are hell have plenty of technology to work with.

Its a new era for right-wing media (as for everyone else). For the last couple of decades the conservative media barons have been ahead of the political curve. Were about to find out if theyve lost their touch.

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Steve Bannon, destroyer of worlds: After electing a president, he's back to building a right-wing media empire - Salon

Organizer of Charlottesville’s Unite the Right rally described as onetime wannabe liberal activist – Richmond.com

CHARLOTTESVILLE After using his blog and Wes Bellamys Twitter history to make a name for himself last fall, those platforms are now being used against Jason Kessler, the pro-white activist who organized the Unite the Right rally that turned deadly on Saturday.

Articles and conspiracy theories about Kesslers past as a supporter of President Barack Obama and wannabe liberal activist who participated in the Occupy movement abound now as President Donald Trump continues facing backlash for his response to the rally that resulted in one woman, as well as two state police officers in a separate incident, dying.

On Monday, Kessler uploaded a video hoping to dispel rumors that he intentionally organized a violent rally that would reflect poorly on the so-called alt-right movement of white nationalists. He accused the Southern Poverty Law Center, as well as less extreme nationalists, of spreading misinformation about him.

Earlier this summer, the SPLC labeled Kessler a white nationalist, and wrote a profile about him that included assertions that some people on white nationalist forums have been questioning his ideological pedigree.

I grew up in Charlottesville. Anybody whos seen the way Charlottesville was this weekend understands that its an incredibly left-wing, commie town, Kessler, 33, said in a video he posted online Monday.

Kessler said that he used to align himself with the citys politically left-leaning residents, but went on to say he was red-pilled about three years ago.

The term is a reference to the film The Matrix, and has been used by alt-right followers as a way to describe someone who has taken to white identitarian issues and now rejects ideas such as multiculturalism, feminism and political correctness. Critics argue that attachment to white identitarianism is nothing more than a veil for white supremacist beliefs.

But old tweets, a neighbor, a liberal activist and some of Kesslers old friends attest that he held strong liberal convictions just a few years ago.

In a series of tweets in November, Kessler said many alt-right followers are former liberals, and that he previously voted for Democrats. He said he voted for Trump in the primary and the general election.

I like Trump more than I did Obama, he wrote on Nov. 6. My Trump enthusiasm is through the roof. I like people who push the edge.

In an interview last month, one of Kesslers childhood friends, David Caron, said Kessler previously had identified as a Democrat, but became disillusioned when he started thinking that there was no place for him in a party that has focused its efforts on embracing diversity and minority issues. He said the two of them had started supporting Trump last summer and attended one of his rallies in Richmond.

He was a Democrat until last year. The main thing is, he said he felt like the party didnt want him, Caron said.

Laura Kleiner, a Democratic activist who lives in Staunton, said she dated Kessler for several months in 2013. She said Kessler was very dedicated to his liberal principles, and that he was a strict vegetarian, abstained from alcohol and drugs, embraced friends of different ethnicities and was an atheist.

He broke up with me, and a lot of it was because I was not liberal enough, she said. I am a very progressive Democrat but he didnt like that I ate fish and that Im a Christian.

Kleiner said Kessler was well aware that she was of Jewish heritage, and that he showed no signs of being anti-Semitic. She also said he had a roommate for several years who was an African immigrant.

In an interview earlier this week, one of Kesslers neighbors, Zoe Wheeler, said she knew of two different African roommates who lived with him, and never thought Kessler was a racist, even after he started to make waves in the local news late last year.

I met him 12 years ago, before he got really obsessed with white identity issues, Wheeler said. I think he went off the deep end There was no stopping it, and then he was fueled by being an enemy and having something to stand for.

If you spend too much time on the web and youre alone, youve got a lot of guys plying you with all kinds of ideas, she said. You want to grab hold of something. He wants to stand for something I get that. But I feel like hes all over the place.

I celebrate a diversity of cultures, and that was something that seemed to have been a part of his life, too, Kleiner said. I was really surprised to hear the stories that hes changed and is now far-right. Its really shocking and disappointing.

Hes an extremist in whatever he decides to do. Thats all I can really say.

Kesslers ties to Emancipation Park and the statue of Robert E. Lee go beyond the past year, when he decided to target Charlottesville City Councilor Bellamy for his effort to remove the statue of the Confederate general. The rally Saturday was ostensibly intended to be a protest of the councils decision to remove the statue.

According to a woman (who wished to remain anonymous) who was part of the Occupy movement camp in what was then called Lee Park, Kessler was present there for several weeks in late 2011. She said Kessler ultimately removed himself from the camp after activists there started to make it known that his presence was not welcomed.

He was just so disagreeable that hed start fights between other people. He was very manipulative and very aggressive, the woman said.

He wanted people to be more violent and aggressive. He wanted to be the leader of things. ... Even if his politics had been good, I dont think people would have liked him, she said.

The former occupier said Kessler also tried to attach himself to other leftist groups around that time, such as Food Not Bombs and an atheist social club. She said Kessler had attempted to insert himself in those groups and radicalize them.

I dont think he knew what they really did. They just feed people thats it, she said. Its like he got the idea that he could make it into some more militant group.

I dont think he actually has any central beliefs at all not that that makes what hes doing any less dangerous.

Kessler did not reply to messages seeking comment for this story. But essays he published on his blog through late 2015 seemed to demonstrate a shift in thinking. (The blog, Jason Kessler, American Author, recently was taken down. It remains unclear why.)

Last fall, The Daily Progress reported that Kessler published a blog post in February 2016 in which he reflected on the potential of war between different racial groups in the future. He argued that white people would need to fight to avoid becoming a minority in America a phenomenon hes described in recent months as white genocide.

Cultures, tribes and civilizations are meant to clash just as we always have in the past, just like it is with nearly every other beast in the animal kingdom, Kessler wrote last year.

Kessler used his blog to excoriate Bellamy in November. After uncovering a trove of offensive and inappropriate tweets Bellamy had written between 2009 and 2014, before he was elected to office, Kessler used his blog to expose the city councilor and call for his removal.

In his other blog posts that have been archived and shared with The Daily Progress, Kessler seemed to foreshadow his future role in the community and the events that took place at the Unite the Right rally.

I cant think of any occupation that I admire more than the professional provocateur, who has the courage and self-determination to court controversy despite all slings and arrows of the world, he wrote in December 2015 as part of a blog post he updated a few times over a span of about two months his running thoughts.

Also that December, he published his historical perspective on mass violence.

We get so caught up in the emotion of the violence that we dont consider the long-term, historical consequences, he said.

Perhaps wed be happier if we made peace with the fact that rabid animals are going to dwindle the herd from time to time (as they have in much greater volume throughout history) and thats not really a bad thing in the long run.

Regarding large-scale attacks, he said, I dont think the zeitgeist should have an aneurysm every time one occurs either. I think wed be served to draw some historical perspective on how difficult the human condition has always been and how that is something of a blessing in disguise.

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Andrew Cunanan gets his close up, 20 years later – Los Angeles Blade – Los Angeles Blade

The Assassination of Gianni Versace: American Crime Story stars, from left, Ricky Martin (Antonio DAmico), Darren Criss (Cunanan) and Edgar Ramirez (Versace). (Photo by Frank Micelotta/PictureGroup, courtesy FX Network)

For the upcoming television series The Assassination of Gianni Versace: American Crime Story, executive producer/director Ryan Murphy (American Horror Story, Feud: Bette and Joan, The People vs. O.J. Simpson) has set out to tell the story of Andrew Cunanan, the spree-killing sociopath who murdered the late fashion designer on the steps of his mansion 20 years ago.

I think the thing about American Crime Story is that were not just doing sort of a crime, Murphy said at the Television Critics Press Tour. Were trying to talk about a crime within a social idea. And this was always interesting to us because the idea was that Versace, who was [Cunanans] last victim, really did not have to die.

What gets discussed in the series is homophobiawhich Murphy notes, was how Cunanan was able to successfully make his way across the U.S. and kill these victims, many of whom were gay.

Homophobia, particularly within the various police organizations that refused in Miami to put up wanted posters, even though they knew that Andrew Cunanan had probably committed many of these murders and was probably headed that way, all of which we deal with in the show. I thought that that was a really interesting thing to examine, to look at again, particularly with the president we have and the world that we live in.

The series is based on a book by Maureen Orth, called Vulgar Favors, which indicated that Cunanan had HIV, though publicly, this was disputed by the family.

About that time period and the stigma surrounding HIV, Murphy said: You could literally lose your business, lose everything that you had. You could be fired. This company that Versace had was about to go public, and he was terrified of anything coming out negative about his personal life. We delve into that in the show.

Murphy continued: It was a huge thing to announce that [Versace] was gay and out of the closet, which he did in an interview. So all of that has a ripple effectthe Versaces will like some of what we do, and some of it they will be uncomfortable about.I dont think there should be any stigma or shame attached to HIV at allAnd I think there really was, and we address that head on.

With period pieces like Versace and the Emmy nominated, Feud, which profiles the behind-the-scenes rivalry of Bette Davis and Joan Crawford on the set of Whatever Happened to Baby Jane, Murphy feels obligated to be accurate with all the details.

To that end, FX recreated the former Miami home of the late fashion designer, which has since been turned into a $1,000+ a night hotel. Earlier this year, the castRicky Martin, who plays Antonio DAmico, Versaces longtime partner, Penelope Cruz, (Donatella, Versaces sister) Darren Criss (Cunanan) and Edgar Ramirezwent on location; Versaces bedroom and closets that he personally created will be among the scenes in the film.

We were lucky enough to be able to get inside there and film in thatIt was really an amazing opportunity to be able to go in there. We did a tremendous amount of research, down to the backpack that Cunanan had, and what was his shoelace like. And that, to me, is one of the joys of the work, to really get it right. I think we did get it right with this show, because we cared. We wanted to do honor to him.

While Versaces former lover, Antonio, initially expressed concern about the series, Murphy indicated that he has had a change of heart.

Ricky [Martin] spoke to him today, and he was very great and excited to talk to Ricky. My point of view about that is I think its very hard to judge anything that youre watching based on a paparazzi photograph, which is apparently what his judgment was about. And I think when youre doing a show like this, or a show like O.J., youre not doing a documentary. Youre doing a docudrama. So theres always certain things you take liberty with, particularly, and the movement of wanting to move toward something emotional, at least for me.

