Couple jailed for trafficking people into the UK and using them as slaves – The Chester Standard

A CHESHIRE couple have been jailed for trafficking people into the UK and using them as slaves.

Robertas Repsas and Rita Jablonskaite made one of their two victims sleep in a tiny cupboard under the stairs.

The 50-year-old man, who spoke very little English, lived with the couple for nine months after being trafficked from their native Lithuania, originally doing housework, gardening and running errands for them before working for Jablonskaites cleaning company and later for a Warrington-based recruitment agency.

He was never given access to his wage slips or the money he earned.

Repsas and Jablonskaite had total control over the man and his wages, and they even applied for loans in his name.

Sleeping in highly cramped conditions with no ventilation or a window and having no access to money despite earning an average wage of about 400 a week, the victim flagged up his plight to a friend after finding a mobile phone while working for a recycling company in St Helens.

He then called the Lithuanian embassy, who in turn contacted Cheshire Police.

An investigation was launched and officers visited the victim while he was doing a shift at the recycling company before speaking to him, via an interpreter, at Widnes Police Station.

After finding that he had an unkempt appearance, did not own his own clothing and was wearing tracksuit bottoms that did not fit him, the officers safeguarded the victim before raiding the house in Westland Drive, Warrington, on Tuesday, March 13, 2018.

Repsas, 31, and Jablonskaite, 34, were arrested at the address and questioned in custody.

They were subsequently released under investigation pending further enquiries.

Just months later officers had cause to go to the couples home and while there they discovered and safeguarded a second victim.

The 51-year-old woman, who could not speak English, had also been trafficked from Lithuania.

She had been living on the couples sofa for several weeks as their housekeeper and live-in nanny.

She also did work for Jablonskaites company, cleaning peoples flats.

Despite being promised a weekly wage, the victim received no money from the couple.

The couple also reneged on their promise to keep her mobile phone topped up so that she could keep in contact with her family in Lithuania.

She had come to England to live with the couple after being told that she would be able to work and raise money for her family.

Both victims were given access to food while living with the couple, though the woman told officers that she only ate at lunch.

But the couple took their identification off them when they first arrived in Warrington via a private minibus and a ferry from Calais to Dover and never gave them a key to their home.

The court heard that both victims felt as though they could not leave the couples home without permission.

In victim impact statements read out in court, the man, who lost nearly 20 kilograms in weight while living with the couple, said: I lived there under constant stress and ongoing depression, anxiety and constantly thinking what I should do next what actions I should take. These thoughts used to drive me crazy.

I was full of anxiety and yet I could not share my thoughts with anybody as I was alone and was completely isolated from other people.

The woman said: While I was living in Ritas house I felt very bad. I was treated as worthless and was very insulted.

I felt particularly bad when I had nothing to eat after I cooked for the family there. I remember how many times I cried because of hunger and the insults.

I was always in a very bad mood and always sad.

Once Cheshire Police had concluded its investigation into Repsas and Jablonskaites offending, they were both charged with holding a person in slavery or servitude and requiring a person to perform forced or compulsory labour.

Repsas was also charged with human trafficking.

Jablonskaite was charged with three counts of that offence.

Having originally decided to plead not guilty to all charges, the pair admitted the human trafficking offences part way through a trial at Liverpool Crown Court.

The prosecution accepted the pleas on the agreement that the other charges would be taken into account upon sentencing, which took place on Tuesday.

Repsas was jailed for one year and three months and Jablonskaite was handed a prison sentence of two years and four months.

A seven-year slavery and trafficking prevention order was also imposed on the pair.

Detective Inspector Julie Jackson, of the Hidden Harm Team based at Warrington Police Station, said: The two vulnerable victims in this case were sold on the idea of coming to England to work and earn money whilst living with a family from their homeland.

But they ended up being controlled and exploited by Robertas Repsas and Rita Jablonskaite, working excessive hours and not having any money to show for it."

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Couple jailed for trafficking people into the UK and using them as slaves - The Chester Standard

Ken Loach grinds another honest man under the cruel gears of society in Sorry We Missed You – The A.V. Club

You dont work for us, you work with us. Thats the pitch Maloney (Ross Brewster) makes for the exciting new job opportunity he dangles in the opening scene of Sorry We Missed You, Ken Loachs latest lament for the downtrodden masses. Maloney, who has the physique and disposition of your gyms least forgiving trainer, is a supervisor at a package delivery company that independently contracts all its driversits like UPS by way of Uber. What hes selling is the ideal of professional autonomy. Drive your own van! Own your own franchise! Be your own boss! To Ricky Turner (Kris Hitchen), it all sounds like a dream come true. Ricky, after all, has spent his whole life paving, plumbing, roofing, mending, and breaking his back for companies that saw him and his labor as disposable. Its about time he tossed off the shackles of subordination and became, in Maloneys well-chosen words, the master of his destiny.

You dont need to be a used and abused cog of the gig economy to suspect that this grand promise of self-employment is a liethat Rickys delusions of independence and upward mobility will inevitably be shattered. He is, after all, the main character in a Ken Loach movie: honest, industrious, destined to suffer for the sins of a pitiless society. Loach, the biggest beating heart in the English film industry, has spent most of his half-century in movies and television sticking up for the little guy, for the working men and women of his country. In recent years, that noble imperative has consumed all other aspects of his work; the writer-director of gripping classics like Kes and Riff-Raff now makes diatribes pounded into the vague shape of dramanot so much message movies as messages in search of movies. Sorry We Missed You fits cleanly into that agitprop tradition. But for a good long while, anyway, it does offer the kind of involving quotidian texture that Loach excels at when hes not simply steering the steamroller over his characters to make a point about societys ills.

