Bandsintown Announces Twitch-hosted LIVE Music Marathon Featuring Amanda Palmer, Sofi Tukker, Tank and the Bangas and More – mxdwn.com

Aaron Grech March 25th, 2020 - 11:52 AM

The music events platform Bandsintown will be hosting a LIVE Music Marathon on their Twitch channel, which will host a variety of performances from artists such asTaking Back Sunday, Amanda Palmer, Tank & The Bangas, Yuksek, 99 Neighbors, Sofi Tukker, Matt Quinn of Mt. Joy and Tayla Parx. This livestream will be in support of theRecording Academy and Musicares recently announced COVID-19 relief fund.

We are experiencing a new form of connectivity between music acts and their fans, says Bandsintown Managing Partner Fabrice Sergent. Artists have suddenly become more approachable. A new form of entertainment is emerging from this chaos.

This event will take place across two days, from 1 p.m. to 9 p.m. E.T. on March 26th and March 27th. Palmer and Tasking Back Sunday are currently scheduled for the first day of this marathon, while Tukker andTank and the Bangas will be performing the next day. A full schedule of the events can be found here.

Watch live video from Bandsintown on http://www.twitch.tvOther prominent musicians have also been hosting livestreams in support of COVID-19 relief. Rock performer Courtney Barnett and indie pop outfit Lucius recently held a marathon stream featuringThe War on Drugs, Sharon Van Etten, Kurt Vile, Kevin Morby & Katie Crutchfield, Fred Armisen, Sheryl Crow, Bedouine, Nathaniel Rateliff, Emily King, and Lukas Nelson.

Palmer recently releasedAmanda Palmer & Friends Present Forty-Five Degrees: A Bushfire Charity Flash Record, in support of relief efforts for the Australian bushfires. Tukker recently released a music video for her song Ringless.

Schedule:

Thursday:

Hala 10 AM PSTFly by Midnight 11 AM PSTThe Mowglis 12 AM PSTMt. Joy (solo) 1 PM PSTPLS&TY 1:30 PM PSTmxmtoon 2 PM PSTAmanda Palmer 3 PM PSTTaking Back Sunday 4 PM PSTYuksek 5 PM PST

Photo Credit: Raymond Flotat

Read this article:

Bandsintown Announces Twitch-hosted LIVE Music Marathon Featuring Amanda Palmer, Sofi Tukker, Tank and the Bangas and More - mxdwn.com

2020 vision: What should the Twin Cities look like tomorrow? – City Pages

We published the results in our first issue of the year 2000, at a time when people were looking forward to the start of a new millennium, and the responses ranged from fun and flippant to rigorous and wonky. (You can read that original feature here. You can find out whether some of those wishes came true here.)

But 2000 was a long time ago. It was before 9/11, the war on terror, the Great Recession, the first African-American president, and the vicious resurgence of white nationalism. And locally, the Twin Cities had yet to construct a failed mall at Block E and numerous (yet-unfailed) sports stadiums, or witness the rise of a vibrant restaurant culture. Prince was very much alive. The future those people were asked to imagine? Were living in it.

That got us wondering how people would answer the same question today. And so we asked. Artists and politicians, historians and poets, comedians and restaurateurswe wanted to hear from them all.

And then... well, the future took an unexpected turn. As you read these answers, remember that we received them before we found ourselves in a national health crisis whose effects could reshape how we live at a fundamental level. Nobody can predict how the Twin Citiesor Minnesota, or the U.S., or the worldwill change as a result.

Then again, who can ever predict how things will change? Whatever happens in the upcoming months, however disruptive, there will be a future. And if we have to rebuild, here are some ideas for the planners of tomorrow to kick around. Keith Harris

Getty Images/iStockphoto

Chad Kampeevent promoter, Flip Phone

I know people from St. Paul wont like this, but the big thing I would love to see would be Minneapolis and St. Paul becoming one large city together to create a dynamic cultural landscape. This would make it easier for everyone to get to the cities shared resources, to get out of that mentality of Im going from one city to another. If I could just snap my fingers, there would be just one major downtowntheyre so far from each other now that people who live in one never go to the other.

Dayna FrankPresident and CEO, First Avenue Productions

Minneapolis-St. Paul needs to continue working on improving the quality of life for every single resident. We top a ton of stunning lists, and we should, but we cant ignore the lists on which we place last. The Twin Cities needs to work for all residents. We need to improve access to steady and meaningful employment, to transportation and to affordable housing, while we focus on improving equitable access to things that bring us joy, like our parks, lakes, and our brilliant entertainment scene.

That and a Twins World Series victory would be nice.

Todd KemeryVice President, Paralyzed Veterans of America, Minnesota Chapter

As a quadriplegic and a wheelchair user, if I had the power to prioritize anything, it would be snow removal at all curb cuts and draining any water or slush in front of them. Piles of snow and slush obviously block the path of travel of those with mobility issues, but what is often not considered is proper drainage. When I encounter any standing water or slush, my ability to see the surface is gone. I cant see any hidden trip hazard, and if I trip or get seriously stuck on an extremely cold day, theres the potential for frostbite or worse. Having a spinal cord injury/disorder or any neuromuscular condition that results in limited or missing muscle control means cold and muscle groups begin to stiffen after five to ten minutes. The danger then becomes the inability to push or control a wheelchair or to transfer in or out of a vehicle, transfer in or out of a wheelchair, or to open doors and push buttons. Tragic results can escalate quickly if someone is stuck out of doors and cant use their hands or arms.

Hodan HassanMinnesota state representative, District 62A

I would love to see the opioid epidemic combatted. I hope members of our community are not dying of overdose or committing suicide because we dont have comprehensive mental healthcare. Opioids are an acute problem in my districtif you walk around in the Franklin Avenue and Bloomington Avenue area, you can see syringes everywhere. We need to fund the problem appropriatelylast session we did get $40 million from big pharma, but I think we already know what the problem is. Many of the communities struggling with opioids have huge historical trauma, of poverty, racism, discrimination. Being homeless is hard, poverty is hard, and its expensive to be poor, so people are finding ways to deal with their pain.

Kim Bartmannrestaurateur

Twenty years ago [when I responded to this same question], I was an angry tree-hugger, despondent about the potential bulldozing of the Camp Coldwater Spring, and yes, selfishly, my long-time spot for walking with friends and dogs along the river and in the woods. Now Im what Id like to call a tree-hugger with stats, having built LEED-certified projects and engaged in sustainable business practices for 20 years. Yes, Im still angry about some of our MnDot decisions, like the one where a train could have been put in an existing trench where density and people already are for $50 million, as opposed to through 45 acres of woods and under a lake for $2 billion. My hopes for our city are many, but responsible use of our lands as a way to ensure our Norths clean air and water is high up on my list for my kids future.

Saymoukda Vongsay poet/playwright

I want to live in a foragable city. I want to see fruits and vegetables growing abundantly. Replace empty lots, bare exterior walls, and abandoned structures with edible flowers, plants, fruits, and vegetables. Make every block look like a salad. Pea pods climbing the IDS tower. Beautiful and delicious. Clean our rivers and lakes and let herbs and watercress take over. End plastic bottles and grow crunchy watercucumbers, chestnuts, bean sprouts, and jicama. Give everyone olive oil and salt for on-the-go/anytime-anyplace simple dressing.

Also, chandeliers hanging on all the trees because we all deserve a bit of fancy in our lives.

Peter Rachleffco-executive director, East Side Freedom Library

Id like to change the teaching of American history in the public schoolsits content and its pedagogy. The content should include attention to the expropriation of indigenous people, the enslavement of Africans, the exploitation of immigrants, conflicts around race, class, and gender, and how these experiences and issues are inter-related. The pedagogy should include techniques that empower students as the tellers of stories, as being responsible for defining critical issues and shaping narratives. At the East Side Freedom Library we have seen the value of such changes in the hundreds of middle and high school students who have engaged with us through the National History Day program. These changes can impact how young people understand themselves and their place in American history.

Maria Regan Gonzalez Mayor of Richfield

Id eliminate the sweeping racial inequities we face in outcomes and opportunities, making us one of the worst places in the country to live for people of color. We need a Twin Cities region where homes, affordable quality child care, health, leadership positions, educational attainment, well-paying jobs, and access to opportunities are afforded to everyone, not just some. Could you imagine a Twin Cities region that would instead be recognized for its ability to truly welcome and leverage diversity as an asset? We have the tools to make this a reality, like the ability to substantially invest in community-based solutions and getting serious about resourcing, hiring, electing, investing in, and retaining leaders of color to be successful across all industries and sectors.

Jeremiah EllisonMinneapolis City Council Member, Ward 5

I would lower rentsboth housing and commercial rent, especially the storefronts that small businesses operate out of, whether this means rent stabilization or rent control. The mayor and I have been working on a few things, and were looking to everything were able to doand learning what we can and cant do. As the city becomes less and less affordable for working-class folks, the task seems daunting. But were gonna put our money where our mouth is.

Fancy Ray McCloney The Best Lookin Man In Comedy

Three ways to change the Twin Cities for the better: 1. Lower parking rates in downtown areas. Businesses are hurting in both downtowns. 2. No more winter weather after January 15. Snowbirds would stay here year round. 3. More Prince and Fancy Ray murals around the Cities. Prince makes Minneapolitans proud and Fancy Ray makes those same folks feel good.

Ann Kim Restaurateur

I hope to see Minneapolis/St. Paul be the epicenter of innovation in food, the arts, technology, medical advancements, and climate change. This may seem like a grandiose vision, but if you dont see it, you cant be it. Theres no reason why the Twin Cities cant be looked to like New York or L.A. as an incubator for innovation and trendsetting. We just have to claim it, commit to it, support it, and do it. I believe this can be done by working collaboratively with leaders across disciplines to see where our individual/organizational goals intersect to support the greater vision of excellence. It starts from the top with inspired leaders working toward a long game, taking meaningful risks, thinking big, embracing change, and telling fear to fuck off.

Mitra JalaliSt. Paul City Council member, Ward 4

I want to see our city have a mix of more new and integrated neighborhoods, with some of these really thriving, long-time communities of color able to stay in the city, and build wealth, and have political empowerment. I want the character of the city to feel palpably different. Our community has, to many, felt like an old town, that the loudest voices are wealthier white homeowners, whose priorities are reflected. Were actually 51 percent renters, a majority are people of color and indigenous, and the median age is 31. I want us to be more weird, and be more new-feeling.

Rana MayComic

April 2020: Donald Trump and Mike Pence die, and many people break quarantine to celebrate. Some of them die.

April 2021: The pandemic funeral episode of Greys Anatomy is the most watched event in TV history.

September 2021: A vaccination is available, but only for the elderly. People fake passports and dye their hair gray. Vaccine doses are transported on buses full of sneezing children so they dont get robbed.

2023: One lab working on a cheaper vaccine accidentally creates winged cats who can fly up to 100 miles. The cats congregate in the trees like crows and hunt people.

2031: The newly installed cat-person dictator is laser focused on cat-related policy, but still grants universal healthcare, subsidized housing for all, prison reform, and immigration reform. Everyone is forced to have one cat. Unless theyre allergic.

Tricia Heuring co-founder, Public Functionary

Instead of the city holding vacant spaces for wealthy developers to turn into luxury housing, underutilized space would be gifted to community organizers and arts leaders who live in that neighborhood. Systems could be set up so that organizers would have at least a year, rent-free, to design their space and operations with and for their communities. Each space would come with a two-year start-up operating grant, so they are resourced from day one. Perhaps then we would have inclusive, accessible multi-disciplinary community and art spaces that pass from generation to generation in every. single. neighborhood.

Free Black Dirt artist collective

If Free Black Dirt ruled the world (imagine that?)or the microcosm of it within Minneapoliswe would center healing and reparations as a vision for transformation in our city for indigenous, black, POC, and refugee communities, whove been historically foreclosed from wealth and are currently being gentrified from the center of our city. Some specific programs we would put into establishment are:

A reparations-funded network of beautiful healing spaces and spas, with an array of healing modalities from acupuncture, bodywork, herbalism, and other ancestral therapies. Historically oppressed and marginalized communities would get access. So many crystals and images of powerful BIPOC ancestors.

A queer, black imagitorium and library with extended fellowships for reading and retreat. There will be copious pillows, tea, and treats.

Implementing a radical healing of the K-12 Minnesota curriculum that centers the history, futures, and resilience of indigenous, black, POC, immigrant, and LGBTQIA+ communities in our state, as well as an analysis of the destructiveness and persistence of white supremacy in our world.

Amazing and abundantly funded art programs in ALL neighborhoods for people of all ages to learn visual art, dance, theater, meditation, plus roller skate and dream!

Create a free and mandatory therapeutic program for all white-bodied folks and people of European descent to do some deep dive healing around whiteness and white supremacy. Something like a Hazelden for whiteness.

Legalizing cannabis with a reparations focus for the black, brown, and low-income people who suffered most under the war on drugs to have prioritized access to the industry.

Clean, beautiful, spacious, and eco-friendly housing for all, with edible gardens and community space for peace and pleasure.

An anti-gentrification plan and task force.

UNIVERSAL BASIC INCOME.

Read the original 2000 story "When You Wish Upon a City" here.

Read our follow up about how many of those wishes came true here.

See the original post:

2020 vision: What should the Twin Cities look like tomorrow? - City Pages

Sorry, Donald Trump: America Can’t Be at ‘War’ with Coronavirus – The National Interest

For weeks, the Trump administration was criticized for the appearance of not taking the spread of the coronavirus as a serious threat. After it was declared a pandemic by the World Health Organization, White House officials began responding in a more appropriate manner. Since last week, President Donald Trump has reveled in the use of military rhetoric and taking on the trappings of a wartime president.

This includes constant repetition of the phrase we will win.

I want all Americans to understand: we are at war with an invisible enemy [the coronavirus], but that enemy is no match for the spirit and resolve of the American people, Trump tweeted yesterday. It cannot overcome the dedication of our doctors, nurses, and scientistsand it cannot beat the LOVE, PATRIOTISM, and DETERMINATION of our citizens. Strong and United, WE WILL PREVAIL!

This analogy raises the concern that individuals will misunderstand the crisis. The United States is not at war with a nation-state. It is beset by a virusa naturally caused, unthinking affliction that cannot be intimidated by determination. Even patriots can get sick.

This language has real-world effects. Recently the federal government refused to provide the total number of coronavirus testing kits in its possession for reasons of national securityas if the enemy would know our strength and respond.

Trump is not the only one adopting this kind of rhetoric. The crisis we face from the coronavirus is on a scale of a major war, and we must act accordingly, said Senator Bernie Sanders, whose campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination remains active. The number of casualties may actually be even higher than what the armed forces experienced in World War II. In other words, we have a major, major crisis and we must act accordingly.

Tackling this pandemic is a national emergency akin to fighting a war, agreed former Vice President Joe Biden, the presumptive 2020 Democratic nominee.

Nor are the current cast of politicians the first to invoke this imagery. Since the end of World War II, where supreme power was invested in the federal government with full control over the economy and peoples daily lives, numerous politicians have used the war terminology to describe their own programs. This includes the War on Poverty (a human state of being that is both relative and permanent), the War on Drugs (a direct consequence of which was the militarization of the U.S. police force), and the War on Terror (a not-always-defined military tactic).

The irony of the situation is that like his immediate predecessors, Donald Trump is already a wartime president. U.S. forces are currently engaged in armed conflict in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and multiple parts of Africa, while simultaneously waging drone wars in several other countries.

Hunter DeRensis is the senior reporter for theNational Interest. Follow him on Twitter@HunterDeRensis.

Image:U.S. PresidentDonaldTrumpaddresses the coronavirus response daily briefing at the White House in Washington, U.S., March 19, 2020. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY.

Go here to see the original:

Sorry, Donald Trump: America Can't Be at 'War' with Coronavirus - The National Interest

"Ive never done anything like it but Ive also never got such a good result" Brian Fallon goes in-depth on the making of new album Local…

Give the drummer some. They can make a record great, and Brian Fallon is well aware of it. When we meet to talk about the landmark solo album he's about to release, he's full of enthusiasm for Kurt Leon before we even sit down, whose inventive playing brings new colours to some of the finest songs Fallon has ever written.

"Hes one of the best drummers Ive ever heard," breams Brian. "Its crazy the stuff thats hes done hes played with Brian Blade. Hes now in the live band and I didnt know him before the record. We did the record and I said, Youve got to play with me, I cant let this go. It was just amazing."

Local Honey is a special album. It's not the heart-pounding, highway-conquering punk rock and r 'n' b hotrod many will know and admire Fallon for from his Gaslight Anthem work. And sonically, under the detailed production ear of Peter Katis (The National, The War On Drugs) it's a marked departure from his previous two solos albums, 2016's Painkillers and 2018's Sleepwalkers. And yet it speaks just as loud and clear in its own, heartfelt way. It's pure Brian Fallon, more than anything he's done before.

Here he speaks with marked candour about the genesis, toil and vindication behind the album's creation. But we should still start with the drums

Did any of the songs change due to that percussive element?

The big changes happened before I went in because I had this idea of what I wanted it to sound like and then I started writing it, and somewhere in the middle of the summer last year I just flipped the whole thing.

"I was trying to make the songs louder, more rock I guess and it was just not happening. I thought, this sucks it sounds terrible. Most of the songs I rewrote and then a lot of the songs I decided, if this song can survive on piano and guitar by itself then it can live. If not Im throwing it away. A lot of them I would do that way; some of them stayed and some of them left. Then others I wrote from scratch when I figured out what I was going to do.

"I tried to do the cardinal sin which was to ignore your subconscious"

So it wasnt a case of you coming off your acoustic tour last year and wanting to a write a more acoustic-based album at all?

It was, in my subconscious. What happened was, I tried to do the cardinal sin which was ignore your subconscious because I didnt realise then what was happening. In the summer the thing that I found out is I was on those tours, I did the US in the fall and over here [UK and Europe] in the February of last year and I was like, you know what thats what was moving me, Ive got to follow that.