In the series, Edgar Ramirez plays Versace, a complicated character that changed the world of fashion.

For the first time, [Versace] combined sexiness and glamour and opulence, like no one has ever done before. He could see the sexiness of the 70s, and then all the opulence of the 80s, and he sensed that in the 90s. He combined it, and everybody went crazy, Ramirez noted.

He added: Its very interesting how the story captures not only a very dramatic, amazing story that needs to be told, but how it captures the spirit of the time. Its something that also has a lot to do with Ryans work. And Im a huge fan of thatmovies, products, content that not also tell compelling stories, but also capture the zeitgeist and the spirit of the time that speak about greater subjects going on in society.

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Andrew Cunanan gets his close up, 20 years later - Los Angeles Blade - Los Angeles Blade

Steve Bannon is what made Donald Trump who he is – Kansas City Star (blog)


Kansas City Star (blog)
Steve Bannon is what made Donald Trump who he is
Kansas City Star (blog)
The impresario of apocalyptic politics gave Trump a grandiose image of himself at a time when the real estate mogul was building a movement but had no real ideas. Until Bannon came ... He was a vibe, a zeitgeist not a platform. Bannon convinced him ...
Bannon gave Trump exactly what he cravedWashington Post
Steve Bannon, destroyer of worlds: After electing a president, he's back to building a right-wing media empireSalon
Steve Bannon, UnrepentantThe American Prospect
New York Times
all 4,809 news articles »

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Steve Bannon is what made Donald Trump who he is - Kansas City Star (blog)

Kleptocracy in America – Foreign Affairs

"Drain the swamp! the U.S. Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump shouted at campaign rallies last year. The crowds roared; he won. Our political system is corrupt! the Democratic candidate Bernie Sanders thundered at his own rallies. His approval rating now stands at around 60 percent, dwarfing that of any other national-level elected official. Although many aspects of U.S. politics may be confusing, Americans are clearly more agitated about corruption than they have been in nearly a century, in ways that much of the political mainstream does not quite grasp. The topic has never been central to either major partys platform, and top officials tend to conflate what is legal with what is uncorrupt, speaking a completely different language from that of their constituents.

Although the political establishment, including the justices of the Supreme Court, may cling to a legal notion of corruption, ordinary Americans more visceral understanding is in line with an anticorruption Zeitgeist that has swept the world in the past decade. In Brazil, huge, ongoing street protests over the course of two years have bolstered the federal police force and a crusading jurist, Srgio Moro, as they have investigated and brought to justice high-ranking perpetrators in a web of corruption scandals. Their work has already led to the impeachment of one president, Dilma Rousseff, and her successor, Michel Temer, is also in the cross hairs. A similar movement has shaken Guatemala, where a UN-backed commission has helped prosecutors bring charges against dozens of officials, including Otto Prez Molinawho was the countrys president until 2015, when he resigned and was arrested on corruption charges. Earlier this year, South Korean President Park Guen-hye met the same fate.

In countries as varied as Bulgaria, Honduras, Iraq, Lebanon, Malaysia, Moldova, Romania, and South Africa, where governments havent been toppled, citizens have nonetheless shown remarkable collective energy in protesting corruption. Taken together, these disparate movements add up to a low-grade worldwide insurrection. Elsewhere, taking the pulse of their

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Kleptocracy in America - Foreign Affairs

21 Best Things to Do in Houston This Week: Deathcopter and an Arts Open House – Houston Press

Tuesday, August 22

A full decade after its release, Hot Fuzz remains just as kooky and cultish as ever; its 10th anniversary gives Alamo Drafthouse ample reason to screen the film once again. In it, top cop Nicholas Angel (Simon Pegg) is so good he makes everyone else look bad. So, after a little shuffling of paperwork, hes off the London force and assigned to the sleepy British town of Sandford, where nothing ever happensuntil peoples heads start falling off. Its a group of cops who find out there is a dark conspiracy, and it becomes a parody of American action films, says the theaters programming director, Robert Saucedo. To add to the fun, a curated pre-show 30 minutes before the film will provide gags and props to use throughout the movie. 7:30 p.m. August 22. 531 South Mason. For information, call 281-492-6900 or visit drafthouse.com/houston. $12. Sam Byrd

Wednesday, August 23

Yoga, craft beer and the breweries that produce that craft beer are all a big part of the Houston social scene. Why not combine all three into one? Thats exactly what Yoga & Hops has done, bringing yoga and beer to a number of local breweries, including Karbach and 8th Wonder. Entry includes one hour of vinyasa-based yoga, which focuses on movement and breath, and a craft beer to help wind down afterward. Yoga & Hops is a chance to do something outside of the studio and maybe bring yoga to people who might not initially be drawn to that sort of environment, says Cindy Agnew, who co-founded Y&H with college friend Angie Currell in 2014. Its a really friendly community setting. 7 p.m. August 23. 8th Wonder Brewery, 2202 Dallas. For more information, call 832-930-0391 or visit yogaandhops.com. $20 to $25; bring your own mat or rent one for $3. Clint Hale

With President Trump making progress pulling out of the Paris climate accord and global warming deniers growing louder by the day, its good to know there are folks whove got our back. When not busy keeping track of the pollution released each year in the Bayou City (more than 68 million pounds in 2015), Air Alliance Houston also helps organize the Houston Green Film Series. Next up is Wild About Houston 2017: Short Films Screening, and its being held, fittingly enough, at the Cherie Flores Garden Pavilion at Hermann Park. Just based on whats going on politically, people have kind of opened their eyes a little bit to seeing whats going on around them. How their lives are being affected, says Ryan Small, communications director. Come immerse yourself in nature, breathe in the (hopefully) fresh air and catch half a dozen shorts about wildlife and ecosystems. Stay after for a panel convo about our regions conservation needs. Co-presenters include Katy Prairie Conservancy, Citizens Environmental Coalition, Coastal Prairie Partnership and Houston Native Prairies Association of Texas. 7 to 8:30 p.m. August 23. 1500 Hermann Drive. For information visit facebook.com/HoustonGreenFilmSeries. Free. Susie Tommaney

Thursday, August 24

Its hard to imagine a world without smiley faces, LOLs or other emoticons that describe our current state of mind. Newest kid on the Houston dance block Group Acorde is premiering a work that explores how technology has become so intertwined with our interactions. After developing a hashtag for a performance last year, Director Roberta Paixao Cortes said the troupe began talking about how we communicate with hashtags, emojis, emails and Facebook, which all fed into the title of this new work: Unemojional. Its a full collaboration. All of the music is original and performed live, says Cortes. She describes their dance as contemporary, though both Cortes and Associate Director Lindsey McGill are classically trained. They also seem to have tapped into the zeitgeist with the timely release of The Emoji Movie. 8 p.m. August 24-25. Rec Room, 100 Jackson. For information, call 713-344-1291 or visit groupacorde.org or recroomhtx.com. $15 to $20. Susie Tommaney

The Wayans are an entertainment dynasty, but how has Shawn Wayans kept his career satisfying? Diversity! Besides starring in and sometimes writing box-office hits like Little Man, White Chicks and the first two Scary Movie films, hes kept his stand-up comedy a priority by hitting the clubs for more than 20 years, a tradition that continues with a weekend headlining the Houston Improv. Stand-ups not easy! Wayans explains. Its never boring, theres always excitement with new people coming to see you. The high you get from making people you dont know laugh is impossible to explain, this jolt of energy. Youll get out of shape if you dont do it youll go from being Kobe when hes in shape to now Kobe with his shirt on. 8 p.m. August 24, 7:30 and 9:45 p.m. August 25, 7 and 9:30 p.m. August 26, 7:30 p.m. August 27. Houston Improv, 7620 Katy Freeway. For information call 713-333-8800 or visit improvhouston.com. $25. Vic Shuttee

Friday, August 25

Imagine a door becoming a see-saw, a 12-foot-tall stone mill morphing into a Ferris wheel or a tunnel that narrows your point of view like a telescope. Now factor in a company of dancers, leaping and swinging, climbing and twisting against these transformable set pieces, and youve got NobleMotion Dances Catapult: Dance meets Design. Husband-and-wife artistic directors and choreographers Andy Noble and Dionne Sparkman Noble agree that it would have been easy to make the five dance works mechanical, and therefore less human, but, adds Dionne Noble, I think music and lighting and the dancers themselves soften the edges throughout, but it is true that these are real structures theres steel onstage, theres a largeness, a grandness to the structures. I think we can only be human against them. 7:30 p.m. August 25-26. The Hobby Center, 800 Bagby. For information, call 713-315-2525 or visit noblemotiondance.com. $25 to $35. Natalie de la Garza

The premise is simple: A couple has invited another couple over for a dinner party, but the guests show up on the wrong night. What makes Yasmina Rezas Life X 3 ominous and/or funny, depending on which of the three outcomes the audience is watching, is how protagonists Henry and Sonia respond when theres no food and no way to calm their unhinged six-year-old child. Its not what happens to you, its how you respond, says Trevor Cone, executive director of Dirt Dogs Theatre Co., producing the French playwright known for Art and God of Carnage for the first time. Its a very philosophical yet scientific look at who we are in the universe, adds Cone, whos directing the play. 7:30 p.m. Thursdays, 8 p.m. Fridays and Saturdays, 2 p.m. Sundays. August 25 through September 9. The MATCH, 3400 Main. For information, call 713-561-5113 or visit dirtdogstheatre.org. $22. Steve Jansen

Sure, card-carrying designers get first crack at The Houston Design Centers Designer Sample Sale during a day before preview but trust us there are still plenty of couture furnishings to be had for a song. Sheri Roane, marketing director for the center, tells us they keep raiding designer storage areas throughout the event, even Sunday. Its really good stuff; designer furnishings, things that go into beautiful homes and condominiums all over Houston. Look for rugs, case goods, accessories, lighting and one-of-a-kind pieces. Time it right (the early bird finds the bargains), refuel at the food trucks (11 a.m. to 2 p.m.), and attend one of the free lectures about mastering luxury (10:30 a.m. August 25), remodeling tips (10:30 a.m. August 26) and escaping the clutter (11:30 a.m. August 25-26). 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. August 25-27. 7026 Old Katy Road. For information, call 713-864-2660 or visit thehoustondesigncenter.com. Free. Susie Tommaney