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Kris Hitchen, Debbie Honeywood, Rhys Stone, Katie Proctor, Ross Brewster

Select theaters March 6

Ricky, as we quickly learn, is head of a household in Newcastle thats been struggling ever since the 2008 financial collapse, which effectively destroyed their plan to buy their own home. To put a deposit on the big white van hell need for his new career, Ricky talks his wife, Abbie (Debbie Honeywood), into selling her cara decision that makes daily life a little trickier for her. Abbie has her own version of flexible zero-hour contract work: She hops all over town to care for the elderly and people with disabilities, picking up clients through an agency that often minimizes her contact with the families (and eats into her paychecks). Ricky and Abbie have two children they barely see because theyre always on the clock. While preteen Liza Jane (Katie Proctor) tries to put on a happy face, even as she absorbs her parents stress like a sponge, 16-year-old Seb (Rhys Stone) acts out, cutting class to go tagging with his friends.

Like any good polemicist, Loach understands empathy as something he has to earn. This early stretch, episodic and carefully observed, successfully bonds us to the plight of the Turners. Theres an economy to the storytelling and a affecting sting to some of the moments the filmmaker singles out, like Liza Jane cleaning up around her slumbering folks or Abbie fighting through her exhaustion to express kindness to an ashamed client. And Loach locates some blessed humor, a tonic for characters and audience alike, in Rickys front-door encounters with his customers, at one point stopping the movie cold for some amusingly heated sparring between rival soccer fans. As usual, the directors assembled a first-rate cast: Hitchen and Honeywood make palpable their characters frustrations, trying to hold onto hope under their occupational and professional demands. The real find may be Stone, who perfectly conveys the pigheaded selfishness of a teenage wiseass, while also communicating what Seb is really rebelling against: the nonstop grind and hustle that awaits him, should he follow the same path as his parents.

Sorry We Missed You is good enough, in other words, to make one wish that Loach knew when to say when. Ricky, his beleaguered hero, has hitched his hopes to a sucker bet: a corporate enterprise that feeds off his labor without sheltering him from risk. Its a system not so radically different from the one the filmmaker decried in his last movie, the Cannes-winning I, Daniel Blake, which depicted one virtuous mans Sisyphean struggle against a health-care industry all but designed to deny him the relief he needs. Working again with longtime collaborator Paul Laverty, who also wrote that didactic downer, Loach again piles onto his working-class protagonists so relentlesslyturning them into everyday martyrs, crushed into fine dust by the grinding wheels of capitalist exploitationthat any genuine poignancy begins to crumble into self-parody. Everything that could go wrong does, and by the time Sorry We Missed You is literally dousing Ricky in piss, you have to wonder if its really society, and not just the screenplay, stacking the deck against the Turners.

Which is a shame, because the film didnt need to force the family through the worse-case wringer to sell its shrewd insights about the mutating injustice of capitalism. Sorry We Missed You sits on a rock-solid foundation of outrage: As Ricky rudely awakens to every reality of his new jobhe cant even bring his daughter along with him on the deliveries because hes still beholden to the rules his corporate partner setswhat hes really coming to terms with is how wage slavery now masquerades as entrepreneurial opportunity. Hes stuck forever on the hamster wheel, a point damningly underlined by the fade-out ellipsis of the films final minutes. Its all the calculated misfortune around those scenes that feels like overkill. Then again, maybe Loach has just picked the right tool for the job. When your lone goal is to violently stir the conscience of a captive audience, a sledgehammer will do just fine.

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Ken Loach grinds another honest man under the cruel gears of society in Sorry We Missed You - The A.V. Club

Chicagos mayor thinks she has a plan to end poverty in a generation – The Economist

The citys changing demographics make Lori Lightfoots job harder

BLACK FAMILIES on Chicagos South and West Sides have long endured joblessness, decrepit housing and violence. Lori Lightfoot, the citys mayor for the past nine months, has made cutting poverty her main goal. Like the rest of the country, the city is doing well on this score: the poverty rate for Afrian-Americans and Hispanics has been creeping down, though that has more to do with low unemployment and decent wage growth than with City Hall.

Ms Lightfoot, who grew up poor in Ohio, speaks personally about privation. Her childhood taught her what hardship and financial struggle was all about. Though her father had three jobs, the family saw cars repossessed and services cut off for unpaid bills. She put herself through college and studied law. Her first summer job paid more than her father had ever earned. She was too embarrassed to tell him.

This sort of story is still common in Chicago. In its public schools 76% of students qualify for free meals because of low incomes. When classes end, many do without nutritious food. Life-expectancy can vary by as much as 15 years between neighbouring areas on the South Side. Ms Lightfoot points out that Cook County, which includes the Windy City, has the highest rate of personal bankruptcies in Illinoisoften because people owe debts to the city.

Ms Lightfoot traces inequalitys roots in America to the original sin of slavery, and blames government for keeping black families down. She cites redlining, a practice of city governments and mortgage-lenders to determine which neighbourhoods African-Americans were allowed to live in, and the de facto segregation of black children at school. A mayor cannot do much about that history, and in any case many of her plans are small-bore. She will start by scrapping city fines and fees that burden the poor especiallyas a small example, libraries no longer charge for overdue books. She wants more rights for tenants and the end of regulations that take away drivers licences for petty infractions, because losing a car often means losing a job.

She promises an extra $750m over the next three years to spruce up roads, parks and public transport in ten corridors running through needy districts. Philanthropists and foundations will be tapped for help. She will also expand a financial model that diverts some capital from firms building offices and skyscrapers downtown to boost small businesses in poor areas. Rahm Emanuel, her predecessor, launched that scheme in 2017 and says it will soon be worth $170m.