I think I was listening to Time Out Of Mind from Bob Dylan, I was thinking about the tour and listening to that record and thats when I thought, this is what its supposed to sound like. I know what Im doing now. And then that was it I just went forward.

"And I didnt even have a producer. Peter hadnt even joined yet. I think I talked to Peter about a month before I went in. I was like, Are you free by any chance? Peter does like 900 records a year by the National and War On Drugs, no big deal, right? He said, Ive got the whole month of October. I said Id be there, I drove up to Connecticut and we did it.

This isn't an Americana album it's not the Brian Fallon folk album. Was that a challenging path to avoid going down?

Thats Peter though. If you left me to my own devices it would probably be more traditional, there would have been fiddles on it. I think thats why I went to Peter. I think people make traditional Americana records better than I could. I didnt want to compete. Because Im the kind of person where if I cant at least do well, I dont want to compete. Im not going to run you in a race because I cant run.

"The guys Im influenced by too, like Tom Waits and Bruce Springsteen, theyve always been part of it but a little left of centre"

Also, I admire the people that are out right now but I dont what to be like them. I want to do my own thing. The guys Im influenced by too, like Tom Waits and Bruce Springsteen, theyve always been part of it but a little left of centre.

"Even Bruces acoustic records, theyre not traditional Americana records and especially Tom. Theyre a part of it and they embrace it. I embrace Americana and thats one of the music I listen to the most but Im not trying to shoehorn in there."

One of the striking things about this album is the way it balances a sense of intimacy and being exposed with sonic details how challenging was that to balance?

Extraordinarily difficult. We did so much work on adding things, taking away things, moving things. Its not only about the way its recorded, its how it sounds with the other things.

"Normally you make a record and you track drums, bass, guitar at the same time or you do everything one on one. But its ok heres my coffee, heres the sugar, milk and heres the spoon. Youre adding stuff together. With this, you put an element in and youre like, no its off balance. So that comes out. Then you put another element in, that works. Then you put another in and its off balance. It was such a process. It was weird and Ive never done anything like it but Ive also never got such a good result.

"Peter Katis really inspired me to try different things because I was very much a traditionalist"

What it started with a lot of the time was Id go to the piano and just play the song and record it. Vocal and guitar or vocal and piano. Thats it. Then we would start building everything up. But sometimes by the time it got to the playing or the drums would go on, whatever I did in the beginning would go away. So it was constantly evolving.

And you had to be open to that?

Yes, and at first I was not. But then Peter would be like, Look, its 2019, we dont make records like the '60s anymore. Those records have been made, theyve already done the best thats going to happen. I think we should go forward. He really inspired me to try different things because I was very much a traditionalist. I was, live or its not real. But apparently theres all these different ways to do it.

Theres actually a plenty of electric guitar going on and those parts fit in without overpowering the songs. Do you feel thats where a lot of your woodshedding as a player has paid dividends?

Big time because with those kind of songs you cant just shred a solo. Maybe its because Im older and Ive been playing a lot longer, I learned how to do crazy stuff and how to play crazy licks but the hardest thing guitar players learn is you have to know when to stop. When not play, and you cant be shredding the whole time. Once you have that skill you want to do it you want to play because playings fun but not on these songs, youve got to be careful. Its more what you dont play.

With this stuff I was looking at the way Daniel Lanois plays, hes got that band Black Dub that he plays in and if you listen to his guitar playing its extremely held back but its tasteful.

"Even the Tom Waits records Keith Richards played on, like Rain Dogs, he would play these extremely tasty things but it was way in the back. One note had to mean everything. If I didnt go through the last two years, and Im still doing it Im learning. Im way into Julian Lage now, Im learning all these different things. But youve got to hold back, thats the secret. Hit the right note at the right time.

Are some of the acoustic fingerpicking patterns in these songs challenging when playing along to the percussion?

It is but I lead it. The big thing was Kurt had to find something that fits thats not the train beat. But Kurt would not play the train beat, he said, Thats what everybody plays and Im just not interested in doing that. Ok, great. Show me something cool then, and he did.

We treated everything as if it was living, so my part would evolve a little bit, his part would evolve a little. But fingerpicking, thats not for the faint of heart. Im still learning theres like 50 million patterns out there. Again though, youve got to be tasteful with the fingerpicking.

"You Have Stolen My Heart is so much harder than it seems"

"Its funny because I learned the fingerpicking from Mark Knopfler and he did the records with Emmylou Harris and that later period solo work like All The Road Running. Theres a song he did called Haul Away and it sounds like an old Irish ballad. I was trying to figure it out and hes using standard chords but hes playing it like a piano, not like a guitar.

"That was one of the tricks I used on the record, chord-wise. When a piano moves chords its not like 1,2,3,4 move, its 1 and 2 and 3 and 4. If you move guitar chords like that you have to adapt your strumming and your picking. Jeff Buckley did it really well and Nina Simones guitar player [Alvin Schackman] did it amazingly.

"So I was learning that these chords were moving at different times but it wasnt a fingerpicking song, how do I do this? And on Haul Away, Mark was strumming with his fingers but its not up and down, theres not like a bass note and then a high strum a boom-ring, boom-ring, to keep the beat. With this theres only the ring. So its rest, ring-ring. To get that delicate strum the strum on the song You Have Stolen My Heart is so much harder than it seems."

Playing and singing that too, not easy

At the same time! So all those tricks, and the drumming and the lyrics are like the heroes of the record. The funny thing is I had that small-bodied Martin I showed you last time. There were vintage guitars laying around all the time. There were a couple of Gibsons laying around and they were cool and we used them but the main guitar we used was that 00-42 Martin and my National Resonator. All over the record.

So the two were layered because they brought different qualities?

Yes, and when you put them together, it was so weird how that worked. And the resonator, I couldnt believe it. I just brought it along thinking Id play some slide on it, whatever. But it killed it! But that wasnt me, that was Peter he was all about trying things.

Did you play all the guitar parts on the record?

I played 90% of the guitar on the record, but Ian [Perkins] he played some slide parts. He did some cool delayed stuff. If Im in Wilco, I might be Jeff and hes Nils.

"But funnily enough, on the first song [When You're Ready] the whole thing was fingerpicked and then I was like, I dont know because fingerpicking it makes it sounds like the train beat thing and my drummer, the hero, Kurt Leon said, Give me the guitar, you should strum it like this because the guitar is like a dad playing the song to his kid on the side of the bed. Dads dont know how to play guitar, theyre just goofing so they would play it like this and it sounded perfect, so I said, "Go play it."

"So the first song on the record, thats not me, thats Kurt. Which is hilarious because I did all this work and then Kurt does it!

Its good that youre open to that though

Youve just got to get the best whatevers best

The lyrics to When You're Ready really hit me as a father, but also, youve always kept the parent part of your life private, understandably, so was it hard for you to share that song?

It was but I think the whole record is about that. Ive always had this wall that Ive put up. Even the most personal songs Ive written before I never opened up all the way. I guess its maybe the age or the place Im at in life where I think, Im just going to do this and Im not worried about hiding anything. I dont care well its not that I dont care because I do care, but Im ok with being uncomfortable. Im ok with being exposed. This is how I feel about my daughter, it might not be the most politically-charged world-changing song but to me it is, because I feel that way about my kids.

"I wish I was cool but I dont mind that Im not"

Part of that place you've arrived could be the audience youve built theres a trust there. What kind of audience do you feel you have now?

I think thats my entire audience now outsiders. People that like punk but never fitted in with the punks, people that likes Americana but never fit in with the Americana. I feel that my audience is built by people who never quite fitted in. Because thats what I am.

"I made a joke one time that apparently my band was cool in 2009 but I didnt know that, nobody told me and by the time I realised that it was too late, it had gone. So I never got to enjoy the cool factor but I always felt that I was a day late, and not in and I didnt know.

Now its not even like I dont care, I totally care I wish I was cool but I dont mind that Im not. And Im actually comfortable not trying to be cool. The last thing I want to be is in my 40s and trying to squeeze myself into the pants I was in during my 20s. To be thats the most distasteful thing I could do.

It feels like 21 Days is a song that's already connecting with people

That song came from a lot of therapy. That song was completely influenced by my therapist.

A lot of people will listen and think, that song is about quitting smoking. But its not?

Somebody wrote, Its about quitting smoking and thats about 10% of what it is. Its about changing your life and when it says 21 days til I dont miss you the you is you, its the old you or its whoever youre running away from. Whether thats an addiction for me it was mostly about mental health. Im running away from the me that I dont want to be. Im leaving that behind and becoming which is extremely difficult to do when youre trying to change your life, its difficult to do, it makes major commitment and change.

That song, I tell you, it was like building a house one screw at a time"

Musically, it feels like something that could easily have become a full-blown rock song

It was a full on rock song. This is what happened with that song I sent the demo to Peter. Everyone loved the song, they loved the demo of it.

He goes, Im not sure I know what to do with this kind of music. And I said, What do you mean?

He said: I like it and I can appreciate it but I dont know what to do with it, I dont know how to produce this.

I said: I dont know what youre talking about this is the best song.

He said, Look, Im not trying to tell you I dont like the song, Im just saying I might not be the guy to produce this song the way you have it right now. I dont know if I can do this."

I went back and told him I might leave this song off the record. But it meant too much lyrically. I didnt know about the music but lyrically it meant too much. So I said to my wife, Ive got to figure this out.

So I sat down at the piano and it took me weeks. For most people the end of the story would be, I sat down at the piano by myself and it worked. No, I sat down at the piano and slammed the piano closed and stormed out, walking around the backyard frustrated, pacing around.

It took me weeks until one night the kids just went to bed and I said to my wife, Can you just sit down and I know this the 15th time Ive played this song but what about like this? Tried it and my wife and I were both thats the way it should go. And then I recorded it just like that. It was so bare with just one guitar. I said to Peter, How about now? He said, Thats cool lets try it like that. But he didnt say thats it. It was a good start."

That song, I tell you, it was like building a house one screw at a time. It was crazy. It was so difficult. I was belting it, really singing it. But [Peter] said, At first, youve got to sing it quiet talk it. But I responded, Thats what you do with The National, I dont want to be like that. But he said, you dont sound like The National, you sound like you. So I did it. We recorded it with me yelling and recorded it with me quiet and I swear to you it hit harder when it was quiet. And I was like, I dont believe this just happened. But that really opened my eyes to a lot of things. Big time.

With Peter, were you were sending him demos before going into the studio so he was getting an idea of what youll need to do when you get there?

Yes but with Peter, you send him a demo and he listens to the song and the structure but he does not tell you his ideas. He just starts going for it. Youve kind of got to go, Thats cool. Thats too far because that man would make a wild record if I just let him go. Hes very talented but hes straight up mix of Pink Floyd with Brian Wilson. He goes for it. Its wild.

Even at your level you have to work hard at songwriting still

It was hard, you have to work at it all the time.

Is it tempting to throw a song away when you have to rework it to such a degree?

There was one called I Dont Mind When Im With You that I loved. That song was triple the speed, same with Lonely For You Only. Very fast songs. But something about the lyrics and there was one little bit of the melody, it was like a hook that was in me. Not a musical hook, like a fish hook. I kept pulling me. I tried to throw those songs away two or three times because I had other songs. There was something pulling me so I had to keep clawing away. And honestly, it took months.

The only song that came out quick was When Youre Ready. Vincent took forever. I wrote 20 versions of that song lyrically. It was forever."

Vincent is written from a female perspective, like Here Comes My Man

Yeah, and Vincent was my attempt at writing 100% fiction, so it was actually based off a couple of stories I heard in the news. Not current, a while ago. So it was stewing around in my mind and what happened was I watched the documentary on Nick Cave and he was talking about the album Murder Ballads and I got to thinking about Nick Cave and Bruce Springsteen, writing the Nebraska songs. I thought, Im going to try and write a fictional song fictional in details but 100 per cent non fictional in emotion.

Honestly, that was what the thing was moving to me, because everybody knows what that feels like to be tired of a situation thats really bad. How do you get out of it? In fiction you can do anything, you dont have to follow the laws and the rules of what youre supposed to do.

That song started from the first lyric too. I was listening to Dolly Parton and I thought of people who were named after songs because my daughter is named after the song Layla. I was always wondering, I wonder if they hate that? Do people named after songs hate the song theyre named after or can they embrace it? Im not sure and I feel bad because I did it.

"I chuckled to myself and said, "My named is Jolene, but I hate that song", and I thought that was pretty funny then I thought, oh thats dark. I sat at the piano and worked on it and had that first little section; I was baptised in a river when I was young. And thats all I had for months.

Then I just wrote 100 different versions because Id never done a fiction song. So in my head I wondered, what happens? I had to figure out not what I wanted to happen but what is the character telling me happens. And not only that but what makes sense in four minutes, and it was hard. Now, its so rewarding because its one of my favourite songs on the record.

So that song started with a lyric, is the process of songwriting kind of random in terms of the initial inspiration for you?

Yes, sometimes its like a riff that Im fooling around with, sometimes its a lyrics, sometimes a title. Sometimes I just start fishing; I sit down, play and start singing stuff. A lot of times its a drum beat that I hear.

You mentioned the piano impacting your chord approach, does that instrument help get you out of comfort zones as a writer?

Sure but at the same time I will say this though. I started to learn all these different chord progressions because Ive always been I / V / vi / IV a lot, and variations of that. But you know, I like that chord progression still. And I said to Peter, "I learned all this jazz stuff so should I be using these chords?" And hes like, No because its not sad, use the sad chords. Thats whats good.

"It kind of gave me permission. I didnt care, Im using the chords I want to use. Even the song Nocturne by Julian Lage, its B flat minor to A flat and then D flat. Its the same chord progression I use but its like this really fancy jazz song but its kind of the same thing.

Do you think theres this element of being at peace with that being a core part of your style, something you can experiment with there's this core?

I think its a thing thats my thing. If you boiled it down its the melodies of those chords. Well some people might say to me, well thats boring you used the same chords all the times. I think thats pretty creative Ive written like 95 songs with similar chords. I dont know about you but I think Im doing alright. You know what Im saying? I know what the chords are, Ive got the VIIth, the Ixs, the XIs over the suspends but I dont care.

I read in an interview with Tom Petty, a guitar player came up to him, a friend of his, and said, Ive got this cool chord and I used it in a song. And Tom Petty said, Why? Do you know why that chords not been used in a song before? Because its not good. Fair enough, because you know what works? G, D and C. So leave it to Tom Petty, bless him.

The song Hard Feelings are you channeling Knopfler there?

That is my exclusive attempt to write a Mark Knopfler-covering-Tom Petty song. Because it has that feeling. That song took me two years to write. I had the bits of it but I needed to keep going.

"That song is so funny because it uses the same chords that were talking about but I don't think it repeats more than twice. Its constantly moving forwards. When I played the piano on that song I thought, this sucks its so hard. The patterns of the chord cycle only happen twice then it moves, throughout the whole song. Like many of Marks songs it sounds so simple but its so not simple.

You couldnt have written a song like that two years ago?Not a chance. Thats why I stalled two years ago, theres a song two years ago that wasnt even done I just stopped.

Moving on to gear, were there any pedals that proved useful in the overdub stages?

We had cool stuff. We were in Connecticut so Analog Man is right there and we hit up Mike [Piera] and drove to his shop a couple of times and picked up all this stuff. So I had this King Of Tone that I always have with me.

More:

"Ive never done anything like it but Ive also never got such a good result" Brian Fallon goes in-depth on the making of new album Local...

National parks pay the price as land conflicts intensify in Colombia – Mongabay.com

Colombia is the worlds second-most biodiverse country after Brazil. Central Colombias Macarena region, in particular, is important for biodiversity as it serves as a transition zone between three major biomes: the Amazon rainforest, the eastern savannah, and the Andes mountains. Further, the isolated mountain range is home to three national parks: Sierra de la Macarena, Cordillera de los Picachos and Tinigua.

But underlying this biological richness are large petroleum deposits that beckon to oil companies. Meanwhile, cattle ranchers and farmers are stripping habitat for pasture and cropland, and large-scale landowners are expanding their holdings into pristine forest once untouchable due to FARC presence.

Conservationists and scientists are concerned that Macarenas exceptional biodiversity may fall victim to economic interests. Lucas Barrientos, professor of Evolutionary Biology at Rosario University, told Mongabay the region is highly important from a conservation standpoint because it serves as a biological corridor through which wildlife and their genes can pass from one ecosystem and population to another.

On one hand, there are so many species in this region that we havent even had a chance to discover them for science. More than that, this region serves as a corridor for genetic flows, which means populations dont remain isolated from each other, Barrientos said. These can be small organisms like insects or amphibians as well as large mammals. This flow of genetic diversity is important to keeping the populations healthy.

Barrientos went on to explain that the region is made of dry rainforest habitat, which is Colombias most endangered ecosystem. He said there are endemic species that are supremely specified and adapted to thrive in this particular ecosystem.

Last month, authorities extinguished a fire in the Sierra de la Macarena National Park that nearly reached the banks of the Cao Cristales river. A well-known tourist attraction, the Cao Cristales provides habitat to a sensitive species of underwater plant called Macarenia clavigera, which explodes into a living rainbow of gold, olive green, blue, black and red for a few months every year.

The Colombian Ministry of Defense and Reuters reported the blaze was set by FARC guerrillas who have rejected the peace process, known by the government as FARC dissidents, as they attempted to expand coca cultivation in the region. However, local sources consulted by Mongabay say the authorities version of events is unlikely because the region is unattractive for large-scale coca growing compared to other regions of the country. While coca is cultivated for traditional purposes, its also grown to produce cocaine.

Local tour guide and biologist Jhon Muoz, who resides in the nearby town of La Macarena, told Mongabay it wasnt necessarily the guerrillas who set the fire. Instead he suspects small farmers called campesinos or cattle ranchers set the fires to protest the governments recent anti-deforestation operations that have been blamed for the displacement of families residing within the countrys national parks. Nevertheless, he said it was unclear who set the fire, and nobody knows the exact reasons why it was started.