The Waiting Room follows the spirit of a Bengali-British housewife who has just died but has three sunrises remaining to eavesdrop on her family and find closure before she moves on to await reincarnation. Her spirit guide? Bollywood heartthrob and legendary actor Dilip Kumar, who reached his peak with audiences in the 1950s and '60s yet remains crush-worthy for Priya even in death.British dramatist Tanika Gupta garnered attention (and the John Whiting Award) in 2000 for this sentimental comedy that takes us through the stages of denial, outrage and acceptance as long-held secrets are revealed. Bree Bridger, who just finished a stint directing for Mildred's Umbrella's Museum of Dysfunction IX, directs this production for presenter Shunya Theatre, a Texas-based South Asian theater troupe. 8 p.m. Thursday, Fridays and Saturdays, 3 p.m. Sundays. August 25 through September 3. The MATCH, 3400 Main. For information, call 713-521-4533 or visit shunyatheatre.org or matchouston.org. $20. Susie Tommaney

Anybody who has ever wondered about the glamour of the greasepaint and the prestige of hanging out backstage will think again after witnessing the door-slamming British farce, Noises Off, where everything that can go wrong, does. Playwright Michael Frayn got the idea for the play after realizing that behind-the-scenes hijinks are sometimes funnier than what the audience members are watching, and his play-within-a-play debuted in London in 1982. Stageworks Theatre is opening the season with this classic romp and updating the piece by setting it in 1971, the same year that No Sex, Please, We're British debuted. Costumer Ellen Girdwood has her work cut out for her, outfitting the cast in the groovy bell-bottoms and bright, psychedelic colors of the early '70s. Sean Thompson (As You Like It) directs. 7:30 p.m. Fridays and Saturdays, 3 p.m. Sundays. August 25 through September 17. 10760 Grand Road. For information, call 281-587-6100 or visit stageworkshouston.org. $19 to $28. Susie Tommaney

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21 Best Things to Do in Houston This Week: Deathcopter and an Arts Open House - Houston Press

Why it’s becoming cool to live in your car or a 150-sq. ft. apartment – Christian Science Monitor

August 21, 2017 Seattle; and Los AngelesWhen Shawna Nelson leaves her office in Seattles suburbs, she does what 28-year-olds often do: dines with friends, goes out dancing, or sees a show. Sometimes she hits her swanky gym.

But at the end of the night Ms. Nelson always returns to Dora, the dusty Ford Explorer she calls home. In the back, where a row of seats should be, lies a foam mattress covered with fuzzy animal-print blankets. Nelson keeps a headlamp handy for when she wants to read before bed. Then, once shes sure she wont get ticketed or towed, she turns in for the night.

I still strive to have some sort of routine, says Nelson, who started living in her car about a year ago. Would I rather spend $1,200 on an apartment that Im probably not going to be at very much, or would I rather spend $1,200 a month on traveling?

For her, it was an easy choice.

Shes not alone. As housing costs soar, US communities have faced ballooning homelessness, declining homeownership, and tensions over gentrification. But the rising expense of homes, when combined with the demographic, cultural, and technological trends of the past decade, has also prompted a more positive phenomenon: smaller, leaner living. This conscious shift, mainly among portions of the middle and upper classes, springs from a desire to live more fully with less.

For some it means choosing tiny homes and micro-apartments typically less than 350 square feet for the chance to live affordably in vibrant neighborhoods. For others, like Nelson, it means hitting the road in a truck or van, communing with nature and like-minded people along the way. Proponents range in ages and backgrounds, but they all share a renewed thirst for alternatives to traditional lifestyles like single-family homes, long cherished as a symbol of the American dream.

I think fundamentally it comes down to a shift in perception about the pursuit of happiness how it doesnt require a consumerist lifestyle or collection of stuff, says Jay Janette, a Seattle architect whose firm has designed a number of micro-housing developments in the city. Theyre not really living in their spaces, theyre living in their city.

John Infranca, a law professor at Bostons Suffolk University who specializes in urban law and policy, says the phenomenon is driven largely by Millennials, who have been the faces of both the affordable housing crisis and the shift to minimalism.

Research shows that the 18-to-35 cohort continues to rent at higher rates than previous generations: 74 percent lived in a rental property in 2016, compared to 62 percent of Gen Xers in 2000, according to the Pew Research Center. And while the Millennial desire to not buy homes tends to be overstated studies suggest many want to own, but often cant afford to they do prioritize experiences over stuff.

They arent the only ones. Spending on experiences like food, travel, and recreation is up for all consumers, making up more than 20 percent of Americans consumption expenses in 2015. (In contrast, the share for spending on household goods and cars was in the single digits.) Baby-boomer parents, downsizing as they enter retirement, find that their grown children are uninterested in inheriting their hoards of Hummels and Thomas Kinkade paintings. The same live with less logic has begun to extend beyond stuff to the spaces these older adults occupy.

There is some cultural demand for simpler living, says Professor Infranca. And by virtue of technology, we are able to live with a lot less.

Its a distinct moment for a culture that has long placed a premium on individual ownership and a keeping up with the Joneses mentality, Mr. Janette and others say.

I think the recession changed the playing field for a lot of people, notes Sofia Borges, an architect, trend consultant, and lecturer at the University of Southern California. Job security, homeownership a lot of that went out the window and never really returned. When a change like that happens, you have to change your ideas a little bit too.

That was certainly the case for Kim Henderson, who was a marketing manager making more than $80,000 a year before the recession. I never again found a job like I had [before 2008], says Ms. Henderson, now in her 50s. When they were available, they went to younger people.

Kim Henderson plays with her dog, Olive, on Aug. 12 in her apartment in downtown Los Angeles. Ms. Henderson, who moved into the 175-square-foot unit about a year ago, says downsizing has been good for both her soul and her savings account. Theres an energy you get from purging, she says. I have more money in my pocket and less things.

Jessica Mendoza/The Christian Science Monitor

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Today Henderson makes about $37,000 a year as an executive assistant to a bar owner and lives in the Bristol Hotel, a mixed-use apartment building in the heart of downtown Los Angeles. Her studio, which she shares with her small dog Olive, is 175 square feet the equivalent of about four king-size beds. The walls are covered in framed artwork that Henderson collected from thrift shops and friends. An apartment-sized fridge and a fold-out couch are her largest possessions.

Its the same exact lifestyle [I used to live], just with less things and more money in her pocket, she says.

Henderson pays $685 a month including electricity a bargain for Los Angeles, where studios average $1,500. She can save money and still have enough disposable income to eat out and travel, she says. But at least as important is the sense of liberation. Theres an energy you get from purging, Henderson says. You dont need six towels. You dont need a ton of dishes. You pick the things out that you really want to keep in the useful category.

The sentiment is in keeping with a growing culture of minimalism. Marie Kondos The Life-Changing Magic of Tidying Up, which urges people to keep only those things that spark joy, has sold 1.5 million copies in the US alone. Joshua Fields Millburn and Ryan Nicodemus, also known as The Minimalists, have also helped take the notion mainstream with a podcast, website, bestselling books, and documentaries.

There are other forces at play, too. Digital access to resources makes living lean more feasible, says Infranca at Suffolk. Henderson, for instance, doesnt own a car, relying instead on ride-sharing services or her own two feet to get around. And because she lives downtown shes closer to the amenities and establishments she loves.

Its a value proposition, says David Neiman, whose Seattle design firm focuses on small-efficiency dwelling units, which start at 150 square feet. I could live for the same price in a central location in housing thats clean, has internet, and I can walk to work and exciting things. Or I can live farther away, have more space, and its in a secondary neighborhood and I have to drive.

Instead of renting a micro-unit in an urban center, filmmakers Alexis Stephens and Christian Parsons decided two years ago to build their own 130-square foot house and load it onto the bed of a U-Haul. They then set off across the country in a bid to live more simply and sustainably, travel, and invest in their own place all while documenting the experience.

The Tiny House Expedition has since become a thriving enterprise. Ms. Stephens and Mr. Parsons have interviewed tiny house advocates and dwellers across 30,000 miles and 29 states. At a sustainability festival outside Seattle in July, they sold T-shirts and copies of the book Turning Tiny, a collection of essays they contributed to. They gave tours of their home. And they answered questions about building and living in a tiny house, touting its potential as an affordable, sustainable, and high-quality alternative lifestyle.

Christian Parsons stands inside the entryway of his tiny home on July 22 at a local sustainability festival at Shoreline Community College in Shoreline, Wash. Mr. Parsons built and shares the home with his partner, Alexis Stephens, and together they travel the country documenting tiny home communities.

Jessica Mendoza/The Christian Science Monitor

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People are empowering themselves to build housing options that work for them that are not available in the market, Stephens says.

Tiny homes can range from about 100 to 300 square feet and cost between $25,000 to $100,000, give or take. Stephens and Parsons built theirs using reclaimed material for about $20,000, and it comes with a loft for a queen-sized bed, a compost toilet, walls that double as storage, and shelves that turn into tables. For those with more lavish tastes, vendors like Seattle Tiny Homes offer customizable houses complete with a shower and a washer and dryer for about $85,000.

You arent downgrading from a traditional home, says founder Sharon Read. It can have everything you want and nothing you dont want.

Those who would rather not lug around a whole house while they travel, however, have turned to another alternative: #vanlife. The term was coined in 2011 by Foster Huntington, a former Ralph Lauren designer who gave up his life in New York City to surf the California coast, living and traveling in a 1987 Volkswagen Syncro. His photos, which he posted on Instagram and later compiled in a $65 book titled, Home Is Where You Park It, launched what The New Yorker dubbed a Bohemian social-media movement.

The hashtag has since been used more than a million times on Instagram. Vanlifers drive everything from cargo vans to SUVs, though the Volkswagen Vanagon remains the classic choice.

Its definitely found a renewed zeitgeist, says Jad Josey, general manager at GoWesty, a Southern California-based vendor of Volkswagen van parts. The fact that you can be really compact and mobile and almost 100 percent self-sufficient in a Vanagon is really attractive to people.

People like freelance photographer Aidan Klimenko, who has been living off and on in vans and SUVs for three years, traversing the US and South America.