One of Ms Lightfoots plans is genuinely radical, however. Citing the outrageous amounts of money that we spend on a criminal-justice infrastructure that is mostly punitiveover $1.7bn a year for policingshe wants to switch spending to social and economic needs. Broken families, poor care for children and overall deprivation are the deepest causes of violent crime, she argues. Spending on mental-health care, she says, could do more to curb crime than paying for lots of arrests.

None of that will be easy. The wealthy voters who swept Ms Lightfoot to office last year could grow jittery if cuts to police are followed by a spike in violent crime. More important, the Chicagoans most affected by violence are the citys poorest residents, whom Ms Lightfoot wants to help. She risks a sour relationship with the police after sacking their superintendent for ethical lapses in December. Her separate plans to tackle corruption leave some long-serving city aldermen uneasy. And her record as a negotiator has yet to be proved after Chicagos teachers won big payouts from her last year, after a lengthy strike.

Ms Lightfoots aspiration to end poverty in a generation has a further glitch. The poverty statistics are skewed by a decades-long collapse in the black population. Since 2010 the city has seen a net loss of 70,000 black residents, who fled to the suburbs, next-door Indiana or southern cities like Atlanta. Part of the decline in poverty simply reflects the fact that there are just fewer poor African-Americans in Chicago now. Yet some of those left behind are too poor to move, making the poverty that remains even more intractable.

This article appeared in the United States section of the print edition under the headline "Policing poverty"

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Chicagos mayor thinks she has a plan to end poverty in a generation - The Economist

The Long-Term Vision of the Christian Nationalist Movement – Sojourners

There appear to be two ways to interpret the surge of Christian nationalism around Trump. One way is to see this primarily as an extension of the Religious Rights culture war. Another way is to understand the stated culture war, and its hot-button issues like abortion, as merely one piece within a larger and perhaps more sinister project. In The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism , Katherine Stewart argues for the latter, marshalling a synthesis of history and reporting to make her case.

Stewart has been following the Christian nationalist movement for over a decade as an investigative reporter and journalist. Her latest book highlights the way in which this movement is decentralized, consisting of a dense ecosystem of organizations, operatives, and Christian billionaire clans. Instead of collapsing Christian nationalists to single issues like abortion or gay marriage, she claims that it is an anti-democratic political movement with deep roots in a Christian opposition to civil rights, the New Deal, and abolition.

I recently spoke to Stewart about her book. The conversation that follows has been edited and condensed for clarity.

Camacho, Sojourners: You claim that America's Christian nationalist movement has been misunderstood and underestimated. How so?

Katherine Stewart: When we think of the Religious Right, we usually imagine it is just one special interest group in the noisy forum of modern American democracy. We might agree or disagree with its positions. We often see it preoccupied with cultural issues such as abortion or same-sex marriage, but we often just see it as competing within the existing system for votes while looking for a seat at the table. But Christian nationalism does not believe in modern, pluralistic democracy. Its aim is to create a new type of order, one in which Christian nationalist leaders, along with members of certain approved religions and their political allies will enjoy positions of exceptional privilege in politics, law, and society. So, this is a political movement and its goal is ultimately power. It doesn't seek to add another voice to America's pluralistic democracy, but rather to place our foundational democratic principles and institutions with a state grounded in a particular version of religion, and what some adherents call a biblical world view.

I do think it's helpful in looking at the movement to distinguish between the leaders and the followers. The foot soldiers might believe that they're fighting for those cultural issues, like a ban on abortion or a defense of what they call traditional marriage. But over time, the movement's leaders and strategists have consciously reframed these culture war issues to capture and control the votes of a large subsection of the American public. They understand that if people can be persuaded to vote on a single issue, or two or three, you can essentially control their vote by concentrating your messages in this way. They use these issues to solidify and maintain political power for themselves and their allies to increase the flow of public and private money in their direction, and also to enact economic policies that are favorable to some of their most well-resourced funders.

If you look at leaders like Putin in Russia or Orbn in Hungary or Erdoan in Turkey, when they bind themselves closely to religious conservatives in their countries in order to consolidate authoritarian form of power, we rightly identify this as a kind of religious nationalism. That's what we're seeing today with Trump's alliances with hyper-conservative religious leaders in America.

Camacho: You noticed that Christian nationalist leaders are making inroads with non-white Christians, specifically Latino pastors in places like Ohio and California. How does this fit into their overall strategy?

Stewart: The Christian nationalist movement is often characterized as a white movement. I think for some of the people in the rank and file who are white, it is an implicitly white movement because for them it involves recovering a nation that was once supposedly both Christian and white. Leaders of the movement tend to paper over the ways in which white evangelicalism and racism often reinforce one another. Of course, Trump appeals to the racism of many of his followers. But leaders of the movement can see the demographic future as clearly as you or I can. They understand that the electoral future of the movement is not ethnically homogenous. In recent years, they've made a significant outreach to Latino and black pastors. There's an irony that they're being enlisted to fight culture wars that drive support for a political party that has turned voter suppression, race-based gerrymandering, the cruel and inhumane treatment of migrants and separation of families, into a strategic imperative.

I want to give you an idea of what this looks like on the ground. In one chapter, I focused on an organization called Church United, which is a pastoral network operating in California. The founder of the group, Jim Domen, acts on racial inclusiveness in a really systematic way. Many of the fastest growing religious movements in America are in the charismatic and Pentecostal vein. These are often explicitly multiracial movements. Racial unity in Christ is one of the core themes of Church United. They organize gatherings in which the organization is introduced to pastors across the state. The aim is to get them to persuade their congregations to vote for so-called biblical values, which are typically all about the culture war issues like abortion and LGBTQ equality. A substantial number of Church United gatherings are conducted in the Spanish language.