The Defense Minister reported that it was the FARC dissidents trying to plant coca. That is completely false because Cao Cristales sits on hard, rocky land, Muoz said. That fire could have been set by campesinos as reprisal for the forced evictions that are taking place in the parks.

The United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime monitors coca cultivation in Colombia by satellite. Comparison of data from 2015 before the FARC demobilized and 2018 shows there has been a significant decrease in coca crop density in the region since the peace agreement was signed. An expert on Colombias armed conflict consulted for this article confirmed coca inside the park has been uncommon for around a decade.

Since the demobilization of the FARC in 2016, deforestation has skyrocketed in the region, most notably in Tinigua Natural National Park. Deforestation shot up 400% in Tinigua between 2017 and 2018 based on satellite data from Monitoring of the Andean Amazon Project (MAAP), an initiative of the organization Amazon Conservation.

Colombias Institute of Hydrology, Meteorology and Environmental Studies (IDEAM) found the La Macarena municipality registered a 26% increase in deforestation in 2018, the greatest increase in deforestation anywhere in the country. Almost half of the loss of forest came from the Tinigua Park, Rodrigo Botero, director of environmental non-profit FCDS, told Mongabay Latam.

Deforestation in the park looks set to jump again in 2020, with data from the University of Maryland showing much heavier tree cover loss between January and March this year than during the same period in 2019.

In March 2020, a study published in Nature found there has been a dramatic increase in deforestation in the majority of Colombias protected areas and buffer zones following the demobilization of the FARC in 2016. The study said armed groups, especially FARC dissidents, are consolidating within national parks such as Tinigua, assigning land to farmers and promoting livestock and coca crops as an economic engine of the colonization process.

These groups are reactivating old tracks used during the past conflict and opening new ones, to create a political-military transportation network, the studys authors write. This territorial-control strategy allows consolidating a social basis for these armed groups, economic inputs for rearmament, and a population exploiting this territorial security, which also represents a source of recruitment for the guerrillas.

In Colombia, park rangers are killed on a relatively regular basis. A total of 12 rangers were killed between 1994 and 2020, according to Semana Magazine.

Colombia is a dangerous place for many people. This is particularly true for indigenous and community leaders who routinely face the threat of assassination at the hands of mercenaries paid by powerful landholders exerting territorial and economic control, as well as by illegal armed groups operating with impunity in many of the countrys remote regions.

Non-profit conflict monitoring organization Indepaz reports 817 social leaders and human rights defenders were killed in Colombia in the little more than three years between ratification of the Peace Agreement between the government and the FARC in November 2016 and February 28, 2020.

Estefania Ciros is an academic investigator who grew up near the Macarena region in Caquet, a department that sits in the foothills region where the Amazon rainforest meets the Andes mountains. Ciros, who works for the Colombia Truth Commission, told Mongabay that the indigenous and campesino communities of the Macarena have long suffered as an epicenter of U.S. drug prohibitionist and extractivist policies that began at the turn of the 20th century. She said the extractivist and anti-drug policies promoted by the U.S. were carried out in cooperation with Bogotas adversarial agenda against the regions campesinos.

Extractive industries such as rubber and petroleum companies arrived at the beginning of the 20th century, Ciros said. Later came the process known as the tigrillero where people from Bogota and foreign countries paid people to go into the forests to get skins from the tigrillos. The tigrillo, or oncilla (Leopardus tigrinus), is a small spotted cat native to Central and South America; it is listed as Vulnerable by the IUCN.

Alongside the extractivist activities, carried out with support from North American companies, the Colombian state promoted colonization of the region. By the middle of the century, a violent civil war between Liberals and Conservatives led to another wave of colonization when Liberals fled to the Macarena to escape violence.

The liberals who fled the violence ended up politicizing the campesinos in the region, which ended up seeding the armed uprising, the very basis of what would become the FARC, Ciros said. In the years that followed, drug traffickers, elites and people from other regions came introducing marijuana and coca to the campesinos who lacked access to markets and were struggling to maintain basic material necessities of life.

With the region inundated with illicit crops, interests arising from the U.S. found the right justification under the War on Drugs to intervene in the region. Plan Colombia, signed in 1998 under President Bill Clinton, combined with former President Alvaro Uribes 2002 Democratic Security initiative, provided billions of dollars to spend on the anti-insurgent campaign in the region, Ciros said.

Plan Colombia cost the U.S. over $10 billion and experts say it failed to lower coca growing and cocaine trafficking in the country in the long-term. The foreign aid provided the government with advanced military technology such as Black Hawk helicopters, while paramilitaries decimated villages and political leaders that were sympathetic to the insurgency. Even with the billions of dollars in military aid, however, the government was unable to defeat the insurgents on the battlefield, and negotiations to find a peaceful exit to the conflict began informally under former President Uribe between 2008 and 2010.

By 2016, the FARC and the government under former President Juan Manuel Santos reached a historic peace agreement after four years of negotiation. The FARC demobilized by the end of the year, turning over thousands of weapons to the United Nations and moving their demobilized soldiers into reintegration camps.

While the FARC committed a great number of human rights abuses against campesinos during the half-century of armed conflict, the rebels considered themselves to be an armed uprising of the campesino rural class. As such, the rebels worked closely with communities to produce coexistence manuals that created clear rules and regulations on many issues, including farming practices, environmental protection, and criminal conduct.

With the reincorporation of the FARC, the coexistence manuals and community regulations were left up in the air. The state didnt think to hold up or strengthen the communal action committees, but rather did the opposite, Ciros said.

Barrientos added that the FARC had a vested interest in maintaining the forest cover to keep the drug-trafficking routes they supported hidden from the authorities who patrolled the skies.

While the upper echelons and thousands of foot soldiers were demobilized from the FARC, critics say current President Ivan Duque has largely turned his back on the peace agreement, instead accommodating far right conservative elements who reject the concessions made to end more than half a century of violence. Since his election in 2018, Duques government has been locked in nearly constant scandals with investigations underway for ties to mafia figures, vote buying and Uribes role in the formation of a paramilitary group in the 1990s.

With the lure of record-breaking drug trafficking revenue still on the table combined with a lack of basic security guarantees for demobilized rebels, thousands of guerrillas under the command of non-conformist rebel commander Gentil Duarte have returned to the battlefield and have wrested, or rather failed to surrender, territorial control to the State in Colombias northern Amazon and La Macarena.

Large-scale landholders, a Latin American rural class known as latifundios, were once afraid of investing in the northern Amazon region because they feared extortion, kidnapping and infrastructure attacks. However, Ciros said the latifundios viewed the peace agreement as an opportunity to expand their holdings by buying up small holdings and encouraging further colonization of rainforest lands that can be converted into productive cattle pasture.

Ciros says multinational oil companies are moving in at the same time, buying sympathy in the communities by paying for road infrastructure improvements that will lower costs for campesinos by facilitating trade with external markets.

The entry of large-scale property holders and extractivists into the region explains the majority of the increases in deforestation Under Gentil Duarte there has been permissiveness toward large-scale property that didnt exist under the previous FARC, Ciros said. I cant say with certainty, but its possible hes trying to shore up local support and legitimacy.

In April 2019, President Duque launched an offensive against deforestation in the northern Amazon called Artemisa, in cooperation with military, police and public prosecutors, and accompanied by the Ministry of Environment and National Natural Parks of Colombia. Nicacio Martnez Espinel, Colombias top army commander, said 10 percent of the armys resources would be redeployed to target environmental crimes, particularly illegal deforestation.

For Ciros and other sources in the Macarena consulted by Mongabay, the military operations against campesino farmers who are accused of deforestation followed in the same stream of the hardline anti-drug, anti-insurgent policies of the previous decades.

With Artemisa, Duque declared the protection of water and forests as a matter of national security. But what does this mean? It doesnt mean stopping billion-dollar dams like Hidroituango in Antioquia or taking serious action against illegal mining, Ciros said. It means an exercise of force against a highly vulnerable population of campesinos living on land that was demarcated as a protected area in Bogota.

Human rights organization Parks with Campesinos released a statement criticizing the governments treatment of social-environmental problems in the region: Since 2017 the Government opted to take the road of violence and broken promises as a solution to the socio-environmental conflict in the territory.

The Colombia Natural National Parks authorities declined multiple requests for interviews.

Biologist Lucas Barrientos told Mongabay that the Ministry of Mines has green-lighted petroleum exploration in the Tinigua and Picachos national parks. He added that although there is political controversy over these actions in Bogota, the petroleum interests have the advantage of greater resources and more lawyers than the parks.

The government entities are separate from each other, Barrientos said. The petroleum agencies are interested in petroleum. They dont care about biodiversity.

Banner image of Cao Cristales by Gicaman via Wikimedia Commons (CCBY-SA 4.0)

Editors note:This story was powered byPlaces to Watch, a Global Forest Watch (GFW) initiative designed to quickly identify concerning forest loss around the world and catalyze further investigation of these areas. Places to Watch draws on a combination of near-real-time satellite data, automated algorithms and field intelligence to identify new areas on a monthly basis. In partnership with Mongabay, GFW is supporting data-driven journalism by providing data and maps generated by Places to Watch. Mongabay maintains complete editorial independence over the stories reported using this data.

Feedback:Use this formto send a message to the editorof this post. If you want to post a public comment, you can do that at the bottom of the page.

Continued here:

National parks pay the price as land conflicts intensify in Colombia - Mongabay.com

Ruthless Mexican cartel led by DEA’s most-wanted fugitive is "taking over everywhere" – CBS News

Mexico's fastest-rising cartel, the Jalisco New Generation gang, has a reputation for ruthlessness and violence unlike any since the fall of the old Zetas cartel. In parts of the country it is fighting medieval-style battles, complete with fortified redoubts, to expand nationwide, from the outskirts of Mexico City, into the tourist resorts around Cancun, and along the northern border.

Last week, U.S. law enforcement authorities announced the arrest of hundreds of people in an operation targeting the cartel. The Justice Department and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) said that the joint operation, known as Project Python, resulted in more than 600 arrests and 350 indictments on the state and federal level, officials said.

But Jalisco has continued to assert itself with brazen methods. U.S. prosecutors said its operatives tried to buy belt-fed M-60 machine guns in the United States, and once brought down a Mexican military helicopter with a rocket-propelled grenade.

But Jalisco is also mounting a propaganda campaign, using videos and social media to threaten rivals while promising civilians that it won't prey on them with extortion and kidnappings. It is a promise that cartels in Mexico have long made, and always broken. But Jalisco's onslaught is so powerful that the cartel appears to have convinced some Mexicans, especially those who are tired of local gangs, to accept control by one large, powerful cartel.

"It seems like the Jalisco New Generation group is taking over everywhere," said a priest in the western city of Apatzingan. "It seems like they allow people to work, and they don't prey on civilians, they don't kidnap, they don't steal vehicles, they just go about their drug business."

The priest, who is not being identified to prevent reprisals, would rather not have any gang in town. But one of his parishioners was recently kidnapped, raped and killed by members of a local gang, the Viagras, even after her family paid a ransom; locals are so sick of that gang they'd rather have anybody else move in.

He is not the only one. A restaurant owner in the central state of Guanajuato - where Jalisco is fighting for control with the local Santa Rosa de Lima gang - says he would prefer that Jalisco take over, because of the local gang's chaotic ways.

"Things are quieter when Jalisco is around," said the restaurant owner, who also asked his name not be used.

A woman who has lived for years under Jalisco cartel rule in a small town says she seeks out local Jalisco enforcers to solve common crime problems. "If you have a problem, you go to them. They solve it quickly," she said.

It is all a lie, albeit one that the cartel likes to repeat.

"Beautiful people, continue your routine," the cartel said in a banner hung from an overpass in 2019 to reassure residents of Apatzingan, Michoacn, that the cartel was moving in to kick out the Viagras. Beneath and around the banner a total of 19 corpses hung from ropes, lay piled on the roadway or were scattered, hacked to pieces.

Sofia Huett, the head security official in the central state of Guanajuato, has been on the receiving end of what she calls a propaganda war between Jalisco and the Santa Rosa gang.

"What is striking is the propaganda campaign in all media. What we are seeing today, we haven't seen" since Mexico's 2006-2012 drug war, she said, referring to decapitation videos, threats, and social media messages warning people to stay indoors.

"This propaganda doesn't just seek to intimidate rivals, but the whole population, as well," she said. "I would even say there may be political goals behind this type of messages."

To those lured by the promises of the cartel, Huett said: "We cannot leave the public in doubt about the criminals, these false promises of protection and these false promises of well-being. This always ends badly."

Indeed, the reality of life under the Jalisco cartel is terrifying: the cartel has made the city of Guadalajara and surrounding suburbs into a giant clandestine grave site.

Hundreds of bodies have been found in the last year, dumped in drainage canals, buried in fields and the patios and yards of homes. Bodies have been found dissolved in acid or lye, bodies have been found in plastic bags. So many bodies have been found in Guadalajara that authorities ran out of space at the morgue and took to moving rotting bodies around in refrigerated trucks until neighbors complained about the smell. Experts say the killings skyrocketed after the cartel lost control of its local organization in Guadalajara, and has been battling that splinter group.

Jalisco is accustomed to attacking law enforcement directly. The cartel is blamed for two of the worst attacks in recent memory: In October, cartel gunmen ambushed and killed 14 state police officers in Michoacn, and there are indications they executed some with gunshots to the head. In 2015, cartel gunmen trying to protect their leader shot down a Mexican military helicopter with an RPG.

Jalisco likes quasi-military tactics, and their hitmen favor military camouflage. In southern Guerrero state, they welded thick armor plating to a truck to make a homemade tank. In many states, they parade around in convoys of dozens of pickup trucks openly marked with the letters "CJNG."

Jalisco really only understands force, a tactic that Mexico's government has sidelined. On Friday, the foreign relations department wrote that the administration of President Andrs Manuel Lpez Obrador "is committed to eliminating inequality and violence by ending the war on drugs ... the use of force is no longer the first option."

Indeed, Lpez Obrador said his administration no longer seeks to detain drug lords.

Meanwhile, many of Jalisco's front-line battlegrounds look almost medieval.

On the border between Jalisco and Michoacn states, there is a town called Tepalcatepec, a stronghold of the Viagras that Jalisco has recently tried to take over. The road in from Jalisco - the main route of attack - is blocked with piles of dirt and rocks staggered in a zigzag pattern, forcing incoming vehicles to slow down. From a house on a nearby hill, a vigilante with a .50-caliber sniper rifle scans the road, ready to fire.

Farther south in Michoacn, in the hamlet of El Terrero, Jalisco controls the south bank of the Rio Grande river, while the north bank remains in the hands of the rival New Michoacn Family cartel and its armed wing, the Viagras. The other gangs' terror of Jalisco is evident; in September, they hijacked and burned a half-dozen trucks and buses to block the bridge over the river, to prevent Jalisco convoys from entering in a surprise assault.

Nearby, in the township of San Jose de Chila, rival gangs used a church as an armed redoubt to fight off an offensive by Jalisco gunmen. Holed up in the church tower and from its roof, they tried to defend the town against the incursion, leaving the church filled with bullet holes.

One thing is clear: Jalisco wants people to know that they're in town. They hang banners from overpasses announcing their arrival, offering cash rewards for enemies and threatening police. They post videos on social media, usually with a few dozen heavily-armed, camouflage-clad men with helmets in the background, announcing they have come to "clean up the town."

In Cancun, a man sidles up to a local crime-scene photographer at a taco stand. "We're from Jalisco. We just want you to know that we're here. Enjoy your meal," the man said affably, before walking away.

It wasn't just a boast. On Feb. 29, police in Cancun raided two houses and arrested 10 Jalisco gunmen with assault rifles and caps embroidered with the words "Grupo Delta, CJNG Quintana Roo." The cartel is moving into Cancun the way it often does: the group "was setting up an operational center ... where they abducted and killed members of rival gangs," state prosecutors said.

The cartel has littered the streets of Cancun with the bodies of its victims, but the violence hasn't really hit the tourist zone, except in the resort of Playa del Carmen, to the south.

While extreme violence is hardly new in Mexico, Jalisco is more fearsome than other cartels, more worrisome than even the notorious Zetas, who left piles of as many as 50 bodies on roads, kidnapped hundreds of people and forced them to fight each other to the death with sledgehammers, and burned their victims alive in gasoline drums.

The Zetas were never particularly good at carving out new drug routes or laundering money; Jalisco, with years of experience in methamphetamine production through their allies, the "Cuinis" gang, is in a prime position to capitalize on new synthetic drugs like fentanyl.

"CJNG's efforts to dominate key ports on both the Pacific and Gulf Coasts have allowed it to consolidate important components of the global narcotics supply chain," said a Congressional Research Service report. "In particular, CJNG asserts control over the ports of Veracruz, Manzanillo, and Lzaro Cardenas, which has given the group access to precursor chemicals that flow into Mexico from China and other parts of Latin America. As a result, CJNG has been able to pursue an aggressive growth strategy, underwritten by U.S. demand for Mexican methamphetamine, heroin, and fentanyl."

And the cartel - like its main rival, Sinaloa - has been able to branch out into new regions of the world, turning to India when China cracks down on fentanyl shipments, and establishing connections with Chinese and other Asian gangs to launder drug proceeds that help wealthy Chinese get around their government's currency flow limits and move their wealth abroad.

And under the steely command of Nemesio Oseguera, "El Mencho" - who is now the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration's most-wanted fugitive, with a $10 million price on his head - the Jalisco cartel has a more unified leadership than Sinaloa, whose command structure was fractured after the arrest, extradition and conviction of Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman.

Two of El Mencho's children are currently in custody in the U.S. on related drug trafficking charges.

In February, his daughter Jessica Johanna Oseguera Gonzalez, also known as "La Negra," wasarrestedat the federal courthouse in Washington, D.C. She was there to see her brother, Rubn Oseguera Gonzlez or "El Menchito," who was extradited from Mexico and is allegedly CJNG's second in command. A U.S. official told CBS News that she entered the U.S. legally, and Border Patrol agents were apparently unaware she was under indictment.