The idea of working so hard to pay rent which ultimately, thats just money down the drain is such a hard concept for me, says Mr. Klimenko. Vanlife, he adds, is access to the outdoors and its movement. Im addicted to traveling. Im addicted to being in new places and meeting new people and waking up outside.

Still, the movement to live smaller may not be as extensive as social media makes it seem, some housing analysts say. Zoning regulations especially in dense urban areas often restrict the number and size of buildable units, slowing growth among micro-apartments and tiny homes. Constructing or living in a tiny home or micro-unit can still pose a legal risk in some cities.

And by and large, Americans continue to value size. The average new home built in the US in 2015 wasa record 2,687 square feet 1,000 square feet larger than in 1973, according to the American Enterprise Institute in Washington.

Living mobile isnt all grand adventures and scenic views, either. Van dwellers say theyve had to contend with engine trouble, the cold and the heat, and unpleasant public restrooms. And Henderson in Los Angeles says she once lived in an affordable micro-housing development that had a pervasive drug-dealing problem.

Still, those who have embraced leaner living say what they might lose in creature comforts, they gain in perspective and experience. In crisscrossing the country, Stephens and Parsons opened themselves up to the kindness of strangers. Its a nice reminder that as Americans we have so much more in common than we realize, Stephens says. They also spend more time connecting with others, instead of closeting themselves at home.

Whether youre choosing a van, a school bus, a tiny house, or a micro-apartment, you get a lot of the same benefits, she says. We need more housing options, period, in America. Weve boxed ourselves in a very monolithic housing culture. Were showing its OK to venture outside of that.

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Why it's becoming cool to live in your car or a 150-sq. ft. apartment - Christian Science Monitor

Is Australia’s far-right creeping into the mainstream? – The Week UK

Australia's nationalist movement was thrown into the international spotlight last week when a far-right senator wore a burka in parliament and called for a ban on the Islamic garment.

Pauline Hanson, leader of the One Nation party, entered the Senate in a floor-length black gown and face veil to gasps from stunned colleagues, who were vocal in their condemnation of what one senator called an "appalling" stunt.

Hanson was unapologetic. "I would not change a thing; I am not embarrassed by what I did," she told local broadcaster Seven News, adding that wearing the burka is "not an Australian way of life".

It was the latest publicity coup by Australia's emboldened far-right, which has seen an astonishing resurgence in popularity after teetering on the verge of extinction a few years ago.

Founded and fuelled on the virulent anti-Asian immigration sentiment of the 1990s, One Nation has followed the trend of Marine Le Pen's Front National and Ukip by training their sights on a new target Muslims.

As with France's Front National, it has proven a winning strategy for One Nation. "After almost two decades in the political wilderness, Hanson is back and more powerful than ever," says Quartz.

In the early 1990s, Australia plunged into a deep recession at its peak, unemployment rose to almost 11 per cent.

With "traditional" working class manufacturing jobs moving overseas, often to Asian countries, Asian newcomers who, in 1986, outstripped Britons as the largest group immigrating to Australia were a visible target for angry and frustrated white Australians.

"People started wearing printed yellow T-shirts, the word 'full' emblazoned across a map of Australia," Alice Pung, an Asian-Australian who grew up in the 1990s, wrote in the New York Times.

Enter Pauline Hanson. The nationalist politician cut her teeth on the Asian immigration panic of the 1990s. Her maiden speech to parliament in 1996 included broadsides aimed at everything from subsidies for Aboriginal communities to multiculturalism. The most controversial and memorable portion of her speech took aim at Asian immigrants.

"I believe we are in danger of being swamped by Asians," she said, a phrase now embedded in Australian political memory. "They have their own culture and religion, form ghettos and do not assimilate."

If the rhetoric employed against Asians in 1996 sounds familiar to the rhetoric used by nationalist and far-right groups to describe Muslims, that's no coincidence it's a winning strategy.

When Hanson founded the One Nation party in 1997, she may have imagined she was capturing the zeitgeist. In reality, anti-Asian sentiment had already passed its peak.

A slowdown in the influx of immigrants from Asia, combined with increasing acceptance of those already in Australia, meant that anti-Asian rabble-rousing ceased to be a vote winner.

Hanson lost her seat in the 1998 federal elections, leaving Queensland senator Len Harris as the only One Nation member in either house of parliament. In the 2004 federal elections, he too lost his seat. One Nation were officially out in the cold.

Although One Nation maintained a regional presence in Hanson's native Queensland, not a single One Nation representative was elected to parliament from 2005 to 2016.

Yet, in the 2016 elections, four One Nation senators were elected to the upper house. In one fell swoop, the party had more parliamentarians than in their 19 years of existence combined. So what changed?

Hanson and her One Nation colleagues have followed the lead of far-right movements such as Le Pen's Front National by moving away from "traditional" targets racial and sexual minorities and focussing their ire on Muslims.

"She's doing today what she did in the 1990s," Professor Duncan McDonnell of Griffith University told Quartz. "You can basically take the word 'Asian' and replace it with 'Muslim'."

One Nation's manifesto reflects the shift, with an entire subsection devoted to the subject of "Islam".

While some policies a ban on halal food certification, for instance are unlikely to prove big vote winners, One Nation's call for a freeze on Muslim migration does appear to have struck a chord in a nation that has been the target of six Islamic State terror attacks over the past three years.

A poll released in September 2016 found that half of Australians were in favour of halting Muslim migration, although a second poll published a month later put the figure at one in three, Huffington Post reports.

The ruling Liberal Party and previous Labor government have been accused of pandering to this populist, anti-Muslim sentiment in their attitude towards Australian refugees and migrants, the vast majority of them Muslim.

In 2013, then-prime minister Kevin Rudd announced that any refugee caught attempting to enter Australia by boat without a valid visa would not be permitted to settle in Australia.

Offshore detention centres for asylum seekers, closed in 2007 under pressure from human rights groups, were reopened in 2012. The remote island-holding centres in Nauru and Papua New Guinea, where some refugees have been held for upwards of two years, were described by Amnesty International as "Australia's Shame".

Leaked reports from inside the Nauru detention centre, published in The Guardian last year, paint a horrifying portrait of detainees, some of them children, starving and mutilating themselves, in addition to suicide attempts, medical neglect and sexual abuse by employees.

Despite widespread condemnation from global human rights groups and protests within Australia, as of 30 June 2017 more than 1,000 people were living in the offshore detention centres, according to Australian border agency statistics.

If the refugees were white Christians, writes Robert Manne in The Monthly, "it's improbable, or so it seems to me, that public opinion would have tolerated their detention behind razor wire or their transportation to the hellhole on Nauru".

Islamophobia has turned illegal immigration into a dominant political issue, he writes: "Australian politics is being moulded by resentment of the tiny handful of asylum seekers who arrive uninvited on our shore."

In December 2016, the United Nations' special rapporteur on racism Mutuma Ruteere highlighted the "alarming" role of the media in "reinforcing the negative perception of migrants, particularly Muslims and persons of African descent".

Ruteere warned that mainstream politicians were not doing enough to prevent the normalisation of the kind of rhetoric espoused by the One Nation party and urged them to step up their efforts or risk letting the fringe become the mainstream: "It's much harder to clear out the political space once it's infected by racists."

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Is Australia's far-right creeping into the mainstream? - The Week UK

Can Mozzy’s Sacramento Street Rap Translate Beyond the West Coast? – The Ringer (blog)

California rappers live in their own, sovereign hip-hop republic, one thatsave for the occasional Kendrick Lamar or YGcan seem as foreign to the rest of the United States as the U.K.s grime music. In California, the songs are bouncier, and yet the rappers are far more intimidating; gangs have a real hold over the music. To a mainstream rap fans ears, the lingo and geography of California hip-hop songwriting is, at times, indecipherable.

But Mozzy, a 30-year-old street rapper from Sacramento, is making a particularly difficult translation into hip-hops mainstream. His hometown plays host to one of the most varied and exciting rap scenes in the country today, and Mozzy has built a modest national fan base on the strength of hyperactive output and a deadly way with words. His new album, 1 Up Top Ahka term for shooting someone once in the head, neck, and throat with precise aimout Friday, missed its previous, shaky release dates for the past couple of years, lost in a flurry of great mixtapes that spared no quality. There was a point when Mozzy was dropping four mixtapes per year without spreading himself thin. Mozzys tough talks duets mixtape, Dreadlocks and Headshots, recorded with South Florida rapper Gunplay and released in May, marked a second phase of his national come-up; three months later, 1 Up Top Ahk is his solo confirmation.

Still, Mozzy continues to work mostly with his local crew of rappers such as Philthy Rich, E Mozzy (Mozzys brother), Celly Ru, and Show Banga; and his longtime producer JuneOnnaBeat, who, since 2012, has helped craft Mozzys dark and quarrelsome sound. Indeed, Mozzy carries himself with the knuckleheaded disposition of your typical legit gangsterturned-rapper. On his home turf, he has fought with the incarcerated Sacramento rapper Lavish D. and regional godfathers C-Bo and Brotha Lynch Hung. Beyond Northern California, Mozzy has faced some difficulty achieving the crossover appeal of, say, 21 Savagean Atlanta street rapper whose subdued, zonked-out delivery is more in line with hip-hops zeitgeist than Mozzys full-throated barking, and whose trap production is an easier mainstream sell than Mozzys dark Sactown bounce. Mozzy doesnt sing. He doesnt mosh. He doesnt dye his dreads, nor is he a particularly fashionable dresser. He doesnt spill romantic confessions and catharsis left and right. Mozzy is too tightly wound for all that.

And Mozzy doesnt take too kindly to these trends among his Eastern contemporaries. In June, XXL published its 2017 freshman class magazine cover, featuring 21 Savage, Lil Yachty, and a few other stars of the so-called mumble rap movement. Two months before the cover had even dropped, Mozzy anticipated his exclusion from the list with the release of a song called Dear XXL, in which he made the case that shady record-label politics blocked the rap magazine from celebrating his independent success. I see progression when I look at the mirror, Mozzy raps. Look at your magazine and all the freshmen is queers. In a year when Mozzy finally seems destined to achieve real national traction, hes chosen alienation, instead of assimilation, as his manner of distinction.