An organization has spun off, one affiliate called Alianza de Pastores Unidos de San Diego. The members minister largely to Spanish-speaking congregations. I went to one of their events. Jim Domen was generous enough to invite me knowing that I was an opposition journalist. One of the speakers who was at this event said to the pastors, I'm going to paraphrase: When you talk to your fellowship about abortion and these issues, what's more important, talking about the minimum wage or about life? The message is very clear: Life is more important. So, these are the issues that you need to be emphasizing with your congregation.

They make it easy for pastors to communicate these issues to their congregants. The movement leaders understand that pastors drive votes and that's why they've made an enormous effort to create these vast pastoral networks that gets pastors on the same page. They give them sophisticated messaging and media tools to turn out the vote.

Camacho: In your book, you make connections between the current Christian nationalist movement and the Christian opposition to civil rights and the New Deal and Christian debates over the Civil War and abolition before that. Some might consider that to be a stretch and they might cite figures like William Wilberforce. So, I'm in interested in why you decided to make this broad historical link.

Stewart: I do discuss the contributions of maybe a dozen abolitionist theologians in my book, including Wilberforce. It is important to note, however, that at the time of the Civil War, most of the powerful denominations in the South had either promoted slavery or had at least made their peace with it. Pro-slavery theologians consciously refrained from making any judgment to upset the established order or they supported it outright. For instance, the Georgia Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church said that slavery as it exists in the United States was not a moral evil. Episcopalians of South Carolina found slavery to be "marked by every evidence of divine approval." The Charleston Union Presbytery resolved that the holding of slaves, so far from being a sin in the sight of God, is nowhere condemned in his holy word. I think a lot of people don't realize that many representatives of the churches of the North were in agreement.

Yes, folks like Wilberforce and Charles Denison argued for abolitionism, and they did so in the name of religion. But Frederick Douglass observed at the time that these religious abolitionists tended to be a distinctly disempowered minority in their own denominations.

James Henley Thornwell of South Carolina, a pro-slavery theologian, described the conflict this way: The parties in this conflict are not merely abolitionists and slaveholdersthey are atheists, socialists, communists, red republicans, jacobins, on the one side, and the friends of order and regulated freedom on the other. He's identifying order and regulated freedom with pro-slavery theology.

Camacho: As you know, Betsy DeVos is the secretary of education. The argument from her camp would be that Christians are trying to combat a bias in public education that is stacked against Christians. Why do you think public education is such an important battleground?

Stewart: There's so much to unpack here. Let's just start with the hostility to government schools. The hostility goes back in time to some of those pro-slavery theologians. After Emancipation, they argued against taxing white people to educate black children. These kinds of arguments persisted to the middle of the 20th century when folks like Bob Jones objected to integration. He actually published a radio address called "Is Segregation Scriptural?" and called segregation "God's established order." We see this hostility to public education even in the 1980s and 1990s. Jerry Falwell Sr. said, around 1980, that he hoped to see the day when there are no more public schools, churches will have taken them over, and Christians will be running them.

For many members of the movement that have expressed hostility to public education and what they call government schools, it reflects a concern that children attending public schools, their children in particular, will learn tools like critical thinking or will become tolerant of religious pluralism and leave the flock. I think they've developed a persecution narrative around public education that anything failing to affirm their religion is somehow hostile to it. They reject the values of pluralism and diversity that our democratic system is meant to support. Public schools, because of their pluralism and diversity, are nonsectarian. They are meant to neither affirm nor deny any particular religious viewpoint.

The movement has, over the years, engaged in a two-pronged strategy. Number one, they start to force their program and their agenda into the public schools through things like Good News Clubs, or promoting a partisan view of American history, attacking things like the teaching of evolution. Two, they promise to deflate the schools and weaken them as Jerry Falwell Sr. hoped to see. In particular, they deflate public schools by reducing the amount of money that goes toward public schools and poor families, diverting money over to private religious schools, which, as we know, are allowed to discriminate against students that don't participate in their religion, against LGBTQ Americans and so many others.

Camacho: Reading your book really provides perspective on how much money, organization, and long-term vision the Christian nationalist movement has. And honestly, it can also be slightly depressing. What gives you hope?

Stewart: I'm seeing a lot more activism today than I saw, say, five or six years ago. We can't begin to meet the challenges that we face until we recognize what they are. And I think there's a growing awareness that we're not just dealing with a culture war. We're actually dealing with a political movement. I think that makes it incredibly helpful. While it's true that a sector of the media has basically been enlisted in a propaganda campaign, working with far-right platforms, being mouthpieces for disinformation and hate, there's so many others that are working to bring the truth to light.

Christian nationalism in some ways is the fruit of a society that has not lived up to the promise of the American idea. There is a lot of work to be done. But for now, we're free to do it. We've met these challenges in the past well enough that we made it to the present moment. Religious nationalists are using the tools of democratic political culture to end democracy. I continue to believe those same resources can be used to restore it.

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The Long-Term Vision of the Christian Nationalist Movement - Sojourners

International Women’s Day: ‘The myth of having it all has left behind a troubling legacy’ – Independent.ie

International Women's Day is celebrated this weekend, and the corporate world is gearing up for its annual parade of pink-hued business breakfasts.

ut while the day itself has become all but lost in a sea of commercialism, it does provide us with an opportunity to take stock and see how far we've come - and how far we've yet to go. We asked some of our favourite Irish Independent writers if they feel that women are winning the equality battle, and if modern-day feminism is fit for purpose...