Now, experts say, much of the violence in Tijuana, Ciudad Juarez and Tamaulipas state is fueled by offensives by the Jalisco cartel, often in alliance with local gangs, to take control of key drug routes.

"They have an almost nationwide presence," said Mexican security analyst Alejandro Hope. "It seems to me they have a more centralized decision-making structure than other criminal groups. The one who calls the shots is Mencho."

Given that Jalisco has moved into hotels and restaurants, shopping centers, real estate companies, agricultural companies, and a music promotion business, Hope said "it appears they are more sophisticated than other (gangs) at laundering money."

Clare Hymes contributed to this report.

Go here to read the rest:

Ruthless Mexican cartel led by DEA's most-wanted fugitive is "taking over everywhere" - CBS News

Beyond the Economic Chaos of Coronavirus Is a Global War Economy – Truthout

What does a virus have to do with war and repression? The coronavirus has disrupted global supply networks and spread panic throughout the worlds stock markets. The pandemic will pass, not without a heavy toll. But in the larger picture, the fallout from the virus exposes the fragility of a global economy that never fully recovered from the 2008 financial collapse and has been teetering on the brink of renewed crisis for years.

The crisis of global capitalism is as much structural as it is political. Politically, the system faces a crisis of capitalist hegemony and state legitimacy. As is now well-known, the level of global social polarization and inequality is unprecedented. In 2018, the richest 1 percent of humanity controlled more than half of the worlds wealth while the bottom 80 percent had to make do with just 4.5 percent of this wealth. Such stark global inequalities are politically explosive, and to the extent that the system is simply unable to reverse them, it turns to ever more violent forms of containment to manage immiserated populations.

Structurally, the system faces a crisis of what is known as overaccumulation. As inequalities escalate, the system churns out more and more wealth that the mass of working people cannot actually consume. As a result, the global market cannot absorb the output of the global economy. Overaccumulation refers to a situation in which enormous amounts of capital (profits) are accumulated, yet this capital cannot be reinvested profitably and becomes stagnant.

Get reliable, independent news and commentary delivered to your inbox every day.

Indeed, corporations enjoyed record profits during the 2010s at the same time that corporate investment declined. Worldwide corporate cash reserves topped $12 trillion in 2017, more than the foreign exchange reserves of the worlds central governments, yet transnational corporations cannot find enough opportunities to profitably reinvest their profits. As this uninvested capital accumulates, enormous pressures build up to find outlets for unloading the surplus. By the 21st century, the transnational capitalist class turned to several mechanisms in order to sustain global accumulation in the face of overaccumulation, above all, financial speculation in the global casino, along with the plunder of public finances, debt-driven growth and state-organized militarized accumulation.

It is the last of these mechanisms, what I have termed militarized accumulation, that I want to focus on here. The crisis is pushing us toward a veritable global police state. The global economy is becoming ever more dependent on the development and deployment of systems of warfare, social control and repression, apart from political considerations, simply as a means of making profit and continuing to accumulate capital in the face of stagnation. The so-called wars on drugs and terrorism; the undeclared wars on immigrants, refugees, gangs, and poor, dark-skinned and working-class youth more generally; the construction of border walls, immigrant jails, prison-industrial complexes, systems of mass surveillance, and the spread of private security guard and mercenary companies, have all become major sources of profit-making.

The events of September 11, 2001, marked the start of an era of a permanent global war in which logistics, warfare, intelligence, repression, surveillance, and even military personnel are more and more the privatized domain of transnational capital. Criminalization of surplus humanity activates state-sanctioned repression that opens up new profit-making opportunities for the transnational capitalist class. Permanent war involves endless cycles of destruction and reconstruction, each phase in the cycle fueling new rounds and accumulation, and also results in the ongoing enclosure of resources that become available to the capitalist class.

The Pentagon budget increased 91 percent in real terms between 1998 and 2011, while worldwide, total defense outlays grew by 50 percent from 2006 to 2015, from $1.4 trillion to $2.03 trillion, although this figure does not take into account secret budgets, contingency operations and homeland security spending. The global market in homeland security reached $431 billion in 2018 and was expected to climb to $606 billion by 2024. In the decade from 2001 to 2011, military industry profits nearly quadrupled. In total, the United States spent a mind-boggling nearly $6 trillion from 2001 to 2018 on its Middle East wars alone.

Led by the United States as the predominant world power, military expansion in different countries has taken place through parallel (and often conflictive) processes, yet all show the same relationship between state militarization and global capital accumulation. In 2015, for instance, the Chinese government announced that it was setting out to develop its own military-industrial complex modeled after the United States, in which private capital would assume the leading role. Worldwide, official state military outlays in 2015 represented about 3 percent of the gross world product of $75 trillion (this does not include state military spending not made public).

But militarized accumulation involves vastly more than activities generated by state military budgets. There are immense sums involved in state spending and private corporate accumulation through militarization and other forms of generating profit through repressive social control that do not involve militarization per se, such as structural controls over the poor through debt collection enforcement mechanisms or accumulation opportunities opened up by criminalization.

The various wars, conflicts, and campaigns of social control and repression around the world involve the fusion of private accumulation with state militarization. In this relationship, the state facilitates the expansion of opportunities for private capital to accumulate through militarization. The most obvious way that the state opens up these opportunities is to facilitate global weapons sales by military-industrial-security firms, the amounts of which have reached unprecedented levels. Between 2003 and 2010 alone, the Global South bought nearly half a trillion dollars in weapons from global arms dealers. Global weapons sales by the top 100 weapons manufacturers and military service companies increased by 38 percent between 2002 and 2016.

The U.S.-led wars in Iraq and Afghanistan precipitated the explosion in private military and security contractors around the world deployed to protect the transnational capitalist class. Private military contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan during the height of those wars exceeded the number of U.S. combat troops in both countries, and outnumbered U.S. troops in Afghanistan by a three-to-one margin. Beyond the United States, private military and security firms have proliferated worldwide and their deployment is not limited to the major conflict zones in the Middle East, South Asia and Africa. In his study, Corporate Warriors, P.W. Singer documents how privatized military forces (PMFs) have come to play an ever more central role in military conflicts and wars. A new global industry has emerged, he noted. It is outsourcing and privatization of a twenty-first century variety, and it changes many of the old rules of international politics and warfare. It has become global in both its scope and activity. Beyond the many based in the United States, PMFs come from numerous countries around the world, including Russia, South Africa, Colombia, Mexico, India, the EU countries and Israel, among others.

Beyond wars, PMFs open up access to economic resources and corporate investment opportunities deployed, for instance, to mining areas and oil fields leading Singer to term PMFs investment enablers. PMF clients include states, corporations, landowners, nongovernmental organizations, even the Colombian and Mexican drug cartels. From 2005 to 2010, the Pentagon contracted some 150 firms from around the world for support and security operations in Iraq alone. By 2018, private military companies employed some 15 million people around the world, deploying forces to guard corporate property; provide personal security for corporate executives and their families; collect data; conduct police, paramilitary, counterinsurgency and surveillance operations; carry out mass crowd control and repression of protesters; manage prisons; run private detention and interrogation facilities; and participate in outright warfare.

Meanwhile, the private security (policing) business is one of the fastest growing economic sectors in many countries and has come to overshadow public security around the world. According to Singer, the amount spent on private security in 2003, the year of the invasion of Iraq, was 73 percent higher than that spent in the public sphere, and three times as many persons were employed in private forces as in official law enforcement agencies. In parts of Asia, the private security industry grew at 20 percent to 30 percent per year. Perhaps the biggest explosion of private security was the near complete breakdown of public agencies in post-Soviet Russia, with over 10,000 new security firms opening since 1989. There were an outstanding 20 million private security workers worldwide in 2017, and the industry was expected to be worth over $240 billion by 2020. In half of the worlds countries, private security agents outnumber police officers.

As all of global society becomes a highly surveilled and controlled and wildly profitable battlespace, we must not forget that the technologies of the global police state are driven as much, or more, by the campaign to open up new outlets for accumulation as they are by strategic or political considerations. The rise of the digital economy and the blurring of the boundaries between military and civilian sectors fuse several fractions of capital especially finance, military-industrial and tech companies around a combined process of financial speculation and militarized accumulation. The market for new social control systems made possible by digital technology runs into the hundreds of billions. The global biometrics market, for instance, was expected to jump from its $15 billion value in 2015 to $35 billion by 2020.

As the tech industry emerged in the 1990s, it was from its inception tied to the military-industrial-security complex and the global police state. Over the years, for instance, Google has supplied mapping technology used by the U.S. Army in Iraq, hosted data for the Central Intelligence Agency, indexed the National Security Agencys vast intelligence databases, built military robots, co-launched a spy satellite with the Pentagon, and leased its cloud computing platform to help police departments predict crime. Amazon, Facebook, Microsoft and the other tech giants are thoroughly intertwined with the military-industrial and security complex.

Criminalization of the poor, racially oppressed, immigrants, refugees and other vulnerable communities is the most clear-cut method of accumulation by repression. This type of criminalization activates legitimate state repression to enforce the accumulation of capital, whereby the state turns to private capital to carry out repression against those criminalized.

There has been a rapid increase in imprisonment in countries around the world, led by the United States, which has been exporting its own system of mass incarceration. In 2019, it was involved in the prison systems of at least 33 different countries, while the global prison population grew by 24 percent from 2000 to 2018. This carceral state opens up enormous opportunities at multiple levels for militarized accumulation. Worldwide, there were in the early 21st century some 200 privately operated prisons on all continents and many more public-private partnerships that involved privatized prison services and other forms of for-profit custodial services such as privatized electronic monitoring programs. The countries that were developing private prisons ranged from most member states of the European Union, to Israel, Russia, Thailand, Hong Kong, South Africa, New Zealand, Ecuador, Australia, Costa Rica, Chile, Peru, Brazil and Canada.

Those criminalized include millions of migrants and refugees around the world. Repressive state controls over the migrant and refugee population and criminalization of non-citizen workers makes this sector of the global working class vulnerable to super-exploitation and hyper-surveillance. In turn, this self-same repression in and of itself becomes an ever more important source of accumulation for transnational capital. Every phase in the war on migrants and refugees has become a wellspring of profit making, from private, for-profit migrant jails and the provision of services inside them such as health care, food, phone systems, to other ancillary activities of the deportation regime, such as government contracting of private charter flights to ferry deportees back home, and the equipping of armies of border agents.

Undocumented immigrants constitute the fastest-growing sector of the U.S. prison population and are detained in private migrant jails and deported by private companies contracted out by the U.S. state. As of 2010, there were 270 immigration jails in the U.S. that caged on any given day over 30,000 immigrants and annually locked up some 400,000 individuals, compared to just a few dozen people in immigrant detention each day prior to the 1980s. From 2010 to 2018, federal spending on these detentions jumped from $1.8 billion to $3.1 billion. Given that such for-profit prison companies as CoreCivic and GEO Group are traded on the Wall Street stock exchange, investors from anywhere around the world may buy and sell their stock, and in this way, develop a stake in immigrant repression quite removed from, if not entirely independent, of the more pointed political and ideological objectives of this repression.

In the United States, the border security industry was set to double in value from $305 billion in 2011 to some $740 billion in 2023. Mexican researcher Juan Manuel Sandoval traces how the U.S.-Mexico border region has been reconfigured into a global space for the expansion of transnational capital. This global space is centered on the U.S. side around high-tech military and aerospace related industries, military bases, and the deploying of other civilian and military forces for combating immigration, drug trafficking, and terrorism through a strategy of low-intensity warfare. On the Mexican side, it involves the expansion of maquiladoras (sweatshops), mining and industry in the framework of capitalist globalization and North American integration.

The tech sector in the United States has become heavily involved in the war on immigrants as Silicon Valley plays an increasingly central role in the expansion and acceleration of arrests, detentions and deportations. As their profits rise from participation in this war, leading tech companies have in turn pushed for an expansion of incarceration and deportation of immigrants, and lobbied the state to use their innovative social control and surveillance technologies in anti-immigrant campaigns.

In Europe, the refugee crisis and EUs program to secure borders has provided a bonanza to military and security companies providing equipment to border military forces, surveillance systems and information technology infrastructure. The budget for the EU public-private border security agency, Frontex, increased a whopping 3,688 percent between 2005 and 2016, while the European border security market was expected to nearly double, from some $18 billion in 2015 to approximately $34 billion in 2022.

As stock markets around the world began to plummet starting in late February, mainstream commentators blamed the coronavirus for the mounting crisis. But the virus was only the spark that ignited the financial implosion. The plunge in stock markets suggests that for some time to come, financial speculation will be less able to serve as an outlet for over-accumulated capital. When the pandemic comes to an end, we will be left with a global economy even more dependent on militarized accumulation than before the virus hit.

We must remember that accumulation by war, social control and repression is driven by a dual logic of providing outlets for over-accumulated capital in the face of stagnation, and of social control and repression as capitalist hegemony breaks down. The more the global economy comes to depend on militarization and conflict, the greater the drive to war and the higher the stakes for humanity. There is a built-in war drive to the current course of capitalist globalization. Historically, wars have pulled the capitalist system out of crisis while they have also served to deflect attention from political tensions and problems of legitimacy. Whether or not a global police state driven by the twin imperatives of social control and militarized accumulation becomes entrenched is contingent on the outcome of the struggles raging around the world among social and class forces and their competing political projects.

This article draws on the authors forthcoming book, The Global Police State, which will be released by Pluto Press in July 2020.

See the original post here:

Beyond the Economic Chaos of Coronavirus Is a Global War Economy - Truthout

As the global war on drugs fades away, only the drug traffickers benefit – AlterNet

America shows signs of emerging from the century-long shadow of drug prohibition, with marijuana leading the way and a psychedelic decriminalization movement rapidly gaining steam. It also seems as if the mass incarceration fever driven by the war on drugs has finally broken, although tens if not hundreds of thousands remain behind bars on drug charges.

As Americans, we are remarkably parochial. We are, we still like to tell ourselves, the worlds only superpower, and we can go about our affairs without overly concerning ourselves about whats going on beyond our borders. But what America does, what America wants and what America demands has impacts far beyond our borders, and the American prohibitionist impulse is no different.

Thanks largely (but not entirely) to a century of American diplomatic pressure, the entire planet has been subsumed by our prohibitionist impulse. A series of United Nations conventions, the legal backbone of global drug prohibition, pushed by the U.S., have put the whole world on lockdown.

We here in the drug war homeland remain largely oblivious to the consequences of our drug policies overseas, whether its murderous drug cartels in Mexico, murderous cops in the Philippines, barbarous forced drug treatment regimes in Russia and Southeast Asia, exemplary executions in China, or corrupted cops and politicians everywhere. But now, a couple of non-American journalists working independently have produced a pair of volumes that focus on the global drug war like a U.S. Customs X-ray peering deep inside a cargo container. Taken together, the results are illuminating, and the light they shed reveals some very disturbing facts.

Dopeworldauthor Niko Vorobyov andPills, Powder, and Smokeauthor Antony Loewenstein both attempt the same feata global portrait of the war on drugsand both reach the same conclusionthat drug prohibition benefits only drug traffickers, fearmongering politicians, and state security apparatusesbut are miles apart attitudinally and literarily. This makes for two very different, but complementary, books on the same topic.

Loewenstein, an Australian who previously authoredDisaster CapitalismandProfits of Doom, isduha critic of capitalism who situates the global drug war within an American project of neo-imperial subjugation globally and control over minority populations domestically. His work is solid investigative reporting, leavened with the passion he feels for his subject.

InPills, Powder, and Smoke, he visits places that rarely make the news but are deeply and negatively impacted by the U.S.-led war on drugs, such as Honduras. Loewenstein opens that chapter with the murder of environmental activist Berta Caceres, which was not directly related to the drug war, but which illustrates the thuggish nature of the Honduran regimea regime that emerged after a 2009 coup overthrew the leftist president, a coup justified by then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and which has received millions in U.S. anti-drug assistance, mainly in the form of weapons and military equipment.

Honduras doesnt produce any drugs; its only an accident of geography and the American war on drugs that we even mention the country in the context of global drug prohibition. Back in the 1980s, the administration of Bush the Elder cracked down on cocaine smuggling in the Caribbean, and as traffickers sought to evade that threat, Honduras was perfectly placed to act as a trampoline for cocaine shipments taking an alternative route through Mexico, which incidentally fueled the rise of todays deadly and uber-wealthy Mexican drug cartels.

The drug trade, combined with grinding poverty, huge income inequalities, and few opportunities, has helped turn Honduras into one of the deadliest places on earth, where the police and military kill with impunity, and so do the countrys teeming criminal gangs. Loewenstein walks those mean streetsexcept for a few neighborhoods even his local fixers deem too dangeroustalking to activists, human rights workers, the family members of victims, community members, and local journalists to paint a chilling picture. (This is why Hondurans make up a large proportion of those human caravans streaming north to the U.S. border. But unlike Venezuela, where mass flight in the face of violence and economic collapse is routinely condemned as a failure of socialism, you rarely hear any commentators calling the Honduran exodus a failure of capitalism.)

He reexamines one of the DEAs most deadly recent incidents, where four poor, innocent Hondurans were killed by Honduran troops working under DEA supervision in a raid whose parameters were covered up for years by the agency. Loewenstein engaged in extended communication with the DEA agent in charge, as well as with survivors and family members of those killed. Those people report they have never received an apology, not to mention compensation, from the Honduran militaryor from the United States.

While the Honduran military fights the drug war with U.S. dollars, Loewenstein shows it and other organs of the Honduran government are also deeply implicated in managing the drug traffic. And news headlines bring his story up to date: Just this month,U.S. prosecutors in New York accusedthe current, rightist president of Honduras, Juan Orlando Hernndez, of meeting with and taking a bribe from a drug trafficker. This comes after his brother, former Honduran Senator Juan Antonio Hernndez, wasconvicted of running tons of cocaineinto the United States in a trial that laid bare the bribery, corruption, and complicity of high-level Hondurans in the drug trade, including the president.