Mozzy fits awkwardly into conversations about modern hip-hop. He is a traditionalist in some ways, but hardly a reactionary. Hes as quick to disparage C-Bo as Lil Yachty is to discount the Notorious B.I.G. And his fondness for codeine, shaky cams, and laser sights is pure millennial hip-hop aesthetic. But he also comes across, on Dear XXL and on 1 Up Top Ahk, as a young man who is too old for this shit. Mind you, Mozzy and Meek Mill are the same age, but where Meek is quick to balance his power rapping with R&B hooks, and his clear 2000s musical influences with Young Thug verses, Mozzy resists slipping into a continental sound. He is so thoroughly West Coast that his even being on the verge of national recognition, despite a lack of YG-sized hit singles, is a small miracle for the genre. His insults aside, XXL may well tap him for the freshman cover next year. (By then, who knows: Mozzy may well be hip-hops future.)

As hyped as its been in the mainstream rap press, 1 Up Top Ahk is the closest thing Mozzy has to a properly nationalized hip-hop record. For a year now, hes collaborated with an expanded cast of guest rappers, which awkwardly but inevitably includes the Bays white boy pop rapper G-Eazy. 1 Up Top Ahk includes significantly stronger and more appropriate cameos from Boosie, Lil Durk, Jay Rock, and Dave Eastall offering dense, hardbody flows over Mozzys whistling, high-noon beats.

Typically, tough rappers will soften themselves, in some form or another, on their retail releases. Meek Mill made his biggest record, All Eyez on You, with Chris Brown and Nicki Minaj. Future made the leap from trap mixtape supremacy to superdom only after a year of singing duets with Drake. Where most of these guys opt for R&B, though, Mozzy sings the blues and channels the late the Jacka, his rap idol, through beautiful groans and aching recollections of violence. On 1 Up Top Ahk, the blues is the sound of a piano at a gospel choir rehearsal on Cant Take It (Ima Gangsta) and Afraid. Its the sheer number of times Mozzy and Celly Ru say cry, or some variation of it, on Take It Up With God. Mozzy isnt repenting, exactly; this isnt his come-to-Jesus album. He still issues threats with utmost slickness. But hes cleaned himself up a bit. Save for a posthumously released, rags-to-riches verse from the Jacka, theres hardly any drug talk from a rapper who has previously dedicated much of his songs to celebrating feats of codeine consumption, and who still frequently features double cups in his Instagram posts. In 2017, Mozzy is a relatively sober gangster rapper who could not be any more out of touch with the zeitgeist than he already is if he tried. His iconoclasm is his strengtheven if it renders him unintelligible to the Hot 100.

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Can Mozzy's Sacramento Street Rap Translate Beyond the West Coast? - The Ringer (blog)

David Von Drehle: Steve Bannon made Trump who he is – Omaha World-Herald

Stephen K. Bannon may be gone, but he wont soon be forgotten.

Firing the chief strategist from the White House will bolster the frayed hopes of Chief of Staff John F. Kelly that he might somehow corral the raging bull in the Oval Office. Plenty of china has been smashed since January, but a few dishes maybe even the prized platter of tax reform could yet be rescued. Maybe.

But Bannon played a role for President Donald Trump that no one else can fill, one that Trump will pine for like a junkie pines for smack. The impresario of apocalyptic politics gave Trump a grandiose image of himself at a time when the real estate mogul was building a movement but had no real ideas.

Until Bannon came along, Trump was a political smorgasbord. He had been a Democrat, an independent and a Republican. He had been pro-choice and anti-abortion. He did business in the Middle East and tweeted about a Muslim ban. As for deep policy debates, he really couldnt be bothered. He was a vibe, a zeitgeist not a platform.

Bannon convinced him that he was something more than a political neophyte with great instincts and perfect timing. Bannon painted a picture of Trump as a world-historical force, the revolutionary leader of a new political order, as the strategist told Time magazine earlier this year.

Under the influence of a pair of generational theorists, William Strauss and Neil Howe, Bannon conceives of American history as a repeating cycle of four phases. A generation struggles with an existential crisis: the Revolutionary War, the Civil War, World War II. The next generation builds institutions to prevent a future crisis. The next generation rebels against the institutions, leading to a Fourth Turning, in which the next crisis comes.

Believing that another crisis is upon us, Bannon framed a role in Trumps imagination for the former real estate mogul to remake the world. To the list of crisis presidents George Washington, Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt they would add the name of Trump.

With Bannon gone, the White House might become a place less in love with conflict and chaos. But it is hard to think that Trump will be happy without aides who can paint such a picture for him.

He will be looking for ways to keep in touch with his Svengali, because once youve been a Man of Destiny, its hard to go back to being a guy who got lucky.

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David Von Drehle: Steve Bannon made Trump who he is - Omaha World-Herald

Steve Bannon made Donald Trump who he is – Chicago Tribune

Stephen K. Bannon may be gone, but he won't soon be forgotten. Firing the chief strategist from the White House will bolster the frayed hopes of Chief of Staff John F. Kelly that he might somehow corral the raging bull in the Oval Office. Plenty of china has been smashed since January, but a few dishes maybe even the prized platter of tax reform could yet be rescued. Maybe.

But Bannon played a role for President Donald Trump that no one else can fill, one that Trump will pine for like a junkie pines for smack. The impresario of apocalyptic politics gave Trump a grandiose image of himself at a time when the real estate mogul was building a movement but had no real ideas.

Until Bannon came along, Trump was a political smorgasbord. He had been a Democrat, an independent and a Republican. He had been pro-choice and anti-abortion. He did business in the Middle East and tweeted about a Muslim ban. As for deep policy debates, he really couldn't be bothered. He was a vibe, a zeitgeist not a platform.

Bannon convinced him that he was something more than a political neophyte with great instincts and perfect timing. Trump, Bannon purred in his ear, was the next wave of world history. He painted a picture of Trump as a world-historical force, the revolutionary leader of a "new political order," as the strategist told Time magazine earlier this year.

Under the influence of a pair of generational theorists, William Strauss and Neil Howe, Bannon conceives of American history as a repeating cycle of four phases. A generation struggles with an existential crisis: the Revolutionary War, the Civil War, World War II. The next generation builds institutions to prevent a future crisis. The next generation rebels against the institutions, leading to a "Fourth Turning," in which the next crisis comes. Believing that another crisis is upon us, Bannon framed a role in Trump's imagination for the former real estate mogul to remake the world. To the list of crisis presidents George Washington, Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt they would add the name of Trump.

With Bannon gone, the White House might become a place less in love with conflict and chaos. But it is hard to think that Trump will be happy without aides who can paint such a picture for him. He will be looking for ways to keep in touch with his Svengali, because once you've been a Man of Destiny, it's hard to go back to being a guy who got lucky.

David Von Drehle writes a twice-weekly column for The Post. He was previously an editor-at-large for Time Magazine, and is the author of four books, including "Rise to Greatness: Abraham Lincoln and Americas Most Perilous Year" and "Triangle: The Fire That Changed America."

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Steve Bannon made Donald Trump who he is - Chicago Tribune

‘An Inconvenient Truth’: Did the Earth move for us? – Irish Times

The release in 2006 of the documentary film An Inconvenient Truth was a surprise box office and critical hit, as well as a landmark moment in raising awareness about dangerous climate change.

Grossing more than $50 million, it became one of the most successful documentary films ever made, and was widely regarded as having reinvigorated the global ecological movement. It also earned its creator Al Gore a share of the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize. Gores follow-up film, An Inconvenient Sequel Truth To Power, opens nationwide on August 18th.

For me, the film was an environmental epiphany an electrifying moment when everything Id been studying and trying to process emotionally for several years came crashing into focus.

By the time the final credits were rolling, I sensed my days of cynical indifference on this issue were over. Being a parent of what were then very young children sharpened its impact. After all, the timelines for catastrophe ran right through their future adult lives. Who, knowing this, could choose not to act? In Gores own words, doing nothing in the face of what we now know about climate change is deeply unethical.

I have asked some well-known figures from environmental science and campaigning for their impressions, then and now, of An Inconvenient Truth. Did the Earth move for them?

When it came out I remember feeling excited that someone had actually made a feature film about global warming. At that time it wasnt a big deal in the collective consciousness; most people hadnt really grasped the consequences of rising emissions.

I think the film had a huge impact on how we, as a society, understood climate change. It made the science of climate change accessible to a huge audience, and as an environmental scientist, I felt it helped give our work a boost and endorse our efforts for change.

Tragically, the resulting shift in awareness didnt translate in to policy changes. Even now, a decade later, we all still have our heads in the sand. We know the basic facts, we know the scale of destruction and injustice that climate change brings about, yet any real positive action is still dismissed as extreme. I hope the films sequel will help resolve this cognitive dissonance.

The International Panel on Climate Changes (IPCC) fourth assessment report came out later that year, and the real importance of the film is that it articulated the science to the public in a way that hadnt been done before.

Up till then, IPCC reports were seen as dusty old documents that were kept in a drawer. Al Gore showed their relevance by explaining the impact of climate change on us as individuals. Gore also provided leadership to the environmental movement at that time, someone they could coalesce around to express their particular concerns.

Some of the way he conveyed the science was populist, and you could pick holes in some of his arguments, as his critics tried so often to do, but the overall thrust of what he said in the film is true, and has been proven true ever since.

Gores first movie had a profound effect on me. Im embarrassed to admit it, but I cried when the credits came up because it was the moment I realised that, if we didnt solve climate change, everything was at risk. Yet the problem was so big I couldnt fathom how to fix it.

The original film did a great job raising awareness of climate change but it stopped short of providing much in the way of solutions. I think thats part of the reason it failed to make a huge impact with the public not everyone wanted to go to the cinema to get depressed.

However, Gores Climate Reality project, which came after the film, has had real impact. I am one of over 8,000 climate leaders in 126 countries who have been trained to give a version of his famous PowerPoint presentation. That may be its enduring legacy.

Has any public figure been more pilloried for their efforts to communicate the climate threat than Al Gore? Going back to his time as US vice-president, where he worked hard to put global warming on the political agenda, he has been under relentless attack from the well-funded forces of denial.

The release of An Inconvenient Truth in 2006 led to an intensification of the hate campaign against Gore that continues to this day.