Martina Devlin - Columnist

Remember when mobile phones were the size of a brick, a computer took up the whole room, and there used to be glass ceilings in the workplace? Mobiles and computers have shrunk - unfortunately, the glass ceiling hasn't gone away, although cracks had been put in it. A lot done, more to do.

A glass ceiling isn't inevitable. And it isn't indestructible. But embedded bias has to be challenged and not just in terms of gender, but class and ethnic inequality too. A monochrome society is a moribund society. Quotas are one way to deliver change. Some people disagree with them. Not me. They have existed for centuries. Men: 100pc of the power. Women: none.

In recent times, we have seen quotas in the political system begin to make an impact, although slowly. Last month's general election failed to add significantly to numbers of women in the Dil, unfortunately. But at least they are being chosen by parties to contest elections and that's an advance. Shifts are happening and not just in politics, but leadership generally. Women have closed the education gap and made strides in the professions, but more remains to be achieved. For example, the gender pay gap needs attention.

On the plus side, there are laws now to protect women from workplace harassment. 'Manels' on radio or TV programmes or at public events are pilloried. They haven't totally vanished, but are increasingly rare.

So, yes, in case you're wondering, I'm a feminist. I engage the F gear. Not least because I'm also an equalist. I'm keen for everyone to have the same chance at living their best possible life, regardless of the circumstances they were born into. Being a feminist is wholly compatible with calling for an end to direct provision for asylum seekers and to children growing up in homelessness; it's also compatible with wanting to see more Travellers in third-level education instead of the current minuscule numbers.

Feminism in action helped to deliver marriage equality and abortion reform in recent times, just as it brought about voting rights a century ago. But women didn't do this alone. They were helped by fair-minded men who were equalists. It's important to remember that.

The support of other women, both practical and emotional, has been a constant in my life and I'm grateful to them. Support doesn't end with you as the recipient, however. Always be thankful for it - and pass it on.

Katherine Donnelly - Education editor

There were many bright dawns in the 1970s, lit up by the promise of equality in a dark country for women. How dark? Some examples: up to 1973, many women had to retire on marriage; children's allowance was payable to fathers. Then, as if overnight, there was an agenda for change, sparked, at home, by the Irish Women's Liberation Movement.

It helped too that Ireland joined the EU in 1973 and, along with the economic benefits, came a new, progressive social order, where women would be equal. Or would they?

Equality was the buzz word. One EU directive after another brought a legal right to equal opportunities and equal treatment for women, or did they? Equal pay for equal work was a simple idea, but job titles were used to muddy the waters and the battles continued with many women forced to rely on the concept of equal pay for work of equal value to win their case.

Legislative change is of limited value if cultures don't also change. That was shamefully evident in Ireland in recent years, when female academics, employed in what should be the most enlightened sector of all, were forced to go all the way to the High Court to get justice for being overlooked for promotion. A half century on, the battles from the 70s are still being waged and that is why in today's campaigns against sexual harassment and assault, Harvey Weinstein's conviction may be seen as a new dawn. The experience of the past 50 years tells us that for feminism to flourish, it is not only women who need to sign up, but men too.

Melanie Finn - Entertainment editor

It's all very well marking International Women's Day with a barrage of 'woke' events as brands jump on the bandwagon and try to capitalise on the annual event. But apart from trending hashtags, what does it actually achieve? There remains a whopping 14pc gender pay gap between men and women - the same depressing statistic as last year's IWD.

It's only when you become a mother and face the logistical nightmare of trying to source affordable childcare that you realise the workplace is a man's world. I was unable to return to my company on the scheduled date after having baby number three last year as I couldn't get a creche place for him.

And when myself and my husband sat down and did the maths, me leaving work would have been the sensible option. Thankfully, I managed to make it back into the office - but too many women don't because the supports are simply not in place. Most men are still being paid more than women for exactly the same work and due to the childcare crisis, this trend will continue as they are usually the ones to stay at home - and are then the lower paid member of the household.

So forgive me if I don't get out the cheerleading pom-poms this Sunday. Companies are legally obliged to pay employees the same rate for the same job, regardless of gender; but all too often this is ignored and we continue to see the knock-on effects of this inequality.

Katie Byrne - Columnist

I was raised by a Derrywoman and I think it had an impact on the way I've experienced feminism. Derry is a matriarchal society and that's the way I was brought up. I never felt impeded by my gender. Truth be told, I always considered it to be something of an advantage.

Of course, age and awareness has broadened my world view. And while I like to think I've had few personal experiences of gender inequality, I'm well aware that I've led a pretty sheltered existence. My career has largely been in female-dominated magazines, so I've never had a male colleague with whom to compare my salary. I've never worked in the corporate world where there are glaring pay inequalities. I've never run for election where gender bias is rife.

I'm also childless, so I have no experience of being a working mother or negotiating the inherent inequality of a system that pushes women between a rock and a hard place.

I'm a feminist - but I often wonder if I'd be a more strident feminist were my life circumstances different. Likewise, I often wonder how I'd negotiate the balancing act that mothers are faced with every day.

Would I ultimately have to choose between a career and a family? And if I did choose to work, how much could I pay the person - invariably a woman - who looked after my children? This is what troubles me most about the pay gap. We want to be paid the same as men and yet we're paying childcare workers minimum wage - or expecting our mothers to give us a dig-out for free. Feminism has made an immeasurable difference to the lives of women, but the capitalist 'have it all' myth has left behind a troublesome legacy. Our fight for pay equality relies on female wage slavery - and the sooner we address this elephant in the room, the better.