Loewenstein also takes us to Guinea-Bissau, a West African country where 70 percent of the population subsists on less than $2 a day and whose biggest export is cashews. Or at least it was cashews. Since the early years of this century, the country has emerged as a leading destination for South American cocaine, which is then re-exported to the insatiable European market.

Plagued by decades of military coups and political instability, the country has never developed, and an Atlantic shoreline suited for mass tourism now serves mainly as a convenient destination for boatloads and planeloads of cocaine. Loewenstein visits hotels whose only clients are drug traffickers and remote fishing villages where the trade is an open secret and a source of jobs. He talks with security officials who frankly admit they have almost no resources to combat the trade, and he traces the route onward to Europe, sometimes carried by Islamic militants.

He also tells the tale of one exemplary drug bust carried out by a DEA SWAT team arguably in Guinean territorial waters that snapped up the countrys former Navy minister. The DEA said he was involved in a narco-terrorist plot to handle cocaine shipments for Colombias leftist FARC guerillas, who were designated as terrorists by the administration of Bush the Junior in a politically convenient melding of the wars on drugs and terror.

It turns out, though, there were no coke loads, and there was no FARC; there was only a DEA sting operation, with the conspiracy created out of whole cloth. While the case made for some nice headlines and showed the U.S. hard at work fighting drugs, it had no demonstrable impact on the use of West Africa as a cocaine conduit, and it raised serious questions about the degree to which the U.S. can impose its drug war anywhere it chooses.

Loewenstein also writes about Australia, England, and the United States, in each case setting the historical and political context, talking to all kinds of people, and laying bare the hideous cruelties of drug policies that exert their most terrible tolls on the poor and racial minorities. But he also sees glimmers of hope in things such as the movement toward marijuana legalization here and the spread of harm reduction measures in England and Australia.

Loewenstein has made a hardheaded but openhearted contribution to our understanding of the multifaceted malevolence of the never-ending war on drugs. And I didnt even mention his chapter on the Philippines. Its in there, its as gruesome as you might expect, and its very chilling reading.

Vorobyov, on the other hand, was born in Russia and emigrated to England as a child. He reached adulthood as a recreational drug user and selleruntil he was arrested on the London Underground and got a two-year sentence for carrying enough Ecstasy to merit a charge of possession with intent to distribute. After that interval, which he says inspired him to write his book, he got his university degree and moved back to Russia, where he picked up a gig at Russia Today before turning his talents toDopeworld.

Dopeworldis not staid journalism. Instead, it is a twitchy mish-mash, jumping from topic to topic and continent to continent with the flip of a page, tracing the history of alcohol prohibition in the U.S. at one turn, chatting up Japanese drug gangsters at the next, and getting hammered by ayahuasca in yet another. Vorobyov himself describesDopeworldas true crime, gonzo, social, historical memoir meets fucked up travel book.

Indeed. He relates his college-boy drug-dealing career with considerable panache. He parties with nihilistic middle-class young people and an opium-smoking cop in Tehran, he cops $7 grams of cocaine in Colombia and tours Pablo Escobars house with the dead kingpins brother as a tour guide, he has dinner with Joaquin El Chapo Guzmans family in Mexicos Sinaloa state and pronounces them nice people (really chill), and he meets up with a vigilante killer in Manila.

Vorobyov openly says the unsayable when it comes to writing about the drug war and drug prohibition: Drugs can be fun! While Loewenstein is pretty much all about the victims, Vorobyov inhabits the global drug culture. You know:Dopeworld. Loewenstein would bemoan the utter futility of a record-breaking seizure of a 12-ton load of cocaine; Vorobyov laments, thats 12 tons of cocaine that will never be snorted.

Vorobyov is entertaining and sometimes laugh-out-loud funny, and he brings a former dope dealers perspective to bear. Hes brash and breezy, but like Loewenstein, hes done his homework as well as his journalistic fieldwork, and the result is fascinating. To begin to understand what the war on drugs has done to people and countries around the planet, this pair of books makes an essential introduction. And two gripping reads.

Dopeworld: Adventures in the Global Drug Tradeby Niko Vorobyov (August 2020, St. Martins Press, hardcover, 432 pp., $29.99)

Pills, Powder, and Smoke: Inside the Bloody War on Drugsby Antony Loewenstein (November 2019, Scribe, paperback, 368 pp., $19.00)

Phillip Smith is a writing fellow and the editor and chief correspondent ofDrug Reporter, a project of the Independent Media Institute. He has been a drug policy journalist for the past two decades. He is the longtime author of the Drug War Chronicle, the online publication of the non-profitStopTheDrugWar.org, and has been the editor of AlterNets Drug Reporter since 2015. He was awarded the Drug Policy Alliances Edwin M. Brecher Award for Excellence in Media in 2013.

This article was produced byDrug Reporter, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

Continued here:

As the global war on drugs fades away, only the drug traffickers benefit - AlterNet

As the global war on drugs fades away, the only people who benefited were drug traffickers – Salon

America shows signs of emerging from the century-long shadow of drug prohibition, with marijuana leading the way and a psychedelic decriminalization movement rapidly gaining steam. It also seems as if the mass incarceration fever driven by the war on drugs has finally broken, although tens if not hundreds of thousands remain behind bars on drug charges.

As Americans, we are remarkably parochial. We are, we still like to tell ourselves, "the world's only superpower," and we can go about our affairs without overly concerning ourselves about what's going on beyond our borders. But what America does, what America wants and what America demands has impacts far beyond our borders, and the American prohibitionist impulse is no different.

Thanks largely (but not entirely) to a century of American diplomatic pressure, the entire planet has been subsumed by our prohibitionist impulse. A series of United Nations conventions, the legal backbone of global drug prohibition, pushed by the U.S., have put the whole world on lockdown.

We here in the drug war homeland remain largely oblivious to the consequences of our drug policies overseas, whether it's murderous drug cartels in Mexico, murderous cops in the Philippines, barbarous forced drug treatment regimes in Russia and Southeast Asia, exemplary executions in China, or corrupted cops and politicians everywhere. But now, a couple of non-American journalists working independently have produced a pair of volumes that focus on the global drug war like a U.S. Customs X-ray peering deep inside a cargo container. Taken together, the results are illuminating, and the light they shed reveals some very disturbing facts.

"Dopeworld"author Niko Vorobyov and "Pills, Powder, and Smoke"author Antony Loewenstein both attempt the same feat a global portrait of the war on drugs and both reach the same conclusionthat drug prohibition benefits only drug traffickers, fearmongering politicians, and state security apparatusesbut are miles apart attitudinally and literarily. This makes for two very different, but complementary, books on the same topic.

Advertisement:

Loewenstein, an Australian who previously authored "Disaster CapitalismandProfits of Doom," is duh a critic of capitalism who situates the global drug war within an American project of neo-imperial subjugation globally and control over minority populations domestically. His work is solid investigative reporting, leavened with the passion he feels for his subject.

In "Pills, Powder, and Smoke," he visits places that rarely make the news but are deeply and negatively impacted by the U.S.-led war on drugs, such as Honduras. Loewenstein opens that chapter with the murder of environmental activist Berta Caceres, which was not directly related to the drug war, but which illustrates the thuggish nature of the Honduran regime a regime that emerged after a 2009 coup overthrew the leftist president, a coup justified by then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and which has received millions in U.S. anti-drug assistance, mainly in the form of weapons and military equipment.

Honduras doesn't produce any drugs; it's only an accident of geography and the American war on drugs that we even mention the country in the context of global drug prohibition. Back in the 1980s, the administration of Bush the Elder cracked down on cocaine smuggling in the Caribbean, and as traffickers sought to evade that threat, Honduras was perfectly placed to act as a trampoline for cocaine shipments taking an alternative route through Mexico, which incidentally fueled the rise of today's deadly and uber-wealthy Mexican drug cartels.

The drug trade, combined with grinding poverty, huge income inequalities, and few opportunities, has helped turn Honduras into one of the deadliest places on earth, where the police and military kill with impunity, and so do the country's teeming criminal gangs. Loewenstein walks those mean streets except for a few neighborhoods even his local fixers deem too dangerous talking to activists, human rights workers, the family members of victims, community members, and local journalists to paint a chilling picture. (This is why Hondurans make up a large proportion of those human caravans streaming north to the U.S. border. But unlike Venezuela, where mass flight in the face of violence and economic collapse is routinely condemned as a failure of socialism, you rarely hear any commentators calling the Honduran exodus a failure of capitalism.)

He reexamines one of the DEA's most deadly recent incidents, where four poor, innocent Hondurans were killed by Honduran troops working under DEA supervision in a raid whose parameters were covered up for years by the agency. Loewenstein engaged in extended communication with the DEA agent in charge, as well as with survivors and family members of those killed. Those people report they have never received an apology, not to mention compensation, from the Honduran military or from the United States.

While the Honduran military fights the drug war with U.S. dollars, Loewenstein shows it and other organs of the Honduran government are also deeply implicated in managing the drug traffic. And news headlines bring his story up to date: Just this month,U.S. prosecutors in New York accusedthe current, rightist president of Honduras, Juan Orlando Hernndez, of meeting with and taking a bribe from a drug trafficker. This comes after his brother, former Honduran Senator Juan Antonio Hernndez, wasconvicted of running tons of cocaineinto the United States in a trial that laid bare the bribery, corruption, and complicity of high-level Hondurans in the drug trade, including the president.

Loewenstein also takes us to Guinea-Bissau, a West African country where 70 percent of the population subsists on less than $2 a day and whose biggest export is cashews. Or at least it was cashews. Since the early years of this century, the country has emerged as a leading destination for South American cocaine, which is then re-exported to the insatiable European market.

Plagued by decades of military coups and political instability, the country has never developed, and an Atlantic shoreline suited for mass tourism now serves mainly as a convenient destination for boatloads and planeloads of cocaine. Loewenstein visits hotels whose only clients are drug traffickers and remote fishing villages where the trade is an open secret and a source of jobs. He talks with security officials who frankly admit they have almost no resources to combat the trade, and he traces the route onward to Europe, sometimes carried by Islamic militants.

He also tells the tale of one exemplary drug bust carried out by a DEA SWAT team arguably in Guinean territorial waters that snapped up the country's former Navy minister. The DEA said he was involved in a "narco-terrorist" plot to handle cocaine shipments for Colombia's leftist FARC guerillas, who were designated as "terrorists" by the administration of Bush the Junior in a politically convenient melding of the wars on drugs and terror.

It turns out, though, there were no coke loads, and there was no FARC; there was only a DEA sting operation, with the conspiracy created out of whole cloth. While the case made for some nice headlines and showed the U.S. hard at work fighting drugs, it had no demonstrable impact on the use of West Africa as a cocaine conduit, and it raised serious questions about the degree to which the U.S. can impose its drug war anywhere it chooses.

Loewenstein also writes about Australia, England, and the United States, in each case setting the historical and political context, talking to all kinds of people, and laying bare the hideous cruelties of drug policies that exert their most terrible tolls on the poor and racial minorities. But he also sees glimmers of hope in things such as the movement toward marijuana legalization here and the spread of harm reduction measures in England and Australia.

Loewenstein has made a hardheaded but openhearted contribution to our understanding of the multifaceted malevolence of the never-ending war on drugs. And I didn't even mention his chapter on the Philippines. It's in there, it's as gruesome as you might expect, and it's very chilling reading.

Vorobyov, on the other hand, was born in Russia and emigrated to England as a child. He reached adulthood as a recreational drug user and seller until he was arrested on the London Underground and got a two-year sentence for carrying enough Ecstasy to merit a charge of possession with intent to distribute. After that interval, which he says inspired him to write his book, he got his university degree and moved back to Russia, where he picked up a gig at Russia Today before turning his talents to "Dopeworld."

"Dopeworld"is not staid journalism. Instead, it is a twitchy mish-mash, jumping from topic to topic and continent to continent with the flip of a page, tracing the history of alcohol prohibition in the U.S. at one turn, chatting up Japanese drug gangsters at the next, and getting hammered by ayahuasca in yet another. Vorobyov himself describesDopeworldas "true crime, gonzo, social, historical memoir meets fucked up travel book."

Indeed. He relates his college-boy drug-dealing career with considerable panache. He parties with nihilistic middle-class young people and an opium-smoking cop in Tehran, he cops $7 grams of cocaine in Colombia and tours Pablo Escobar's house with the dead kingpin's brother as a tour guide, he has dinner with Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman's family in Mexico's Sinaloa state and pronounces them nice people ("really chill"), and he meets up with a vigilante killer in Manila.

Vorobyov openly says the unsayable when it comes to writing about the drug war and drug prohibition: Drugs can be fun! While Loewenstein is pretty much all about the victims, Vorobyov inhabits the global drug culture. You know: "Dopeworld." Loewenstein would bemoan the utter futility of a record-breaking seizure of a 12-ton load of cocaine; Vorobyov laments, "that's 12 tons of cocaine that will never be snorted."

Vorobyov is entertaining and sometimes laugh-out-loud funny, and he brings a former dope dealer's perspective to bear. He's brash and breezy, but like Loewenstein, he's done his homework as well as his journalistic fieldwork, and the result is fascinating. To begin to understand what the war on drugs has done to people and countries around the planet, this pair of books makes an essential introduction. And two gripping reads.

"Dopeworld: Adventures in the Global Drug Trade"by Niko Vorobyov (August 2020, St. Martin's Press, hardcover, 432 pp., $29.99)

"Pills, Powder, and Smoke: Inside the Bloody War on Drugs"by Antony Loewenstein (November 2019, Scribe, paperback, 368 pp., $19.00)

Continue reading here:

As the global war on drugs fades away, the only people who benefited were drug traffickers - Salon

Were Winding Down the War on Weed But Not Fast Enough – Truthdig

Crystal Munoz gave birth as a federal prisoner. She had just one night to hold her newborn before she was taken back to the holding facility. Crystal screamed and cried. An officer demanded she calm down. After that, she kept crying, but quietly.

In February, she was granted clemency after advocates and criminal justice reformers petitioned the White House for her early release. She was back home with her two daughters on February 21.

To see them and to be free and to be with them is the most beautiful feeling in the world, Munoz told Truthdig. Its the biggest blessing Ive been blessed with in my whole lifetime.

Munoz crime: A few years back, some friends asked her to draw a map. The friends ended up being indicted in a drug-trafficking conspiracy, mostly for marijuana. They would go on to claim that they used her map to circumvent a drug check-point. She was offered a plea deal that would have resulted in at least a 10-year-sentence. That seemed unfathomable with young kids. Crystal thought she hadnt done anything that bad and went to trial. She was found guilty and sentenced to 18 years in federal prison.

She admits that she should have faced some kind of consequences for her actions. But it never made any sense that the federal government was keeping her in prison for almost two decades, away from her daughters and husband. She notes that she had responsibilities on the outside, including raising her kids. On the inside she felt useless, unable to fulfill her duty as a parent and as a citizen. My kids are out here. There are bills to be paid, its not like I was paying my bills from prison. There has to be an alternative.

A lot of people might not realize how conspiracy charges work. Amy Povah, the founder of CAN-DO clemency, a group that advocates for non-violent drug offenders, explains. Crystal is a prime example of the conspiracy statute run amok. She drew a map to circumvent check points on the reservation, Povah told Truthdig. That is not an illegal act. But the conspiracy law can take a legal action and if the feds deem it an overt act that moves a conspiracy one step in the furtherance of a conspiracy you can be held responsible for all the illegal acts contributed to the co-conspirators many of whom you might not of even met or conspired with.

For years, Povah has worked relentlessly for Munoz release. In the past year, her campaign picked up steam. Jason Hernandez asked me which Latinas needed help and I told him Crystal had filed a petition.the Texas AM students filed a supplement, and thats the petition that got sent over to the White House, Povah explains. Alice Marie Johnson, the federal prisoner who got clemency after her case was famously taken on by reality star Kim Kardashian, also lobbied hard for Crystal. Of course Alice went hard for her cuz they were friends, Povah says.

The reality has yet to sink in for Ricky, Crystals husband. Im very happy. Im still feeling like Im in a dream. Youd think itd end more and more every day. I mean, we went to the White House, met up with Kim Kardashian really man, thats crazy. I still feel like Im in a dream.

There are few issues that confound traditional political alignments in the Trump era as much as clemency for non-violent drug offenders. Towards the end of his term, Obama granted a record number of clemency petitions to nonviolent drug criminals. Yet, the process was opaque. Prisoners who were turned down, like Munoz, had no idea why. After all, they were in prison for more or less the same drugs that the hip then-President had bragged about trying. Critics pointed out that its arbitrary and counterintuitive for clemency petitions to be reviewed in the Department of Justice, which is a building full of prosecutors.

When Trump took office, activists hoped that the presidents willingness to circumvent procedure might actually work in prisoners favor (traditionally presidents dont grant clemencies their first term). In a sense they were right: after reality star Kim Kardashian personally appealed to the president in Alice Marie Johnsons case, Johnson was home with her family within weeks. Yet the optics of the president making life-and-death decisions based on personal asks from Kardashian rattled his critics.

At its worst, the tendency manifested in liberals and mainstream media pillorying Kardashian. Trump meets Rump! the New York Post gloated. On the View, the hosts fretted that the president was once again dangerously blowing up standard procedure. Others derided Kardashian for lacking expertise. It almost seemed as if progressives were fighting the release of a black grandmother who was serving a life without parole sentence for playing a low-level role in a drug conspiracy. Shed already spent 22 years behind bars.

At the time, Johnsons counsel, Brittany Barnett, told me that Kardashians advocacy was essential to the case and deserved respect. First of all, shes at the White House advocating on behalf of Ms. Alice. You do not need to be an expert to know that Ms. Alice does not deserve to die in prison.