In his original film one of Gores slides featured a graphic of the famous hockey-stick curve that my co-authors and I published in the late 1990s. This showed a dramatic spike in temperature over the past century.

Every bit as dramatic has been the quite extraordinary global growth in clean energy in the past 10 years. The deniers said it couldnt be done. They were wrong, yet again. Despite everything, there are still reasons for cautious optimism, and Al Gore can take a lot of credit for that.

The movie led to a breakthrough moment in public debate and media coverage of climate change. Suddenly it was a zeitgeist issue. Journalists were looking for the climate angle on almost everything. I remember reading an Irish Times profile of eight young women writers where six of them named climate change as a concern, and thinking weve made it.

Then came the economic crash, which knocked climate right off the political and media agenda. Irish vested interest groups have also worked hard to put protection of short-term private profit above longer-term public interest.

Personally, I liked the movie and the way Gore wove the story of his familys tobacco farming with his own discovery of the science of climate risk. And his nave hopes that evidence alone would sway his fellow Congress members.

There are two memorable quotes from the movie. One is the worry that people might swing from denial to despair without pausing in the middle for action. The other is that only thing preventing action is a lack of political will, and political will is a renewable resource.

Back in 2006, there was in fact a lot of political support for action on climate. The European Council that year agreed the 2020 (emissions reduction) targets. This happened around the time the film came out, and there is no doubt that it helped. Ive seen the tide go in and out on climate action over the years; An Inconvenient Truth was definitely a high-water mark.

Gores real achievement was in turning dry scientific information into easily understood, digestible material. For me, the wow moment in the film was that one graph (tracking projected carbon dioxide levels by mid-century) that went literally through the roof.

Having lived for a while in the US, I also liked the closing sequence featuring a shot of the river near his home, connecting him to the beauty of the place he grew up in Tennessee and the awareness that this really could all be lost.

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'An Inconvenient Truth': Did the Earth move for us? - Irish Times

Kessler described as onetime wannabe liberal activist – Richmond.com

CHARLOTTESVILLE After using his blog and Wes Bellamys Twitter history to make a name for himself last fall, those platforms are now being used against Jason Kessler, the pro-white activist who organized the Unite the Right rally that turned deadly on Saturday.

Articles and conspiracy theories about Kesslers past as a supporter of President Barack Obama and wannabe liberal activist who participated in the Occupy movement abound now as President Donald Trump continues facing backlash for his response to the rally that resulted in one woman, as well as two state police officers in a separate incident, dying.

On Monday, Kessler uploaded a video hoping to dispel rumors that he intentionally organized a violent rally that would reflect poorly on the so-called alt-right movement of white nationalists. He accused the Southern Poverty Law Center, as well as less extreme nationalists, of spreading misinformation about him.

Earlier this summer, the SPLC labeled Kessler a white nationalist, and wrote a profile about him that included assertions that some people on white nationalist forums have been questioning his ideological pedigree.

I grew up in Charlottesville. Anybody whos seen the way Charlottesville was this weekend understands that its an incredibly left-wing, commie town, Kessler, 33, said in a video he posted online Monday.

Kessler said that he used to align himself with the citys politically left-leaning residents, but went on to say he was red-pilled about three years ago.

The term is a reference to the film The Matrix, and has been used by alt-right followers as a way to describe someone who has taken to white identitarian issues and now rejects ideas such as multiculturalism, feminism and political correctness. Critics argue that attachment to white identitarianism is nothing more than a veil for white supremacist beliefs.

But old tweets, a neighbor, a liberal activist and some of Kesslers old friends attest that he held strong liberal convictions just a few years ago.

In a series of tweets in November, Kessler said many alt-right followers are former liberals, and that he previously voted for Democrats. He said he voted for Trump in the primary and the general election.

I like Trump more than I did Obama, he wrote on Nov. 6. My Trump enthusiasm is through the roof. I like people who push the edge.

In an interview last month, one of Kesslers childhood friends, David Caron, said Kessler previously had identified as a Democrat, but became disillusioned when he started thinking that there was no place for him in a party that has focused its efforts on embracing diversity and minority issues. He said the two of them had started supporting Trump last summer and attended one of his rallies in Richmond.

He was a Democrat until last year. The main thing is, he said he felt like the party didnt want him, Caron said.

Laura Kleiner, a Democratic activist who lives in Staunton, said she dated Kessler for several months in 2013. She said Kessler was very dedicated to his liberal principles, and that he was a strict vegetarian, abstained from alcohol and drugs, embraced friends of different ethnicities and was an atheist.

He broke up with me, and a lot of it was because I was not liberal enough, she said. I am a very progressive Democrat but he didnt like that I ate fish and that Im a Christian.

Kleiner said Kessler was well aware that she was of Jewish heritage, and that he showed no signs of being anti-Semitic. She also said he had a roommate for several years who was an African immigrant.

In an interview earlier this week, one of Kesslers neighbors, Zoe Wheeler, said she knew of two different African roommates who lived with him, and never thought Kessler was a racist, even after he started to make waves in the local news late last year.

I met him 12 years ago, before he got really obsessed with white identity issues, Wheeler said. I think he went off the deep end There was no stopping it, and then he was fueled by being an enemy and having something to stand for.

If you spend too much time on the web and youre alone, youve got a lot of guys plying you with all kinds of ideas, she said. You want to grab hold of something. He wants to stand for something I get that. But I feel like hes all over the place.

I celebrate a diversity of cultures, and that was something that seemed to have been a part of his life, too, Kleiner said. I was really surprised to hear the stories that hes changed and is now far-right. Its really shocking and disappointing.

Hes an extremist in whatever he decides to do. Thats all I can really say.

Kesslers ties to Emancipation Park and the statue of Robert E. Lee go beyond the past year, when he decided to target Charlottesville City Councilor Bellamy for his effort to remove the statue of the Confederate general. The rally Saturday was ostensibly intended to be a protest of the councils decision to remove the statue.

According to a woman (who wished to remain anonymous) who was part of the Occupy movement camp in what was then called Lee Park, Kessler was present there for several weeks in late 2011. She said Kessler ultimately removed himself from the camp after activists there started to make it known that his presence was not welcomed.

He was just so disagreeable that hed start fights between other people. He was very manipulative and very aggressive, the woman said.

He wanted people to be more violent and aggressive. He wanted to be the leader of things. ... Even if his politics had been good, I dont think people would have liked him, she said.

The former occupier said Kessler also tried to attach himself to other leftist groups around that time, such as Food Not Bombs and an atheist social club. She said Kessler had attempted to insert himself in those groups and radicalize them.

I dont think he knew what they really did. They just feed people thats it, she said. Its like he got the idea that he could make it into some more militant group.

I dont think he actually has any central beliefs at all not that that makes what hes doing any less dangerous.

Kessler did not reply to messages seeking comment for this story. But essays he published on his blog through late 2015 seemed to demonstrate a shift in thinking. (The blog, Jason Kessler, American Author, recently was taken down. It remains unclear why.)

Last fall, The Daily Progress reported that Kessler published a blog post in February 2016 in which he reflected on the potential of war between different racial groups in the future. He argued that white people would need to fight to avoid becoming a minority in America a phenomenon hes described in recent months as white genocide.

Cultures, tribes and civilizations are meant to clash just as we always have in the past, just like it is with nearly every other beast in the animal kingdom, Kessler wrote last year.

Kessler used his blog to excoriate Bellamy in November. After uncovering a trove of offensive and inappropriate tweets Bellamy had written between 2009 and 2014, before he was elected to office, Kessler used his blog to expose the city councilor and call for his removal.

In his other blog posts that have been archived and shared with The Daily Progress, Kessler seemed to foreshadow his future role in the community and the events that took place at the Unite the Right rally.

I cant think of any occupation that I admire more than the professional provocateur, who has the courage and self-determination to court controversy despite all slings and arrows of the world, he wrote in December 2015 as part of a blog post he updated a few times over a span of about two months his running thoughts.

Also that December, he published his historical perspective on mass violence.

We get so caught up in the emotion of the violence that we dont consider the long-term, historical consequences, he said.

Perhaps wed be happier if we made peace with the fact that rabid animals are going to dwindle the herd from time to time (as they have in much greater volume throughout history) and thats not really a bad thing in the long run.

Regarding large-scale attacks, he said, I dont think the zeitgeist should have an aneurysm every time one occurs either. I think wed be served to draw some historical perspective on how difficult the human condition has always been and how that is something of a blessing in disguise.

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Kessler described as onetime wannabe liberal activist - Richmond.com

The binary pleasures of Hindi cinema – Livemint

A still from Jaane Bhi Do Yaaron. Alongside Amitabh Bachchans rise in the 1970 and 80s, a group of filmmakers and actors, graduates from Delhis National School of Drama and the Film and Television Institute of India, solidified the parallel cinema movement. Photo: Picasa

Eight years ago, I had called up Dev Anand for an interview. I know him through television, and through laboured, sanitized pop culture nostalgia. The man picked up the phone and introduced himself before I could say a word, in crisp, lilting English, Dev Anand here. I met him a few days later at his office in the clean, affluent neighbourhood of Pali Hill. At 86, he was pompous, as Id expected, but in an elegant way. He seemed like the perfect misfit in the corporate studio era of the Hindi film industry of the time. Aamir Khans calculated, politically correct crispness was the movie star zeitgeist in Mumbai. A star of 1950s and 1960s Hindi cinema, Devsaab talked about nostalgia, stardom and independence, and why he believed 1950s Hindi cinema wouldve been better if the hero wasnt so weepy.

The Dev Anand hero was optimistic and wily, in a stylized way. He projected the optimism of newly independent, Jawaharlal Nehrus India with relish. In the films of the other two stars of the time, Dilip Kumar and Raj Kapoor, the city was often a menacing place, devouring the poor and the sensitive. It was a world view repeatedly and beautifully evoked in the films also of actor Balraj Sahni and director Bimal Roy. In Anands films, like one of his first hits, Taxi Driver, Bombay is a cruel city, but the hero is tenacious and canny. He was a minor aberration in Nehruvian cinema of the time, in which filmmaking was the stomping ground of poetry and Leftism. Balraj Sahni, Sahir Ludhianvi, Mehboob Khantheir works were as much about entertainment as about social commentary. The Progressive Writers Association and Indian Peoples Theatre Association marshalled the talent pool that mattered. The look of a production house such as Devika Ranis Bombay Talkies and Navketan Films, which Anand set up with his director brothers Vijay Anand and Chetan Anand, reflected the ambitions and fantasies of the men who ran them, the film genres they cultivated and the writers, directors, and craftsmen they hired.