Caitlin McBride - Style channel executive editor

Growing up, my mother raised me to believe that I could do anything. I could be anything. There was no difference between me and my male peers; so much so, that I believed it all through my life until I didn't. It took me reaching my 30s to realise the differences in how men and women are treated. I spent much of the last year interviewing women for my book The Day That Changed My Life, an eye-opening experience which made me appreciate the strength of women and trigger a sense of responsibility to become more honest about my own experiences.

Professionally, I don't talk about the way I'm criticised in different ways, most of which is around my appearance. I don't talk about the man who 'joked' about raping me without a condom. Or the men who have taken to calling me "fatso" on Instagram. Or on Twitter, the men who criticise me because I don't write for - or through - the male gaze, and therefore must be a complete idiot, as they tell me so frequently. Personally, I don't talk about the ways in which my life has been irrevocably shaped for the worse simply by being a woman.

But I do celebrate the ways being a woman is special, including the built-in sisterhood that only improves as you grow older. I love any chance to mark that sisterhood and International Women's Day gives us all a chance to do that. I have always worn my Feminist 'F' card as a badge of honour, and I always will.

Bairbre Power - Fashion editor

I cut my teeth on Germaine Greer's seminal The Female Eunuch, and in the 1980s, the feminists I was involved with represented a rainbow of hues - from housebound homemakers working on causes once the homework was done to local activists and academics. However, none of us could have dreamt of how the power of the bishop's crozier would be swept aside so emphatically and we welcomed legislative changes like the Marriage Equality Act 2015 followed by the landslide vote for abortion rights in 2018.

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Bairbre Power. Photo: Kieran Harnett

Kieran Harnett

I covered Mary Robinson's 1990 inauguration at Dublin Castle for this newspaper and it was electrifying as the country's first female president praised the women who voted for her and had not only rocked the cradle, but rocked the system. But now I'm a mother and a grandmother, the feminist in me recognises just how much more needs to be done. Let's start with disgraceful inequality in pay and then fix our gaze on that infamous glass ceiling. It needs more than just a spring clean - it needs to be well and truly shattered.

Meadhbh McGrath - Fashion writer

When International Women's Day rolls around each year, the same debate flares up over whether it's necessary any more. The argument is always some variation on the claim that the battle for equality has been won. Harvey Weinstein has been convicted! JLo can play the Super Bowl at 50! Abortion is legal! And in the US, six women ran for president this year - sure, only one of them is still in the race, and she's unlikely to win the nomination, but she's there, isn't she? You go, girl!

If that seems like a win to you, then it strikes me your definition of equality is far different from mine. Perhaps for some, the 'big issues' have been resolved and they can take that privilege for granted to the detriment of the most marginalised women. All of those individual issues, from online harassment to the lack of women in positions of power to maternal mortality, are symptoms of the biggest issue: the inextricably linked systems of sexism, racism and economic inequality.

To me, the goal of feminism isn't just to be equal with white men. It's about ending systems of oppression that affect different women in different ways, particularly those who aren't white, straight, cisgender, conventionally attractive and able-bodied.

International Women's Day may be a feel-good clich, with its corporate lunches, girl-power nail art and vapid slogans, but at its origins is the fight for women's rights, feminist fury and a serious discussion around how to eliminate power divisions. In its current form, the message of IWD is effectively defanged, replaced by the watery 'empowerment' of motivational tote bags or brunch and bubbles. The sooner we get back to those activist roots, the sooner we'll start to see some real wins.

Aoife Kelly - Entertainment channel editor

My first memory of the notion of feminism came from my mother, a Mayo woman who had lived and worked much of the 70s in London. By the time I was 17, in 1995, the third wave of feminism was beginning to swell. There was a sense of anarchy in the air, or so I gathered from Alanis Morissette's Jagged Little Pill, Cosmopolitan magazine and, later, Sex And The City.

They celebrated ladette culture, casual sex, girl power. It seemed terribly empowering - we could be loud and lairy and macho and take on the lads at their own game. So this was what feminism was about! I remember my mother arguing this was not, in fact, what feminism was about. But what the hell did she know?

Quite a bit, as it turned out. She encouraged me to build a career so I could support myself financially. "You know you don't have to get married and have children," she said, apropos of nothing one day in my Leaving Cert year. It had never occurred to me that this was a viable option.

The equality battle is not won, and it's not women's alone. It's not about exclusion or pitting one sex against another. In the 90s, I considered myself a feminist and I consider myself a feminist today. And as the mother of a three-year-old boy, I'm more conscious than ever that feminism is a movement that needs men. My hope is that he grows up in a world where equality and tolerance are the norm, and, if not, that he at least espouses those values in his own life.

Gabija Gataveckaite - Reporter

We still have a long way to go in terms of equality. There are still so many cases of men being paid more than women for the same job or being promoted more often than women.

However, even when we lessen the pay gap, we have to work on the inequality which is ingrained in society. It's going to take generations to finally get rid of internalised misogyny. A very simple example is social media - women are much more likely to get abuse. Female politicians who lost their seats after the recent election spoke out about how the hate is "on a different level" for them. Behind a computer screen, faceless trolls aren't afraid to express the most vicious views.

I'm 21, and I don't consider myself a feminist per se, simply because the term has so many negative connotations and has become misconstrued. It has almost become a dirty word which triggers intense arguments, both in person and online.

The true message of the movement which is responsible for winning women their right to vote has been lost, which is a shame. Our focus has to be equality - not just for women, but men too. Suicide is the biggest killer amongst young men. One of the core beliefs of feminism is to encourage men to be more open with their emotions, but this core belief often is lost in translation.