Thats a humanitarian issue. Shes using her platform to literally save someones life. You dont have to be an expert to know this shit is wrong.

Munoz case wasnt as high profile as Johnsons. But it nevertheless generated stories like this New York Times feature that seemed to conflate Munoz and Johnsons commutations with those of more controversial figures like Bernard B. Kerik. The 11 Criminals Granted Clemency by Trump Had One Thing in Common: Connections the headline read, suggesting there was something untoward about Munoz release.

Mark Osler, a former prosecutor who now advocates for less harsh sentencing and clemency policies, points out why connections were necessary in the first place. Its because the traditional system doesnt work.

I think the fact that they had to do a workaround of the regular process to free someone as worthy as Crystal tells us how broken the process is, Osler tells Truthdig.

Youve got thousands and thousands of people waiting who submitted their petitions to the pardon attorney and we dont know where those stand. And theres this process driven by Fox news and people close to the president that doesnt seem capable of addressing those large numbers.

Osler, who is a contributor to The Hill, notes that solution is straightforward.

Take the pardon attorney out of the Department of Justice. Create a bipartisan clemency commission and have them make the evaluations and recommendations directly to the president.

He also cautions against scapegoating former prisoners like Munoz and Johnson just because they were freed by Trump, rather than Obama.

Despite what anyone might say or criticize, there is nothing bad about Crystal Munoz having freedom. And I think thats important to say.

As pot becomes legal around the country and wealthy people are making money in an increasingly lucrative industry, it seems intolerable that anyone should serve a day in jail for doing or selling drugs: yet there are still people serving long sentences for drugs, including marijuana, thanks to mandatory minimums and other tough-on-crime measures embraced by Republicans and Democrats in the 1980s and 1990s.

Amy Povah, who herself was caught up in a drug trafficking conspiracy, says there are plenty of more cases similar to hers.

Like Crystal I met many women who were serving the longest sentence within a drug conspiracy case even though they were the least participatory, she says. Essentially these women and some men are serving 20 to life for exercising their 6th amendment right to a trial and suffer the trial penalty phase because a judge has no discretion and must impose strict mandatory sentencing regulated by the sentencing guideline chart that was created during the zero tolerance tough on crime drug era of the late 80s.

Almost Everyone CANDO is advocating for went to trial and ended up with 15 to life as a result of exercising their constitutional rights. That is an abomination of justice!

See the original post here:

Were Winding Down the War on Weed But Not Fast Enough - Truthdig

TV tonight: will the robots finally take over in Westworld? – The Guardian

Westworld9pm, Sky Atlantic

Since this dystopian series was first broadcast in 2016, theme parks havent looked quite the same. With mass uprisings from the once-abused-and-now-sentient robot avatars to contend with, how will the hosts manage their ever-worsening relationships with the guests? After season two ended on a bombshell, we open with the outside worlds very existence fundamentally threatened and the introduction of new characters played by Aaron Paul (pictured) and Vincent Cassel. Ammar Kalia

A new series of the reality show in which inept grooms (men, eh, what are they like?) are ordered to arrange every aspect of their wedding, without telling the bride. This week, laid-back Leon plans to get hitched to Kirsty on a beach in the Dorset town of Weymouth. Kirsty, however, has her heart set on a more romantic venue. Oh dear. Ali Catterall

Covering the 1970 protests at the Miss World final in London, this documentary combines archive footage with testimony from the competitors, as well as presenter Michael Aspel, to show how the demonstrations galvanised the womens liberation movement. AK

The art historian James Fox expertly analyses how visuals have changed our world, from Madonna to Dal. In this penultimate episode, he assesses how images became more seductive as the 20th century unfurled, from the freedom of Hockneys swimming pools to the aspirational pull of the Marlboro Man. Hannah J Davies

A breezy new sitcom with a serious underpinning. Kal Penn stars as Garrett Modi, a mildly disgraced ex-councilman in New York who finds himself working with a group of immigrants. They range from the unfeasibly rich to those on the minimum wage, but they are all battling with the harsh US asylum system. Phil Harrison

Channel 4s new-writers anthology kicks off its second season, showcasing diverse and up-and-coming talent in a series of 30-minute pilots. There is Yolanda Mercys BBW, a tale of plus-size life; JC Servantes mental health narrative For You; and Adulting, Chinonyerem Odimbas story of neurodiversity. AK

Sicario (Denis Villeneuve, 2015), 9pm, Film4The gruesome opening, in which the FBI uncovers a literal house of the dead, flags up the brutal nature of Denis Villeneuves ferocious thriller about the US war on drugs. One of the FBI team, Emily Blunts tenacious Kate, is drafted into a murky covert operation in Mexico, led by the brash Josh Brolin and the haunted Benicio del Toro. Paul Howlett

More:

TV tonight: will the robots finally take over in Westworld? - The Guardian

Buying Weed at Bostons First Pot Shop with Shaleen Title – Boston magazine

News

Massachusetts' most outspoken cannabis regulator met me at Bostons first dispensary to talk about why it doesnt matter that shes a customer, how shes taking cues from Mayor Marty Walsh, and what makes her think the future is bright.

Photo by Spencer Buell

Shaleen Title has waited a long time for this moment. Before she was appointed to Massachusetts Cannabis Control Commission, the 34-year-old lawyer and activist spent her professional career pushing to reform our punitive drug laws and arguing that the people who suffered the most under the War on Drugs be given a chance to make money selling weed legally. So, Titlethe most outspoken of the five CCC members, who respectively specialize in public health, public safety, regulation, business, and in Titles case social justicewas taking a victory lap on Monday, as the Pure Oasis dispensary flung open its doors in Dorchester. The new shop on Blue Hill Avenue is the first within city limits, the states first black-owned pot shop, and the first to come online through the CCCs economic empowerment program, which seeks to help communities disproportionately harmed by drug enforcement open marijuana businesses.

Opening day at the shop seemed like the ideal day to meet up. After Title, the only one of the CCC to make a point of actually shopping at pot shops,grabbed a pre-rolled Cookies N Cream joint and a T-shirt with the word Smoke across its chest from a Pure Oasis cashier, we sat down to talk about what this all means.

How does it feel to be here, at a pot shop that has just made history?

Its awesome. Its so cool to see this come to life. When I started out, people were kind of proverbially patting me on the head, like, Okay. Sure. Your equity applicants are great but Im gonna open the first store in Boston. Its satisfying to see it play out the way it has.

How many of the CCC commissioners are also customers?

I have no idea. Ive never talked to them about it. But I do know that when you see stuff on paper and in pictures its not the same as when you see it in real life.

How many of you on the CCC actually use cannabis?

Our first day we were asked about that: I, along with Commissioner Flanagan, didnt answer and the other three said that they had tried it. Its worth asking, but I also think its not that relevant. I didnt answer that question because I didnt want to be defined by itI think you can be a good regulator whether or not you use it.

Mayor Walsh warned about chaos due to traffic jams and long lines on day one, but that clearly didnt happen. Only a few dozen showed up for the initial door-opening, and there is no line right now. What did he get wrong?

I think its good to over-prepare, definitely for traffic and parking issues and crowds. After 40 stores have opened, I think we struck the right note of being over-prepared just in case and then hopefully everything goes smoothly like it did today.

Is it disappointing? They had all these rope lines set up and people arent in them.

Im never disappointed to not see chaos.

What did you think about seeing the mayor giving a press conference inside of a pot shop, after opposing legalization so vigorously just a few years ago?

You gotta stop and look big picture and celebrate those moments and see how far weve come. This is going in a direction where people who use cannabis are being treated increasingly like the normal, law-abiding people that they are.

Theres basically a consensus now. Joe Kennedy III publicly opposed legalization, but itd be a lot harder for him to run as an anti-cannabis candidate now.

Right. He just changed his mind a few months ago and came out in favor of legalization. Not only that, but very much in support of equitable legalization, which not a lot of people in Congress are leaders on. I should say, Senator Markey has been one of the few members of Congress who has totally supported equitable legalization for a long time.

Any advice for Mayor Walsh now that he has his own commission?

I mean, I would take advice from him. This is a city thats found a way to include equity applicants and create a loan fund. The state has not yet figured out how to do that. We need local officials to act like Boston and Worcester and Holyoke have and work with these applicants. Theres going to be a lot of things that need to happen for us to equitably implement this law.

Is this weeks opening giving other applicants hope?

Yes. Its so different to talk to people who are actually going through the [social equity] program versus getting filtered information [through the press]. They are overwhelmingly happy. Theyre like, This program has been a godsend. I never would have gotten this far without it. I hate criticizing media, so dont take this the wrong way, but its just different from how the narrative is playing out in the media about this program being a failure, because it doesnt match what I witness myself.

The Boston Globe has ramped up its cannabis coverage in recent years. How have they done?

In general, my experience has been positive with media. The attention that people pay to this is kind of astounding, but it just makes decisions better. Regulating this industry safely and effectively and equitably is not an easy thing. Its a challenge. So, to be able to talk about those challenges and have people really listen, I feel lucky.

What did we learn from the vape crisis and the way that the state reacted to it?

We know very little about these [vape] products. We dont know, even if someones using a regulated vape pen, what the effects will be in 30 years. So, we need to make sure that we are regulating them, monitoring them, and collecting data. I think the overall lesson that we learned is regulation works and prohibition doesnt.

Are there parallels between the vaping crisis and the reaction to the coronavirus outbreak?

It highlights something thats true for all public health crises, which is how important it is to be transparent about the data that you have so that people can empower themselves and make informed decisions.

Photo by Spencer Buell

A woman frustrated by the pace of approval for her economic empowerment application protested at your hearings. What impact did that have?

For me, it was really enlightening. It highlighted how important it is to communicate with people and that they understand where they stand. It is kind of disheartening, though, to see people think that making a public fuss is their only way to make a point. I wish that people would feel comfortable coming straight to me.

Do you find people are coming to you directly a lot?

They always have. People come to me all the time directly and I want them to.

What impact do you think the Fall River fiasco, where ex-mayor Jasiel Correia is accused of extorting cannabis companies that needed his sign-off to open in his city, had on things?

I was not surprised in the slightest, because the environment was right for that kind of corruption because nobody was enforcing the law on host community agreements. It was only a matter of time before somebody tried something like that.

How will social consumption change the way people interact with and think about cannabis?

The biggest change will be acceptance. Eventually itll be like the way you can buy a beer at a movie theater. With social consumption people can come out of the shadows: concerts, movies, art, massages, yogaall these daily parts of life where theyre currently using cannabis, but they have to hide it.

How long do you want to keep doing this? Whats next for you?

I dont know. I just focus on the next few months ahead of me. Im not necessarily the exact type of person who is normally appointed for a position like this, so the fact that [the Baker administration] gave me this opportunity is something that I will forever be grateful for. I will say as an activist, as an entrepreneur, as a lawyer, as a government regulator, Ive always had the same goal, which is fair legalization of drugs. Ill probably stay in that realm one way or another.

Who would be best for the legalization movement in the White House? Biden, Sanders, or Trump?

Man, I dont have the slightest idea. There was a time when I would have been able to give you like a very detailed and confident answer for each of those three, but the way the primaries are going, I just have no idea. I have no clue. (After this interview, Title reached out to clarify that Sanders would be best for legalization, given that he is the only one who supports legalization.)

Predictions are not pundits strong suit right now, clearly.

I dont think theyre anybodys strong suit. I do not subscribe to the idea that experts, and particularly reasonable-sounding white male experts, are the ultimate arbiters of whats going to happen and whats reasonable. Ive never subscribed to that and I still dont.

Read the rest here:

Buying Weed at Bostons First Pot Shop with Shaleen Title - Boston magazine

Narcos Mexico Is Not the Education We Need (Review) – NACLA

The second season of the critically acclaimed Netflix series, Narcos Mexico, recently dropped. Like previous seasons, this one charts an episode in the rise and fall of Central and South American drug trafficking dynasties, focusing on another photogenic, charismatic man at the top: Miguel ngel Flix Gallardo (played by the magnetic Diego Luna). The Padrino of the Guadalajara Cartel, Flix Gallardo united the various plazas, or the distinct zones that controlled Mexican drug production, in the 1980s.

For the ordinary U.S. viewer, Narcos Mexico is likely the only representation of Mexico they will consume all year. Even in this saturated peak TV market, Narcos Mexico catapulted to the top five streaming shows on Netflix in the United States. One week after its February 13, 2020 release, the show boasted nearly 50 million average demand expressions. The popularity of Narcos Mexico is easily explained: It is a well-crafted show with a big production budget, stellar acting, and a strong aesthetic sensibility. It also doesnt hurt that it delivers a pre-history of the inter-cartel violence that fascinates U.S. audiences. Despite its claims to accuracy, however, this season of Narcos Mexico delivers a DEA version of events, silencing the anti-left politics that undergirded the expansion of the drug trade in the 1970s and 1980s.

While it was created by three U.S. men, Narcos Mexico provides a strong sense of place thanks to the Mexican directors, writers, and actors who helped make the show, which was filmed on location. U.S. viewers, who may have little knowledge of Mexico beyond sensationalist headlines and trips to Cancn, can thus witness the distinct regional geographies of the country, from the vast Chihuahuan desert to the dense cityscapes of the Federal District and Guadalajara. If they are attentive, they may even notice the characters distinct regional Mexican accents. Perhaps for this reason, the show has also found an audience in Mexico, where on February 26 it was ranked the number two show on the platform.

But make no mistake, the shows imagined audience is decidedly gringo. The strongest evidence of the target audience is the initially-anonymous male narrator, DEA agent Walt Breslin (Scoot McNairy), whose hardboiled, Texas-tinged voiceovers take viewers on a decades-long tour of complex Mexican history and U.S. drug policy. While many characters move in and out of the story, Breslin provides a consistent point of view throughout the shows two seasons. His highly stylized expositions are also central to the shows distinct tone: neo-noir meets U.S. embassy cable.

Breslins and other protagonists dense expository narrations have led many to refer to both Narcoswhich detailed the rise and fall of Colombias Medelln and Cali cartelsand Narcos Mexico as highly informative. In a recent interview, showrunner Eric Newman even referred to the series as unspoilable because viewers could simply read the Wikipedia article. The shows visual cues also emphasize its veracity. In its arresting credit sequence, for example, photographs of real-life traffickers like Joaqun (el Chapo) Guzmn pan across a map that identifies the geographic location of each trafficking organization as well as the means by which each cartel smuggled drugs into the United States. By including images of real individuals, as opposed to the actors who play them, Narcos Mexicos creators subtly claim that they are telling a true story.

But references to the series accuracy overlook the narratorsand thus, the shows particular point of view. Throughout season one, we dont know who, exactly, is relating the story of doomed DEA agent Enrique Kiki Camarena. It is only at the beginning of season two that we learn that it is Breslin, who spearheads Operation Leyenda, the agencys large-scale investigation into Camarenas murder. Far from a neutral or disinterested party, Breslin is dedicated to taking down Flix Gallardo due to his own personal losshis addict brother was the victim of drug violence years earlier. The show also suggests that Breslins narratives, though seemingly directed at the viewer, are actually intelligence briefings. One telling scene seamlessly transitions between Breslins disembodied narration and his conversation with a superior, in which he conveys the same information. This scene makes clear that Breslins narration emerges from the reports that he relays to senior DEA officials. Even if Breslins expositions implicate the U.S. government in the drug trade, and even if his actions reveal DEA disregard for Mexican lives, the show centers the U.S. DEA perspective and thus implicitly blames drug trafficking on a corrupt, violent, and ultimately unreformable Mexico.

Narcos Mexico season two opens with Flix Gallardo facing mounting financial and political pressure for his connection toif not direct participation inCamarenas 1985 torture and murder. This event was a turning point in U.S.-Mexico relations. Though the U.S. government knew about the extant relationship between Mexican government officials, intelligence organizations, and drug traffickers, Camarenas murder made them less inclined to look the other way. It also provided an opportunity to extract further economic concessions from the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), which had been mired in an economic crisis since the government failed to meet its foreign debt service in August 1982. After news of Camarenas execution spread, U.S. officials and media proxies began publicly denouncing Mexican corruption, declaring that drug trafficking was a serious problem for U.S.-Mexico relations. These became points of pressure for Mexicos leaders, who sought increased economic integration with the United States and entered the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in July 1986, a precursor to North American Free Trade Agreement, which took effect in January 1994.

In the show, we are told that post-Camarena drug shipment seizures are way up, squeezing profits and angering the various plazas that comprise the drug federation. This increased DEA attention came at a bad time for Mexican traffickers, whose business opportunities were exploding in the wake of the closing of the so-called Caribbean corridor through which Colombian planes traditionally ferried cocaine to the United States. Once U.S. patrols effectively shut down the corridor, Colombian organizations became fully reliant upon Mexican traffickers to move drugs north. Thus is set the tension of the season, with Flix Gallardo attempting to avoid DEA prosecution while also trying to gain control of all cocaine trafficking nodesprimarily Tijuana, Jurez, and Matamorosand expanding into the retail business.

In this way, the social history that gave Narcos Mexico season 1 such rich texturewith its scenes of ordinary residents being bussed to work in the marijuana fieldsin season two gives way to a traditional business history, with its focus on charismatic, if emotionally tortured, male genius (as Flix Gallardo is so often called). Season one ended with Flix Gallardo as the unquestioned Jefe de Jefes of his federation. In season two, he continuously struggles to maintain control. He refuses to share power with the men who run his plazas, rebuffs criticism, and becomes more and more isolated personally and professionally. In a heavy-handed foreshadowing of the present violence in Mexico, Flix Gallardo laments the difficulties he has in maintaining control over unruly plaza bosses like Pablo Acosta of Jurez and the Arellano Flix brothers of Tijuana: [Its] a fucking free-for-all of independent operators who think they can go it alone.

By the season two finale, the federation has dissolved, and Mexicos trafficking routes have been divided geographically among the different organizations. In one of the shows final scenes, when Flix Gallardo and Breslin finally meet, the former predicts that, absent his leadership, Mexico will soon descend into violence. However, such claims wrongly suggest that the spectacular violence witnessed today was the result of organizational disunity rather than the governments militarized war on drug trafficking organizations. Such representations are not without political consequences.