The influence of Hollywood on cinemas all over the world was solidifying by then, and a decade later it had started becoming prominent in Bombays cinema. Ramesh Sippys Sholay (1975), one of the most celebrated Hindi films of all timein movie memory as well as cultural studies classroomswas written by Javed Akhtar and Salim Khan like a Western, with Indian characters and provincial North Indian wit. Born a year before its release, Ive never watched Sholay on the big screen, in its 70mm grandeur. But Ive inherited a 3-LPs set of the film. If you must know, listening to Sholay, and not just its music but the entire film, is a Hindi film worship ritual.

In Zanjeer, Deewar and Coolie, one of Sholays stars, Amitabh Bachchan, unleashed the vigilante on screens across India who took the idea of social justice embedded in the movies of Dev Anands era to the streets. Soon, Hindi cinema was Bollywood, a portmanteau derived from Bombay and Hollywood (or Tollywood in West Bengal, from Tollygunj and Hollywood). By the late 1970s and 1980s, Bollywood became a mass machine, and formula became a safety valve for screenwriters. Alongside Bachchans rise, a group of filmmakers and actors, graduates from Delhis National School of Drama and the Film and Television Institute of India, and heavily trained in the stage repositories of Ebrahim Alkazi and Satyadev Dubey, solidified the parallel cinema movement. Realism had no pop or formulaic filter in the early films of directors like Shyam Benegal, Govind Nihalani, Ketan Mehta and others.

For the post-liberalization, over-the-wedge generation like mine, these arthouse movies were Doordarshan staples. As children, we went to watch Bachchan in the theatres, and watched Ketan Mehtas Mirch Masala and Shyam Benegals Ankur at home, sipping Campa Cola. There was great comfort in knowing and understanding these binary oppositesit shaped in some of us, a kind of movie love that can embrace cinema as an art form, which depends on artistry, craft, moral ambivalence and individualism, and also sink into the song-and-dance, melodramatic pap in numerous and delightfully shocking derivatives of the formula. Its a gift to be this ideal movie loverdisturbed and thrilled by the unusual picture, and cossetted and babied by movies with bubble-wrapped stories in which generations of stars, often from the same families, are in leading roles.

In 1995, Shah Rukh Khan, a Delhi theatre actor and already seasoned in the outsiders struggles in Mumbais film world, appeared in Aditya Chopras Dilwale Dulhaniya Le Jayenge drinking Strohs beer, and wearing frumpy international labels. Despite all his flaws, he was an aspirational hero. He was ordinary, capable of the extraordinarythis is what liberalization also promised us. The rise of the Khans in the next decade reinforced the joy and pain of the formula film, but at the same time, the Mumbai gangster film was born through the films of Ram Gopal Varma (Satya, Company, D), taking gangster violence to the citys streets. Since then, the edges of the Mumbai film world, which officially became an industry in 2001, have been soulfully alive with directors who have swerved off the formula even as the centre has mostly remained an algorithm for making money.

As with Hollywood, alls not well with todays Bollywood.

The Hindi movie-making industry is more than 100 years old. It operates out of two or three suburbs of the over-bloated city of Mumbai. It is also a splendid, exasperating clich which transcends class, caste and language. One Direction fans pale in comparison to the Amitabh Bachchan fans who congregate outside his home every other Sunday to get a glimpse of the still prolific, ageing star.

Just like the fate of Hollywoods multi-billion, digitally-engineered franchise films, theres a dull sameness in the way most expensive Hindi movies release with the roar of publicity, and slips into oblivion after a couple of weeks. The Bollywood signature is the choreographed song: sometimes sublime, sometimes just a sorry excuse to swell up emotions. But unlike Hollywood, our producers make money outside of India only from its huge diaspora audienceA Shah Rukh Khan film will rarely not run housefull in theatres of central New Jersey. The success of PK and Dangal, both Aamir Khan films, in China suggests Bollywood could well be our most dependable soft power if consistently interesting films are made and distributed across the world. While Hollywood is spending less and less on stories with complex characters, wit and drama and more on digital wizardry that ensures sensory excitement, in Bollywood reigning stars and a few families producing films and making stars are dictating filmmaking more and more.

Seventy years of films, around 1,400 movies a year, is a lot of cinema. Every corner of India, and now even China, watches Bollywood. We are still a nation of the family movie. In most likelihood, Bollywood will survive beyond 200 years if there are enough upstarts, enough rough edges to balance out its safely walled centre. Defiance, not nostalgia, will make it survive.

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The binary pleasures of Hindi cinema - Livemint

US cities rush to take down Confederate monuments after Charlottesville – The Independent

In the fallout from the violent rally in Charlottesville last weekend, a renewed sense of urgency to remove Confederate monuments has taken hold in towns and municipalities across the country.

Under the cover of darkness, workers in Baltimore removed four statues memorialising Confederate figures, after the city council voted unanimously to make moves immediately. Statues in Lexington, Kentucky, are set to be taken down as well, pending approval from a state historical board. A woman in Durham, North Carolina was recently arrested for allegedly tearing down a statue there.

We cannot continue to glorify a war against the United States of America fought in the defence of slavery, North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper later wrote in a post on Medium in what was a light condemnation of the events in Durham, and a call for official action. These monuments should come down.

The movement to take down the statues which some argue represent a violent and racist history, while others say are simply a tribute to Southern heritage echoes the zeitgeist seen in 2015, after nine black churchgoers were murdered in cold blood by a white supremacist hoping to start a race war. Photographs of the killer showed him posing with the Confederate flag, sparking outrage that led to efforts across the South to remove that flag from public grounds. The recent rally in support of keeping a Confederate monument also drew blood, and now the rush to remove the monuments is the topic of discussion in manycommunities with similar statues or plaques.

The debate over Confederate monuments isnt exactly new, however. Public displays honouring Confederate figures and ideas can be seen all across the United States, and many localities have been considering removal for a long time.

There were some victories for the anti-Confederate monument camp in the absence of national tragedy, too: New Orleans removed four statues earlier this year, for example. Activists in Hollywood, Florida, tell The Independent that their years-long effort to rename streets honouring Confederate figures is on the verge of succeeding.

But, the very fact that this is being debated after a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville ostensibly to protest the removal of a statue of Confederate General Robert E Lee turned terribly wrong, shows how polarising the issue can be. Tensions were so high in Charlottesville that the planned rally needed to be disbursed almost immediately after its scheduled starting time, but clashes continued between demonstrators and counter protesters. That violence culminated in the death of a woman after a white supremacist allegedly drove his car through a crowd.

There are more than 1,500 Confederate monuments or symbols on public grounds around the country, according to the Southern Poverty Law Centre. That includes more than 700 monuments, and more than 100 public schools named after Confederate generals.

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US cities rush to take down Confederate monuments after Charlottesville - The Independent

Personal and Politically Charged, the Press Release for Kara Walker’s New Show Is a Work of Art All by Itself – artnet News

The title of Kara Walkers upcoming solo exhibition at New Yorks Sikkema Jenkins & Co., even by Walkers baroque standards, is ostentatious: Sikkema Jenkins and Co. is Compelled to present The most Astounding and Important Painting show of the fall Art Show viewing season! But its the extraordinary press release for the show that has already caused a stir on social media.

The first half of the release is written in the style of an old-timey advertisement for a sideshow attraction. It reads, in part, as acritique of the blockbuster status of Walkers previous exhibitions, such as her 2014 Creative Time installation, A Subtlety, or the Marvelous Sugar Baby.

That35-by-75 sculpture, of a conspicuously naked black women rendered in tons and tons of white sugar, seemed to capture the cultural zeitgeist, attracting crowds and becoming an Instagram sensation during its run at an abandoned Brooklyn sugar factory.

Earlier this year, Walker toldNew Yorkmagazine that she was surprised to find that visitors to the exhibition were just as quick to gawk at her, when she stopped by, as at the mammoth sculpture.

That interview also hinted at Walkers struggles with her fame.Were in too much of a celebrity culture, she said, but at least that means I can be a disappointment to others.

Kara Walker, A Subtlety (2014). Courtesy Creative Time/photographer Jason Wyche.

Walker catapulted to fame in 1994, at the age of just 25, with her show at New Yorks Drawing Center, Gone:An Historical Romance of a Civil War as It Occurred btween the Dusky Thighs of One Young Negress and Her Heart. The exhibition introduced her signature, paper cut-outs in the style of vintage silhouettes, depictingcartoonish scenes of horror and debauchery from the Antebellum South.

Famously, that work attracted protest from artists including Betye Saar, a veteran of the Black Arts Movement whose letter condemning Walkers work askedAre African Americans being betrayed under the guise of art?.

Kara Walker, Gone, An Historical Romance of Civil War As it Occurred Between the Dusky Thighs of Young Negress and Her Heart (1994). Courtesy of the Museum of Modern Art.

The new press release preemptively anticipates (or courts) more contemporary criticism, with a tone at once defiant and ironic:

Students of Color will eye her work suspiciously and exercise their free right to Culturally Annihilate her on social media. Parents will cover the eyes of innocent children. School Teachers will reexamine their art history curricula. Prestigious Academic Societies will withdraw their support, former husbands and former lovers will recoil in abject terror. Critics will shake their heads in bemused silence. Gallery Directors will wring their hands at the sight of throngs of the gallery-curious flooding the pavement outside. The Final President of the United States will visibly wince. Empires will fall, although which ones, only time will tell.

Kara Walker, U.S.A. Idioms(2017), detail. Courtesy of Sikkema Jenkins & Co.

But the textthen shifts into a more personal and world-weary register in a second section, in which Walker begins by addressing the motivation for the unusual press release itself:

I dont really feel the need to write a statement about a painting show. I know what you all expect from me and I have complied up to a point. But frankly I am tired, tired of standing up, being counted, tired of having a voice or worse being a role model.

Read the full exhibition press release here:

Kara Walker: Sikkema Jenkins and Co. is Compelled to present The most Astounding and Important Painting show of the fall Art Show viewing season! is on view at Sikkema Jenkins & Co., 530 West 22nd Street, New York, September 7October 14, 2017.