Equality must come from within ourselves first - gender quotas to tick boxes simply aren't enough. It is up to all of us to begin with ourselves to build a fairer, more equal world for all genders.

Irish Independent

More here:

International Women's Day: 'The myth of having it all has left behind a troubling legacy' - Independent.ie

Give the USA its Proper Name – CounterPunch

Lets call this country, the U.S.A., for what it really is, the United States of Apartheid.

I was reminded of this recently in a story about McFarland a farming town south of Delano. The people of McFarland, half of whom are said to be undocumented systematically denied legal status and basic civil rights with no realistic means to change that status mobilized to oppose the opening of a private run ICE detention center in their town.

The lock em up for lucrative profit prison companies are being forced by a recent California law AB32 to shut their private state prisons across the state. The law, which went into effect in January, also mandated closure of private immigration prisons. But anticipating the law, Geo Groups and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) signed long term contracts, skirting, and subverting the laws intent. Determined to sustain its profits, Geo moved to replace the loss of its money-making state prisons by converting them, including several in McFarland, to prisons for refugees and immigrants rounded up by ICE.

As word got out about Geos plan, the people of McFarland began a movement to stop the conversion. Among the organizers were farm workers and their children. They went door to door asking residents to sign cards opposing the detention center. And they persisted despite threats that the loss of prison tax money would cripple their towns basic services. When the McFarland planning commission met on February 20, hundreds of McFarland residents rallied to denounce the camp. The Commission then blocked the conversion from going forward, much to the relief and joy of the community.

A recent New York Times article on this conflict described McFarland, located in the middle of a grape and fruit growing area of Californias Central Valley, as impoverished. But this poverty is not a natural endowment and hardly applies to grape and other fruit growers, and the many companies that thrive off an enormously wealthy and productive California agriculture system. (For example, two thirds of this countrys the nut and fruit crops, and one third of its vegetables are cultivated and harvested by Californias 800,000 farm workers). As many as 90% of those workers are Mexican and half are believed to be undocumented. The poverty of the farm working people of McFarland, and generally across the state and country the vast majority of whom are Mexican, and undocumented is not wrought by nature but by the nature of the social system in which all this production takes place.

250 years of slavery baked racial oppression into the economic, social and political foundation of this country where it remains well entrenched to this day. It is here that U.S. apartheids historical roots lie.

Apartheid is defined in the Miriam Webster dictionary as a policy of segregation and political and economic discrimination against non-European peoples. This system fosters racist views and racially biased laws, but apartheid is anchored in the deeper needs of the economic system where it persists and constantly renews itself, even as attitudes change and struggles explode in opposition to the injustices it creates. For example there was a decades long union struggle to organize farm workers that began in nearby Delano in 1965. It gave rise to a prolonged and hard fought movement with massive farm worker strikes that swept California in the early part of the 1970s. These eventually led to the passage of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, granting farm workers the right to union elections. While these struggles and legal changes pushed up wages and improved working conditions to some degree they made no dent in the fundamental social relations of an apartheid labor system.

The determination of the people of McFarland to stop the Geos ICE camp comes from deep well springs of history and life experience. Californias grape and fruit workers and those across the southwest and across the country have long lived with low wages, harsh and dangerous working conditions, environmental hazards like polluted drinking water and pesticide poisoning, poor housing and schools. Their conditions are enforced by the immigration system, and related legal and social practices. While raids by la migra, once a regular part of life in the fields, have diminished over recent decades in deference to growers needs for a year round labor force, the threat of ICE and deportation remains a constant presence in peoples lives. In recent years incarceration in ICE prisons has become a growing source of fear.

Jailing immigrants has evolved in recent decades into a profitable multi billion dollar business. But it is not mainly profit that spurs its growth. As the dependence on immigrant workers has spread beyond the fields and across the country, beyond farming and dairy, to construction, meat packing, and service industries of all kinds and along with that, a growth in the size of immigrant and non white communities the apparatus of immigration enforcement has grown in size and harshness.

The Clinton, Bush and Obama governments of the 1990s and early 2000s saw the rise of border walls, the militarization of the border region, and laws criminalizing immigrants. These administrations carried out a calculated and cold blooded policy to drive NAFTA and others seeking refuge from countries devastated by U.S. exploitation and domination, into the desert where thousands died attempting to immigrate. In these decades weve witnessed massive increases in deportations while immigrant detention camps have sprouted like diseased deformities on the landscape. According the Freedom for Immigrants, an organization that aids immigrants in detention and advocates for the end of the detention system, there were just 30 immigrants incarcerated in immigration jails in 1980. Today that population, on any given day, stands at about 50,000. And all this has been normalized to an alarming degree!

Even as the apparatus of repression becomes more robust and brutal, the promise of immigration reform and a path to legalization is dangled out at intervals. It serves to keep the populations most impacted by these anti-immigrant policies, or those sympathetic to immigrants, believing there is a solution within the present order of things. But because U.S. capitalism admits to no apartheid labor, nor racial caste system, and yet cant function without workers deprived of basic rights . . . we have had unending discussions and endless promises of comprehensive immigration reform a convoluted and hypocritical debate over policy, so entangled in its own contradictions that a dweller in Alices Wonderland would find it beyond the pale . . . And with no end in sight!