In Mexico, the portrayal of drug trafficking organizationswhether in news or entertainmenthas become the subject of significant government scrutiny and public debate. A massive culture industry is dedicated to churning out ballads, telenovelas, and films that, some argue, glamorize the trafficking lifestyle and help audiences identify with violent criminals. Often encapsulated under the umbrella term narcocultura, this cultural output has traditionally been popular in trafficking and production centers, like Sinaloa, where drug cultivation provided an importantand often, the onlysource of income for impoverished farmers whose food production was disrupted by agrarian modernization. Popular narcocorridos and narconovelas have traditionally appealed to those who feel marginalized or neglected by government officials, and unlike mainstream media they portray high-ranking public officials as corrupt actors who are directly implicated in the drug trade. This critical lens has made narcocorridos and narconovelas targets for state censorship. In November 2016, two Mexican congressional representatives called upon federal authorities to keep narconovelas off air during primetime hours, arguing that the programs negatively influenced young people and weakened the social fabric. Similar efforts have been made to censor narcocorridos, a popular subgenre of ballads that are often commissioned by traffickers to celebrate their lives and triumphs.

Mexican President Felipe Caldern (2006-2012) saw media as key to the success of his so-called war on the cartels.In 2011, he entered an agreement with around 40 of Mexicos most prominent broadcasters and periodicals to set editorial criteria for drug-related news coverage. Media signatories agreed not to present traffickers in a sympathetic light and to avoid diffusing their messages. Calderns successor, Enrique Pea Nieto (2012-2018), passed an even stronger policy that required that media hold traffickers responsible for violence and support government actions. Such laws were clearly self-serving, as they were designed to obscure the extent to which high-ranking officials were themselves complicit in drug trafficking operations. A case in point is the recent arrest of Genaro Garca Luna, Calderns secretary of public security, who has been charged in the United States with cocaine trafficking conspiracy and making false statements.

Though they pretend otherwise, the U.S. and Mexican governments also produce narcocultura by creating spectacles around drug policing. There is perhaps no better example of drug war spectacle than the press conferences organized by the DEA or Mexican police to publicize large drug seizures. These performances follow a common script, as officers lead out arrested individuals and display seized cash, cocaine, and weapons in neat piles for photographs. Such exhibitions are intended to underscore the states victory over drug traffickers, but as Oswaldo Zavala argues, these entities have never been separate. For this reason, Caldern and his successors have relied heavily on publicity to promote the drug war. With the help of a $1.6 billion U.S. aid package, in 2007 Caldern sent the Mexican military into trafficking strongholds in pursuit of kingpins. This strategy, however, has only served to splinter organizations, aggravate inter-cartel violence, and terrorize civilians. The policing of key trafficking corridors increased competition over access to routes, and led criminal organizations to diversify their activities from drugs into human trafficking, avocado production, and natural resource extraction. The result has been a devastating spike in violence that has claimed over 200,000 lives, disappeared at least 60,000 people, and displaced tens of thousands from their homes.

In the United States, there is little public awareness of how the events portrayed in Narcos Mexico relate to Mexicos current crisis. Characterizing Narcos as a neutral conveyor of facts, as its creators and many critics do, implies that a television series can be an objective and unproblematic vehicle for educating U.S. audiences about the drug wars history. But the question, at least when considering U.S. audiences, should not be Does Narcos get the facts of the drug trafficking organizations or Mexican history correct? Instead, we should ask what story emerges from the marshalling of select details? In other words, what is Narcos Mexico teaching the millions of U.S. consumers who watch it?

Take for example, the shows treatment of the looming Iran-Contra scandal. In snippets of conversation, we learn that Flix Gallardo has already paid the CIA two million dollars, destined for the Nicaraguan Contras, in exchange for the agency helping his drug shipments get across the U.S.-Mexico border. In 1988, after the U.S. Congress learned that the CIA was sending guns and money to the Contras, Flix Gallardo sees an opportunity and cuts a deal by offering to ferry guns to Nicaragua. In exchange, the CIA silences the witness whose testimony in the Camarena murder trial was certain to send Flix Gallardo to prison. With little context for Iran-Contrathe narrator interjects with only a brief explanationviewers unfamiliar with the controversy will not grasp why the CIA wanted to send guns to Nicaragua in the first place: to unseat the leftist Sandinistas from power. Deracinated of this context, the plot point simply serves as another example of U.S.-Mexican collusion to move drugs. Yet the political and social consequencesU.S. interference in foreign politics, the resulting aggravation of violence, and the cynical sale of drugs in U.S. inner citiesremain undiscussed. Moreover, it obscures how the development of Mexicos drug trade relied on brutal anti-Left counter-insurgency both by U.S. and Mexican actors.

In media interviews, showrunner Eric Newman repeatedly returns to the central theme of the show: The drug war is the product of ill-conceived agendas and corruption on both sides of the border. No doubt. He also has frequently emphasized that there are no good guys or bad guys. But by failing to place more emphasis on the particularities of corruption, the shows critique is flattened into a moralistic condemnation of illiberal politics. But not all corruption is equal, and simply highlighting that there were bad actors on all sides fails to capture the extent to which counter-narcotics was used, as historian Alexander Avia shows, as a public mask for anti-leftist counterinsurgency. In states like Guerrero, where marijuana and poppy cultivation was a prominent source of income for small-scale farmers, Mexican officials justified the torture and enforced disappearance of suspected guerrillas as counter-narcotics initiatives. By the late 1970s, military officials facilitated the entrance of high-ranking members of the Guadalajara and Jurez cartels into these very regions. The business history presented by Narcos Mexico season two evacuates U.S. and Mexican anti-Left politics from the development of the drug trade and war.

It is very rare to have U.S. audience attention centered on Mexico. The most recent instance was the killing of a Mormon community in northern Mexico, which led President Donald Trump to threaten to send troops across the border. His reaction was not surprising but it once again highlighted the impoverished understanding regarding the underlying causes of drug-related violence south of the border. Despite its claims to the contrary, Narcos Mexico is not the education that U.S. viewers need.

Vanessa Freijeis an Assistant Professor in the Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies at the University of Washington. Her book, Citizens of Scandal: Journalism, Secrecy, and the Politics of Reckoning in Mexico,is forthcoming with Duke University Press.

Read more from the original source:

Narcos Mexico Is Not the Education We Need (Review) - NACLA

Guns, drugs and cash seized in ‘war’ on County Lines – Kent Online

By Katya Fowler

Guns, 50,000 and three kilos of heroin have been seized - as Kent Police declares "war" on County Lines drugs gangs.

KMTV reports on the raids

A total of 42 people were arrested - included suspected kingpins - after 38 properties were searched across the county as well as in London, Surrey and Sussex.

The warrants took place over two days in areas including Medway, Thanet, Folkestone, Ashford, Tonbridge and Maidstone, during a coordinated operation involving 150 officers aided by the Met and British Transport Police.

County Lines sees London gangs run Class As - usually heroin and crack cocaine - in to commuter towns to find new markets.

Yesterday 350 wraps of Class As were seized from an address in Dane Road, Margate after officers entered at 5.30am. Three people were arrested. Six people were also arrested in Trove Court, Newcastle Hill, Ramsgate where 130 wraps were recovered.

Simultaneous raids were carried out at addresses in London, also linked to the supply of drugs in Kent. These resulted in further arrests, in areas including Mitcham and Brockley.

The crackdown continued today when three kilograms of heroin worth tens of thousands of pounds were seized from a property in Goose Close, Chatham. A man was arrested.

Nearby, in Magpie Hall Road officers entered an address and found around 50,000 in cash stuffed into a rucksack, while in Solomon Road, Rainham more money and cocaine were seized. A man linked to both addresses was arrested.

In London, a handgun, live ammunition and large quantities of heroin and amphetamine were recovered from a flat in Federation Road, Abbey Wood. One man was arrested. Meanwhile, in Orpington a woman was detained after two imitation firearms were found in a car linked to an address in Lower Road.

Chief Constable Alan Pughsley said: "There are currently around 39 active county line networks in Kent which are being operated mainly from London, but by continuing to target and disrupt the gangs responsible my officers are making it much harder for them to establish a foothold.

"Those associated with gangs think nothing of the violence and misery they bring to our communities, however they should know that our knowledge and intelligence around their activities is comprehensive and growing rapidly. As these warrants show it is only a matter of time before these criminals are arrested and left facing lengthy prison sentences.

"I would like to further reassure residents that we are investing significantly in the number of police officers dedicated to tackling county lines and a coordinated approach with our partners, including other forces, is key to identifying and bringing to justice not only the street dealers, but those higher up the chain who are orchestrating the significant supplies of heroin and crack cocaine.

"Please also remember that your help remains vital. You can be our eyes and ears, so if you see anything suspicious call 101, or 999 if a crime is in progress."

"County lines criminality brings some of the most violent crime to this county. About 30% of the county lines are in London so we have to work really well with the Met police."

Kent Police have made more than 2,500 arrests since last summer, found 1,200 weapons, made around 1,000 drugs seizures, and confiscated 2.5 million in proceeds of crime.

Chf Con Pughsley added: "Our dedicated response is absolutely at this moment in time making a dent in county lines. Street intelligence tells me that local drug users are struggling to find drugs on the street in Kent. Maybe that's one of the best indicators of the impact my staff and I are having.

"At times, it must seem like a never-ending battle, but Kent Police are determined that they are going to win the war."

To get the latest updates in ongoing cases, police appeals and criminals put behind bars, click here.

See the rest here:

Guns, drugs and cash seized in 'war' on County Lines - Kent Online

Book Review: Gary Englers Fake News Mysteries offer hard-boiled fiction for the Trump era – The Beacon Herald

Gary Engler has written three novels in his series Fake News Mysteries.PNG

American Spin, War on Drugs, and Misogyny

Gary Engler | RED Publishing

The realist in murder writes of a world in which gangsters can rule nations and almost rule cities Raymond Chandler.

As the hard-boiled fiction pioneer Raymond Chandler knew well, and elaborated in the essay quoted above, murder mysteries have often had a subtext of class analysis and class war. Chandler himself set his gritty stories against a backdrop of corrupt politicians, businessmen and cops, a moral landscape of mean streets on which a flawed but moral investigator fights for whatever scraps of truth and justice can be salvaged from the civic ruins.

Gary Engler, a former news editor at The Vancouver Sun, has recently published three linked novels in a series he is calling the Fake News Mysteries, books that represent an effort to bring the Hammett/Chandler tradition up to date in the nightmarish orange glow of the Trump era, telling stories of murder and conspiracy that take into account the punishing realities of class, gender and racial oppression in our times.

Englers protagonist in all three of these promising mystery novels, Waylon Choy, is, as the series author once was, a B.C. based journalist when we first meet him in American Spin. As Choy has to explain repeatedly to the curious, he owes his surname to a Chinese ancestor who came to Canada in the 19th century and his mongrel Anglo appearance to a family history of strenuous multiculturalism that includes ancestors from European, Indigenous, Hawaiian and African backgrounds.

In that opening volume, Choy is drawn into investigating the suspicious death of a former Vancouver police chief and before all the narrative dust settles he has uncovered a right-wing conspiracy and Ponzi scheme that links neo Nazis and corrupt cops.

In the next two volumes in what promises to be an ongoing series, War on Drugs and Misogyny, Choy, now a freelance journalist, continues to tangle with violent right wing conspiracies, and encounters a rogues gallery of villains.

The action is well plotted and propulsive, and readers who love the noir elements of the hard-boiled detective genre will find much to enjoy here. The three books suffer occasionally from too much earnest exposition and could use a bit more of the snappy dialogue and sardonic humour found in Chandler and Hammett. Despite the few moments when the attempted noir effects shade toward earnest watercoloured mildness, these are exciting and thought provoking reads. Highly recommended.

Tom Sandborn lives and writes in Vancouver. He welcomes feedback and story tips at tos65@telus.net

Read more:

Book Review: Gary Englers Fake News Mysteries offer hard-boiled fiction for the Trump era - The Beacon Herald

Inside the Golden Triangle, where warlords and drug barons reign – The Age

The traffickers silver Ford pickup is filled with 400,000 tiny Yaba or madness drug pills, the cheap mix of methamphetamine and caffeine preferred by workers from Thailand to the Philippines. Each orange pill is about the size of the head of a straw and bears a WY stamp, marking it as manufactured by the United Wa State Army, one of many militias which operate beyond the control of Myanmar's ruling junta.

In what has been described as the worlds longest-running civil war, a bewildering array of ethnic armed organisations have been fighting the countrys military on and off for 70 years. In Myanmars north-eastern Shan State, warlords finance their armies by making narcotics in partnership with transnational organised crime syndicates. Its been much the same since the country won independence from British rule in 1948. The only thing that has changed is the product: opium fields have given way to even more lucrative ice factories.

Among the dead mans cargo in Thailand are two distinctive green packets of Guanyinwang Chinese tea. To those who know what to look for its a sign of quality. Inside each foil wrap is a kilo of high-grade crystal methamphetamine, largely made for export to more lucrative markets like Australia.

Its estimated that up to 70 per cent of the methamphetamine on Australias streets is cooked up in Myanmar. But its just part of a complex and shadowy production and distribution web. The base drugs, or precursors, largely come from China, shipped from legitimate chemical factories in hundreds of tonnes each year. The cash raised from drug sales is laundered through more than 200 casinos that have grown like a cancer through Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia over the last decade.

The narcotics are then shipped by air and sea through a sophisticated logistics network to the streets of Australia.

The Golden Triangle is the meeting point of three countries - Myanmar, Thailand and Laos - and it has long been the gateway for the regions drug trade. Its the perfect witch's brew of geography, crime and political interests that allows the drug trade to flourish. And its an industry that cannot possibly exist on this scale without the tacit or active support of some governments in the region.

A terrace farm in the largely poor Shan State in Myanmar.Credit:EPA

At a police checkpoint an hours drive north-west of Myanmars old royal capital Mandalay, trucks and cars rumbling south are cycled through a mobile X-ray machine. The unit has intercepted tonnes of narcotics and precursors since it was installed. This disruption of drug profits made it a target of militia forces in August. The strike with a rocket launcher didnt destroy the unit but, in a running battle, the retreating militia force killed more than a dozen police and soldiers.

Australian Federal Police liaison officer Jared Taggart is in his last week of a four-year posting working with Myanmar police. The AFP has a two-decade-long association with the country that began with attempts to stem the heroin trade. He admires his counterparts, saying that despite pitiful pay they are fighting on the front line in a battle that helps defend Australia. It's very highly likely that 60 to 70 per cent of the methamphetamines we see in our community have emanated from Myanmar-based production, he says.

Inside a drug lab in the jungles of Myanmar.Credit:Nine

He reels off the wins for law enforcement: In the last four years, our joint activities with Myanmar police force have resulted in the seizure of more than 22 tonnes of narcotics and 680 tonnes of precursor chemicals. That's more than $2 billion worth of drugs not making it to the shores of Australia. And that's probably more than 52 million hits of drugs that haven't made it into our community.

But with wastewater analysis showing Australians spent a staggering $8.6 billion in 2019 buying more than 11 tonnes of meth, this thin blue frontline is catching raindrops in a thunderstorm.

At a police base on the outskirts of Mandalay, Taggart leads a tour through a wired-off compound about the size of a basketball court; a quarter of its concrete floor is covered by industrial-sized drums holding 60 tonnes of chemicals used in the production of ice.

The primary ingredients in methamphetamine are ephedrine and pseudoephedrine. To make the illicit narcotic they have to be dissolved in a slush of solvents like drain cleaners, phosphorus, sulphuric and hydrochloric acid. Every kilo of meth yields five kilos of stinking toxic sludge thats flushed into the jungle. I think our community in Australia doesn't really have a strong sense of the harmful products that are going into what many may perceive to be very pure drugs, Taggart says. These are really base poisonous, harmful chemicals.

A drug lab in the Myanmar jungle.Credit:Nine

The only thing more toxic than the drug labs of Myanmar is the politics that makes it all possible. The country is awash with warring interests, which has left a large swath of Shan State under the control of dozens of ethnic armed organisations and militias.

Among the litany of peace deals and uneasy truces one was struck in the 1980s between the ruling military and the countrys most powerful ethnic armed group, the United Wa State Army, which would have a dramatic effect on the drug trade. The essence of the agreement was captured in a report by the United States Institute of Peace as the United Wa State Army pledging to not fight against government forces in exchange for the freedom to pursue whatever business activities it chose. It chose to cultivate opium.

The report noted that deal enabled the UWSA to build a drug empire that outmatched anything [Myanmar] had seen.

The United Wa State Armys most profitable drug is now meth, and the billions it makes fund an army of more than 20,000 men. It has strong links with the Chinese Communist Party and its weapons, like most of the chemicals it uses for meth production, come from China. Its arsenal includes Chinese-made surface-to-air missiles, heavy artillery and armoured fighting vehicles.

An International Crisis Group report last year noted that the drugs trade would not be possible without high-level corruption in those countries including China, Laos and Thailand - through which large consignments of drugs or their precursors are smuggled.

China has a particular responsibility to prevent precursor smuggling; it is the main source of these chemicals, but has almost never intercepted shipments crossing its border with Myanmar.

The Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone is 3000 hectares of agricultural land on the Laos side of the Mekong River, leased for 50 years to the Hong Kong-based Kings Romans Group. It is one of 14 economic zones embraced by the cash-strapped Lao government and now incorporated as part of Chinas Belt and Road initiative to link Asia to Europe by land and sea. The groups chief executive, Chinese businessman Zhao Wei, won the land on a promise of jobs and prosperity.

But the US Treasury has declared Zhaos main business is running a transnational criminal syndicate. It has sanctioned Zhao and his associates for facilitating the storage and distribution of heroin, methamphetamine and other narcotics for illicit networks, including the United Wa State Army. The group is also accused of an array of horrendous illicit activities like child prostitution and sex slavery. Zhao denies the allegations.