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Personal and Politically Charged, the Press Release for Kara Walker's New Show Is a Work of Art All by Itself - artnet News

This couple are going to get married in every country where it’s legal – PinkNews

Fleur Pierets and Julian P. Boom

A queer couple are planning to visit every country where its legal for same-sex couples to get married and hold a wedding in each one.

The plan will seeFleur Pierets and Julian P. Boom travel the world over the next year and a half in order to tie the knot in all the legally-permitted countries.

The project was titled 22 after the 22 countries with equal marriage, but rather unhelpfully for the couple Germany and Malta have both recently legalised same-sex marriage.

The female art duo have now extended their trip to accommodate the two extra countries, taking the tally to 24. It could rise even further, if Australia votes in favour of equality this year.

Their first wedding for the project will take place in New York next month, with their final wedding planned more than a year later in New Zealand, in October 2017.

The trip will take them across the diverse range of countries around the world with marriage equality from Colombia to Canada, and South Africa to Sweden.

The pair, who first married in Belgium in 2012, explained: 22 is an art project that speaks of evolution and optimism. A time capsule that instantly refers to the possibility of change.

That captures the zeitgeist of a world in the midst of change when it comes to gender equality and human rights.

22 celebrates the places that legalised gay marriage, and highlights the work that still needs to be done in the 170 countries that dont.

At the current rate we will reach global recognition of same-sex marriage in the year 2142. Thats 125 years from now so lets see if they can get it to go a bit faster.

Of the abruptly out-of-date name, they added: Naming our project 22 shows that the world is in constant movement.

Were building a time capsule that instantly refers to the possibility of change and we ourselves dont know to how many countries we will have to go, or have to add over the 18 month course of this project.

We hope many, because this goes beyond being merely a work of art.

22 can raise levels of awareness that may lead to changing laws and giving people the equal opportunities they deserve.

The pair added:Fascinated by gender, identity and community, our research-based practice functions as a mirror in which viewers can confront themselves with ideologies or beliefs.

We are working towards cultural awareness when it comes to gender equality and gay imagery in mainstream art history.

At the end of the performance, an art/video installation will be exhibited.

As a performance piece, we are getting married in: Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Iceland, Ireland, Luxembourg, Malta, Mexico, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Spain, South Africa, Sweden, United Kingdom, United States & Uruguay.

You can follow their journey online.

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This couple are going to get married in every country where it's legal - PinkNews

How Did Political Terminology and Alignments Develop Differently in the US and Europe? – HuffPost

Why did conservatism and liberalism develop so differently in Europe than in the United States? originally appeared on Quora - the place to gain and share knowledge, empowering people to learn from others and better understand the world.

Answer by Charles Tips, Retired entrepreneur, Founding CEO of TranZact, Inc., on Quora:

Political outlooks took different routes in Europe and the United States but developed quite similarly.

Even prior to the Age of Enlightenment, Europe was home to several republican (non-monarchical) governments. During the Enlightenment, a great variety of thinkers began to oppose monarchy and the divine right of kings with concepts formed around the republican idea of popular sovereignty. Liberalism is the name for the range of ideologies, from constitutional monarchy to the radical republicanism adopted in the United States following its Revolutionary War.

The United States at the time of that war had been home to four separate waves of British immigration, only one of which was largely Tory, or supportive of British monarchy. The others tended to be separatist in order to escape the oppression experienced in England. These waves were joined by Dutch Reform republicans, French Huguenots, German Lutherans and Swedish Lutherans (two distinct outlooks), with most of the representatives of these groups happy to have left Europe behind. Support for monarchy was to be found only in certain pockets, and, after the war, never reasserted itself.

Liberalism was strong in Europe and increasingly truculent toward monarchy. The attempt to reprise the American Revolution in France, the French Revolution, became shockingly bloody as the antagonisms on all sides were much harsher than had been the case in the American Colonies. When that revolution was followed by Bonapartism, the Counter-Enlightenment took much of the wind out of the sails of the liberal movement.

Early in the 19th century, various experiments in socialism represented an in-place effort to duck out from under monarchism. With the Revolutions of 1848 and the publication that year of The Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels, socialism joined liberalism as a second threat aimed at monarchism.

A generation later, however, the popular working-class revolts Marx had predicted were nowhere in evidence. Meanwhile, Otto von Bismarck, tasked with unifying the many German principalities under Kaiser Wilhelm I, noted the strong appeal of the socialist message to the people. He began exploratory discussions with certain social democrats.

Social democracy was the name for the non-revolutionary form of Marxs communism, something of a ruse made necessary by revolutionary communism running afoul of sedition laws all around Europe. Bismarck decided between the fact the social democrats had no power of their own and that the leadership seemed every bit as monarchistic as he was, just for themselves rather than the House of Hohenzollern to simply steal their platform from them and implement it in the name of the Kaiser.

After many leaders of the SPD, the social democratic party in Berlin, crossed over to work in Bismarcks government (he was by then chancellor), he simply outlawed those remaining socialists who had not. This capture of social democracy vaulted social democracy to the right, authoritarian extreme and left Marx fuming mad and declaring that the use of state power to offer state aid could only result in a dictatorship by a bourgeois elite in need of a permanent underclass to justify their rule.

Still, the paternalistic welfare state, or, sometimes, the high modern state, that Bismarck wrought, became the wonder of the world. As Bismarck later in 1880 told an American interviewer, "My idea was to bribe the working classes, or shall I say, to win them over, to regard the state as a social institution existing for their sake and interested in their welfare."

Bismarck had solved the problem socialism represented, but most of the monarchies of Europe were too benighted to grasp that. Their inability to resist the resulting popular pressures led to World War One which proved lethal to the more brittle monarchies and empires of Europe. Rising were two new socialisms on the Bismarckian authoritarian planfascism and state communism. These emergent socialisms despised each other. Social democracy was despised for having accepted capitalism and for having stayed loyal to the Kaiser throughout the war. Fascism was despised for having updated all of Marxs concepts to better fit the current zeitgeist. And state communism was despised for having stuck to the original Marxian template (the use of state authority apart) that was widely considered in Europe to be terribly out of date.

As all three considered themselves the inevitable end state of mankind and all three were attempting to appeal to the same target audience, World War Two launched as largely the rivalry between the emergent state socialisms. That war left fascism in the dustbin of history, and the ensuing Cold War began putting soon-to-be-fatal pressure on state communism. Social democracy alone retains currency, and throughout Europe even it is retrenching to more liberal economic approaches and has otherwise devolved away from its attachment to socialism, often being referred to these days simply as mixed economies.

The American Civil War had been a triumph for liberalism, ending slavery and resulting in three constitutional amendments that bolstered our republicanism. However, as the Reconstruction Era wore on, the Conservative Democrats in the South greatly strengthened their resistance in both numbers and cunning. At the same time, the North increasingly found itself inundated by farmhands arriving by train seeking factory jobs, freed slaves arriving from the South hoping for the same and teeming masses of Southern and Eastern European Catholics and Jews.

Very swiftly, the great majority of staunch northern liberals switched to an embrace of progressivism, the movement to bring Bismarckian social democracy to the United States. It was a native-stock reaction to protect Anglo-Saxon Protestant privilege that was hyper-democratic (that is, changing our laws to be more majority-rule oriented). Allied with southern Conservative Democrats and dominating both parties by the Progressive Era, progressivism caught on with some ninety percent of Western European-stock Americans, thus representing approaching two-thirds of the total population at the time.

Liberalism was flat on its back. Such facially illiberal progressive programs as forced sterilization of mental and criminal inferiors garnered only single digits of opposition. However, the many anti-liberal excesses of the Wilson administration and, especially, the swiftly growing recoil against Prohibition greatly revived liberalism while cutting progressive numbers roughly in half.

Progressives lost the boldness that came of being a strong majority and soon adopted the deceptive tactics of their Fabian cousins in the UK. One of those was that, not wanting to risk running for president under his actual label of progressive in 1932, Franklin Roosevelt cast himself as a liberal. He doubled down on that ruse beginning in 1937 once he got a majority progressive Supreme Court in the hopes of getting his positive rights agenda passed disguised as liberal rather than state socialist. The use of liberal to refer to progressives is spurious.

After World War Two, the United States, feeling that its heritage of liberalism had won the war (and not FDRs social democracy) and could best oppose state communism, had a widespread revival of liberalism in both parties, Conservative Democrats apart. The resulting civil-rights pressure from both parties destroyed the Conservative Democrats, while the turmoil within the Democratic Party and especially the rise of student radicals in the anti-war and civil-liberties movements gave rise to a third wave of progressivism, this time half again the size of the second wave and in need of alliance with the very cohorts its grandparents and great-grandparents had despised.

As progressivism peaked prior to World War One, liberalism survived in primarily academic realms and largely based on the study of the conservative outlook of Irish Whig parliamentarian Edmund Burke, who, being a Whig, was not conservative in the European sense of moderate support of monarchy. That movement survives as mainstream conservatism along with several other stances wishing to conserve our liberal heritage.

After the war in the 1920s, a stronger version of liberalism revived, largely based on the wonderment of newly arrived immigrants where Americas famous freedoms had gone. This movement referred to itself as libertarian to express the fact that it wished to go beyond our early republicanism, which, while radical, had managed to secure the Lockean social contract largely only for Western European males, and extend it to all.

Conservative, where not connected to a party as in the UK, is properly a stance; one is conservative about something. There are some dozen conservative stances in the US, most wishing to conserve our liberal heritage (though not in as radical a form as libertarians do) and some being partly statist. All of the liberal ones wish to conserve a form of liberalism much more radical than is found in Europe.

Meanwhile, our progressives have been pushing hard to change our form of government from liberal to state socialist even as their social democratic brethren in Europe retrench toward more economic liberalism. It is fair to say that while political outlooks in Europe and North America have common roots and similar development, they have little pull on each other, far less than events and developments at home, though the push toward globalism hopes to change that.

The United States moved far to the left of Europe, a position our conservatives seek to retain against the progressive desire to pull us back center-right. Europe has stayed center-right. This chart depicts the Enlightenment swing to increasing liberty followed by the Counter-Enlightenment swing back to statism.

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