The Kings Romans Casino in the Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone in Laos.Credit:Nine

Cranes crowd the horizon over the zone and at its heart is the Kings Romans Casino, which lures Chinese punters from a homeland where gambling is illegal. Its gaudy crown rises on the banks of the Mekong in the shadow of a massive golden hotel thats under construction. Inside the casino is a gauche collision of faux-classical European frescoes and statues. All the tables in one wing were devoted to a popular Asian card game, Tiger-Dragon, but this day there are few players and bored croupiers are falling asleep at empty tables.

Kings Romans is also notorious for trafficking endangered animals. Laos has declared the tiger extinct in the wild but there are tigers here - hidden from view and farmed for their body parts. Some restaurants in the zone once advertised tiger and bear on the menu until bad publicity from international organisation the Environmental Investigation Agency forced that trade underground and a tiger compound next to the casino was moved.

After several attempts we find an extremely nervous taxi driver who is willing to take us to the new, larger tiger farm. Past a quarry on the edge of the zone a narrow dirt road ends at a high-walled compound that rises up the side of a hill. The guard waves me off as I approach on foot and knows enough English to confirm that he is not Lao but Burmese.

He is familiar with another English word.

Is this the tiger zoo?

Yes, he nods.

Are there many tigers in here?

Yes.

Standing on the Thai side of the Mekong, Jeremy Douglas, regional representative for the United Nations' Office on Drugs and Crime, doesnt hide his contempt for Zhao Weis handiwork as he stares at the building just a few hundred metres away. It's an abomination, frankly, he says.

Loading

Hes tracked the dismal rise of it and the other casinos that have bloomed in Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia, all aiming to draw Chinese cash. This is really in essence a massive governance failure, Douglas says. What we're looking at is some parts of some countries are not under control of government, so basically it's a free space for organised crime to do their business.

"And then of course you have places, like across the river here, where you can launder the money and then you have the market on this side. So it's got all the elements that organised crime needs to really do their work.

In three days spent on the border with Thai military and narcotics police, they make it clear that they believe they are battling both government failure in Myanmar and a Laos government that is patron to a criminal enterprise.

They show photographs of Zhao Wei in the front rank of a gathering of regional drug enforcement chiefs. An honoured guest of the Lao delegation, he arrived in an armour-plated Land Rover with six bodyguards and donated money to the regional war on drugs.

Zhao Wei, head of the Kings Romans Group, at a meeting of regional law enforcement officials.Credit:Nine

Do you have any doubt that Zhao Wei is involved in the drug trade? I ask the senior Thai narcotics officer who is scrolling through the pictures of the businessman and his entourage on his phone. Yes, of course he is, he laughs.

Seedy is too bland a description of the hotel in the Myanmar border town of Tachileik where we have arranged to meet a local drug dealer. The room stinks of stale cigarettes and in an ironic touch the wall over the bed is decorated with a painting of opium poppies. This is a place that does not try to hide its associations.

The dealer wears a black-and-red mask for the camera. Hes a relatively young man in his mid-thirties but his eyes have the faraway glaze of someone whose hope is lost.

He describes a world where the people who run the drug trade are untouchable, protected by their own armies, their wealth and their government connections. He doesnt believe the trade can be stopped, saying hes never seen a single holiday in trafficking. The more they lose the more they produce, he says.

A local drug dealer in Myanmar, who says he doesnt believe the trade can be stopped.Credit:Nine

While drug pirates are being shot and small dealers arrested, no warlords and few drug lords ever face justice.

But the AFP are tracking some of the big players. In June Australian Border Force officials found 1.6 tonnes of ice hidden in stereo speakers in sea cargo that arrived in Melbourne from Bangkok. It had an estimated street value of $1 billion.

Much of the consignment was wrapped in the distinctive Guanyinwang tea packaging, marking it as made in Myanmar. The seizure was linked to a drug tsar who first appeared on police's radar in 2011, Chinese-born Canadian Tse Chi Lop. Police have dubbed his network of five triads Sam Gor, for Tses Cantonese nickname Brother Number Three.

The AFP believes Tse leads the largest crime syndicate running drugs into Australia and he is the key target of an international investigation dubbed Operation Kungur.

Loading

If that group controls, give or take, 50 to 70 per cent of the crystal meth trade hitting the streets of Australia, then they would be making $US8 billion a year, the UNs Jeremy Douglas says. And he of course would be the biggest player in that group. So we're talking about billionaires.

Police have dubbed a group of five known associates of Tse The Billionaires' Club.

Former AFP officer Roland Singor first identified Tse and says the meth trade in South-east Asia is now so big and profitable that rival groups have joined forces. There were a lot of turf wars between them and they've now come together as a united multinational corporate entity, if you like, Singor says. They have management centres throughout South-east Asia.

Singor says the syndicates operations are structurally separated so that the compromise of one unit does not affect the others. They're very cellular, he says. They have their own project teams and they answer back to Tse Chi Lop and his core group. And he answers to a broader community of investors and business partners.

Douglas hints that some of those business partners include governments. We're seeing some countries of this region essentially ceding bits of sovereignty, whether it's the special economic zone here or the parts of Shan State, these other special economic zones and casino zones that are popping up, Douglas says. These guys are buying parts of the region.

Chris Uhlmann is political editor for Nine News.

More here:

Inside the Golden Triangle, where warlords and drug barons reign - The Age

The Plot Against America Is Not About Trump, Even If Comparisons Are Inevitable – Reason

The Plot Against America. HBO. Monday, March 16, 9 p.m.

In 2004, when Philip Roth publishedThe Plot Against America, an alternative history in which Charles Lindbergh defeats Franklin Delano Roosevelt in the 1940 presidential election and steers America into fascism, the chattering-class critics were all agog about thischillingallegory about the George W. Bush presidency. (Like, Bush and Lindbergh were bothpilotsand everything.) Roth rather convincingly denied that Bush was the inspiration for his novel; Bush did not propose replacing "The Star-Spangled Banner" with "Tomorrow Belongs To Me,"and the book returned to being a wintry what-if meditation on anti-Semitism.

Sixteen years later, David Simon has turned the novel into an HBO miniseries, and this time the arts intelligentsia has discovered that the real culprit is not Bush but Donald Trump. And I don't think Simon will be issuing any denials.

Consider the familiar ring of these words from a Jewish character who thinks the president is stirring up anti-Semitism: "These assholes, they've always been here. Now they have permission to crawl out from under their rocks." Or this line: "This is how it starts: everyone thinking they can work with the guy. Like Hitler: Everyone believes he doesn't mean what he says." Or the accusation that his critics are being bought off by a strong economy: "Not so long ago, you couldn't bear the man, either. But now what? Stock market is up, profits are up, business is moving.What he stands for is forgotten. What else matters to you, a businessman, if the money is right?"

It's been a while since I read the novel, and it's possible that some of this dialogue is the work of Roth and not Simon. Either way, watchingThe Plot Against Americaoften feels like being locked in a closet with a fanatical #NeverTrumper: It'll give you a headache even if you agree with him.

Simon and his writing partner Ed Burns have certainly woven political polemics into their work before, notably on the futility of the war on drugs inThe Wireand the corruption engendered by attempts to outlaw the sex trade inThe Deuce, and done so intelligently and entertainingly. But even without the Trump Temptation, the novel The Plot Against Americaposes some special challenges.

Alternative history is, by definition, ahistorical. But generally it changes one key factual point, then lets the archival billiard balls bump each other around. Roth's novel is more like a complete rewrite of the record. Lindbergh's exploits as a pioneering aviator made him wildly famous in a way that's nearly impossible to understand in today's your-15-minutes-are-up world, but he never tried to make any political hay out of it; he showed no interest in the presidency. And if he had, there's not the faintest evidence he would have been successfulRoosevelt's popularity was so immense that he was able to toss out 150 years of no-third-term tradition with scarcely a peep of protest.

So, fine, there's your one historical anomaly to start the ball rolling. But the novel continues to edit history whenever it's convenient to the plot. Lindbergh was, no doubt, anti-Semitic, but if he was a Nazi, he made Sergeant Schultzlook downright competent. In the run-up to World War II, when the United States had no intelligence service, he used ceremonial visits to Germany tospy on the Luftwaffe and was the source for practically everything the United States knew about the Nazis' powerful new air force.

If Roth overhypes his villains, he whitewashes his heroes. The Jewish characters through whose eyes the story is told regard Roosevelt as the Moses of his day, a magnificent statesman and the sword and shield of American Jews. Actually, FDR spent a good bit of his spare time plotting schemes tokeep Jews out of a postwar America. He stood by contentedly as his notoriously anti-Semitic State Department infamously turned away the German cruise ship St. Louis and its cargo of Jewish refugees in 1939, sending hundreds of them back to die at the hands of the Nazis. Likewise, Canadatreated as a cuddly asylum state for Lindbergh's Jewish victims in The Plotactually spent most of the 1930s rejecting Jewish refugees, as many as 800,000 of them.

Roth's fantasies about who was doing what to whom during the prelude to the war are mostly transferred intact to the series, undermining both its dramatic and its political credibility to the extent that it probably ought to be retitled The Way We Weren't. But if you ignore the show's macropolitical level and focus instead on its characters and their little chunk of the world, the superlative storytelling skills of Simon and Burns assert themselves.

Like the novel, their tale is told through a fictionalized version of Roth's own family. Dad Herman (Morgan Spector,Homeland) is an up-and-coming insurance salesman and the kind of guy who bellows as he listens to Walter Winchell's nightly radio newscast. Mom Elizabeth (Zoe Kaza, The Deuce) is quieter, but as a childhood refugee from Russia, has more close-up experience with anti-Semitism than her husband does. Teenage artist Sandy (newcomer Caleb Malis), is fascinated by Lindbergh's heroic dimensions, much to his father's disgust. And young Philip's (Azhy Robertson,The Americans) scant political comprehension only exacerbates his growing terror of a world seemingly spinning off its axis.

The two most engaging characters of all come from outside the nuclear family: bully-boy gangbanger Alvin (Anthony Boyle, Ordeal By Innocence), Herman's orphaned nephew, whose innate rage at the world causes him to join the Canadian army to shoot Nazis, only to discover that they shoot back, and Elizabeth's apolitical and old-maidish sister Evelyn (Winona Ryder), whose pursuit of a husband leads her into a liaison with a collaborationist Southern rabbi. Boyle and Rider's desperation at coping with a world from which they seem permanently locked out is so real it stings. More than the others, they ponder what it means to be Jewish. Is their New Jersey home really located in a Jewish neighborhood? Or is itand Alvin and some of his young friends suspecta ghetto?

And then there's Alvin's conversation with a flirty young British woman who's never met a Jew before and isn't sure what the big deal is.

"You don't seem so different," she says. "You believe in more or less the same stuff as anybody else, God and all that."

"I don't believe in God," he corrects her.

"Then why are you Jewish?" she asks in surprise.

His reply is The Plot Against America's bottom line, which despite all the show's political missteps, sounds what it must really have felt like to be Jewish in the 1940s: "I'm a Jew because I was born a Jew, and this whole fuckin' world wishes I wasn't."

Read the original post:

The Plot Against America Is Not About Trump, Even If Comparisons Are Inevitable - Reason

Over 2 tons of narcotics siezed in Irans Mirjaveh – Mehr News Agency – English Version

Irans Border Guard Commander Brigadier General Ghasem Rezaie said on Sunday that following comprehensive intelligence operations, the police border guards identified a smuggling gang near the borders of the province which was planning to transfer illegal drugs to the European countries through Mirjaveh borders.

Some 2.263 tons of illicit drugs consisting of 1.881 tons of opium and 348 kilograms of hashish, 70 kilograms morphine, 309 kilograms crystal and 15 kilograms of other types drugs have been busted during the clash between the police border guards and the gang during the operation in addition to confiscation of a large number of weapons and ammunition, he added.

The smugglers fled to the highlands of the area using the darkness of the night, he said.

Based on the United Nations reports, Afghanistan ranks first as the producer of opium and heroin in the world. Iran, being Afghanistan's neighbor, has always been the main route for smuggling narcotics to the Western world.

The Islamic Republic has been actively fighting drug-trafficking over the past three decades, despite its high economic and human costs. The war on drug trade originating from Afghanistan has claimed the lives of nearly 4,000 Iranian police officers over the past four decades. The country has spent more than hundreds of millions of dollars on sealing its borders and preventing the transit of narcotics destined for European, Arab and Central Asian countries.

MNA/ 4879078

View original post here:

Over 2 tons of narcotics siezed in Irans Mirjaveh - Mehr News Agency - English Version

TV tonight: our highlights for Monday 16th March – What’s On TV

Neighbours celebrates its 35th birthday with a run of special shows

Believe it or not Neighbours is 35 years old. Plus: big heart-in-mouth moments in Liar and intriguing documentary Miss World 1970! Heres what you shouldnt miss on TV tonight.

Our expert TV journalists have picked the best things on tv tonight

Amanda takes the lead in For You, one of a trilogy of shorts

Celebrating short films made by up and coming writers and directors, the On the Edge season returns with a trilogy of stand-alone films. Each tells a very different tale, but all three focus on young people trying to find their place in the world. It begins with BBW, a heart-warming tale of a plus-sized young black woman whos feeling the pressure to be something she isnt. For You is a touching film starring Amanda Redman, about couple Rev and Alex who are trying to negotiate her familys racism and mental health prejudice. Finally, Adulting sees a vulnerable but determined young woman taken advantage of by a group of drug dealers. Three powerful films, givingvoices to those not often heard. JL

And heres to the next 35 years!

To celebrate 35 years of the iconic Aussie soap, theres an extra special late-night edition of Neighbours on every night this week. It focuses on Ellys 35th birthday party at an abandoned island, which turns out to be the perfect place for bad-boy Finn to take his revenge. As the group relaxes on their idyllic island getaway, Finn finds an abandoned old mine, which comes in handy when you have a girlfriend you need to get rid of! With storms and venomous snakes thrown into the mix, at least three of the partygoers wont make it back to the mainland. Think late-night Hollyoaks but with added sunshine. Continues tomorrow. JL

Teamwork: Winnie and Laura

Although shifty behaviour is abundant in Liar, weve been particularly intrigued by nurse Winnie Peterson and her husband Carl. This week, we learn more about the enigmatic couple as Carl goes AWOL following the boatyard fire. As if Laura didnt have enough on her plate trying to deal with the dogged persistence of DI Renton, worried Winnie calls on her for support. But when the pair use some nifty sleuthing skills to try to locate Carl, could he help prove Lauras innocence? With several big heart-in-the-mouth scenes this episode, and some nuggets of intrigue, we cant wait for next week! CC

To coincide with the film release of Misbehaviour, a fictionalised retelling of the events surrounding the turbulent 1970 Miss World competition. Theres no sign of stars Kiera Knightley and Jessie Buckley in this documentary, of course, which looks at how the Womens Lib demonstration at the 1970s pageant at the Royal Albert Hall made headline news and marked a game-changing moment in history. With contributions from those involved, including Michael Aspel. MC

The truth and nothing but the truth: Judge Rinder

Judge Rinder returns with the daily daytime show looking at some of the UKs most high profile cases. He begins with the suspected murder of Claudia Lawrence who went missing in March 2009. A chef in York, this popular young woman suddenly vanished and despite a huge police effort, including multiple arrests, no one has been charged and her desperate family still dont know what happened. JL

Mark Addy in the episode Man of Steel

Mark Addy shows his impressive versatility as he portrays an ex-rugby pro with a secret in episode three, series 11 of Jimmy McGoverns compelling drama.

Emily Blunt as Kate Macer, a cop in way over her head

Emily Blunt delivers a brilliant performance as a doggedly upright yet all too vulnerable FBI agent whose eyes are opened to the murky realities of the war on drugs in this queasily gripping thriller. She joins a government task force led by Josh Brolins deceptively laid-back, flip-flop-wearing agent, blurring ethical lines as they criss-cross the US-Mexico border. The films pervading sense of dread and unease keeps us on edge throughout.

Dont miss Neighbours Late on TV tonight 35 years of the Australian institution has got to be worth celebrating!

Not found anything you want to watch on TV tonight? Check out our tv guide.

Happy viewing!

Read the original here:

TV tonight: our highlights for Monday 16th March - What's On TV

Grieving Families in Philippine Drugs War Turn to Theater for Healing, Therapy – The New York Times

MANILA Relatives of some of the thousands killed in the Philippines' war on drugs acted out their journey of loss and healing in a theater performance in Manila on Wednesday, capping a month-long therapy program for grieving urban poor families.

Bereaved mothers, wives and children took to the stage at a high school in the business center of the capital in front of a crowd of 500, most of them students. They danced to pop songs, and performed monologues and political sketches.

"If you would look at the performers, there are so many smiles. They were dancing in joy," said organizer Flavie Villanueva, a former drug user-turned-priest who is critical of President Rodrigo Duterte's anti-narcotics campaign.

"The first time they came to me, there was nothing but tears, anguish and anger," said Villanueva, who launched 'Paghilom' - 'healing' in Tagalog - in 2016 to comfort grieving families.

More than 5,600 suspected drug dealers and users have been killed in police anti-narcotics operations since Duterte took office in July 2016, according to government data. Thousands more died in mysterious circumstances, some shot dead by masked gunmen riding pillion on motorcycles.

Rights group said the police summarily executed suspects. But police said they acted in self defense after suspects violently resisted arrest.

"Through 'Paghilom,' I let out all my tears," said Analyn Mamot, 33, whose husband, an illegal drugs user, was killed by unidentified gunmen two years ago. "Now I feel new, like a new personality is alive in me."

(Reporting by Eloisa Lopez; Writing by Neil Jerome Morales; Editing by Raissa Kasolowsky)

Read the rest here:

Grieving Families in Philippine Drugs War Turn to Theater for Healing, Therapy - The New York Times