The rise of Trumpian fascism represents a change in a dangerous direction. Both Republicans and Democrats have long publicly opposed illegal immigration (while steadfastly maintaining large undocumented populations by closing off any path to legalization for 34 years!), as an affront to law and order, a threat to national security and a violation of the U.S.s sovereign borders (even as it violates the sovereignty of other countries with impunity). Both parties in power have defended and strengthened the apparatus of subjugation of immigrants but without a lot of overt racial animus. With Trump things have taken a different turn by linking the fortunes of the nation, overtly, to its racial composition.

Hitler in the 1930s rode to power by linking Germanys national fortunes to its racial composition. These racial views were popularized in the trenches of World War I where millions of German soldiers were being slaughtered to advance the fortunes of German imperialism against powerful imperialist rivals. The German military command, to bolster the flagging morale of their troops, insisted that Germans, due to their superior racial status, deserved a more prominent position in the world and would triumph over their supposedly inferior enemies, particularly the Russians and other Slavic peoples. Hitler, himself a WWI soldier, absorbed these views and adapted the racial arguments he embraced as the core of Nazi ideology. He went on to develop the view (in Mein Kampf and elsewhere) that nations were racial entities and the success or failure of a nation depended on its racial make up. Nazism held that German national success hinged on a correct racial policy. Racism and racial exclusion of unwanted and inferior groups were not only acceptable under Nazi rule, they were required of a true German patriot.

Trumps support and encouragement of this outlook (adapted to U.S. conditions) has drawn white supremacist and Nazi groups around him. As fascist racial views have gained traction among a broader section of society influenced by this regime, Trump has positioned himself as a racial leader whose faults are deemed unimportant in the eyes of his cores followers as long as he remains the most powerful and committed defender of the race.

Make America great again, for the true believer in Trumps base, justifies violent acts and heartless repression against racial enemies. Atrocious actions, even against children, are acceptable, even admirable, in order to achieve the necessary change in the countrys racial make up. Marchers chanting Jews will not replace us and shooters who attack Mexican Americans as invaders, are front line fighters for this Trumpian vision of the U.S. And Trump, who has surrounded himself with like- minded fascist ideologues, has sought to prove he is at least moving in that direction.

Yet this Trumpian racial ideology runs up against immediate reality and necessity. The U.S. has always relied on non-white and immigrant labor and can not function without it.

Trump, like Hitler, is first and foremost a defender of the capitalist / imperialist order and its corporate elite. Germanys elite, at a certain point, threw their weight behind the fascist program, including its racial program, as the most effective way to advance their interests. Those who disagreed kept quiet or were suppressed.

In the U.S., there is a more open, overt split in the power structure, with a section that sees the Trump program as a danger to maintaining the cohesion of an increasingly diverse society, especially at a time when there is a growing dependence on an apartheid labor system.

For example, the devastation caused by a changing climate has increased the demand for cheap, vulnerable labor. In the wake of hurricanes in New Orleans (Katrina), Houston (Harvey), No. Carolina (Florence) and South Florida, (Michael and Irma) large numbers of immigrants were recruited for clean up and reconstruction under conditions that other workers, not living under the threat of deportation and detention, would have refused to accept. This includes wretched living conditions, poor wages, outright wage theft and other abuses. Enforcing these kinds of conditions has always required special laws and special institutions, with ICE always looming large.

An aging population and a declining birth rate are additional factors that favor immigration. For example, there were large influxes of immigrant workers in 1986 with the Simpson Rodino Act and in the mid 1990s in the wake of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) when millions of small farmers and others in Mexico were driven off their lands and livelihoods by a flood of cheap U.S. corn and investment capital, and some headed north across the border. But those are now decades in the past. I was in Salinas last summer visiting a strawberry field during the harvesting. It was apparent that the crews, in this physically demanding work, were fairly old. The supervisor of the crews confided that finding young workers has become a critical issue for their company and he predicted that if that didnt change they would be out of business in a few years. Stories like that are not that difficult to find. Dairy farmers, for example, have been very explicit in their insistence that without an influx of immigrant workers their businesses can not survive.

Trump has sought to assure some wary business groups that he is heeding their concerns. For example, in a meeting with a farmer group at a White House round table last April, Trump promised that their labor needs would be met. Under Trump the H2A contract labor program (once called the Bracero Program) has expanded from 165,000 to 242,000 workers. But some growers expressed distaste for that program as cumbersome, bureaucratic and too costly. Trump assured them he had their backs in words that caused one farmer to remark, He (Trump) has a much better understanding of this than some of the public rhetoric we have seen (sic).

There are reports that the rules in the H2A program that is supposed to guarantee certain basic working conditions and wages for H2A workers are being eased. There are also indications that recruitment of workers, outside the H2A program, is going on in Mexico, and perhaps elsewhere. This would be nothing new since U.S border policy throughout its history has had this duplicitous character pronouncements on defending sacred borders proceeding along with less public measures to ensure that needed cheap labor is ushered across the border.

This past December a bill, The Farm Work Modernization Act passed the House with some bi-partisan support. The bill is designed to stabilize the farm workforce by holding out the promise of legalized status in exchange for years of farm work.

It remains to be seen whether bill makes it into or through the Senate and whether Trump would sign it. But the bill signals to farmers a willingness to take measures to satisfy their desperate need for labor.

Meanwhile Trumps 2021 budget proposal calls for a dramatic expansion of immigrant detention and the governments capacity to take migrant children into custody a $3.1 billion increase to bring detention center capacity to 60,000 at any given time.

The expansion of detention camps, the separation of families, the encaging of children, the threat to flood the streets of Sanctuary cities with elite ICE Bortac (border tactical) units, and moves to punish those cities economically for refusing to fully cooperate with ICE, all serve a dual purpose: They signal Trumps white supremacist base that he is taking care of business, moving to fulfill their ethnic cleansing dreams while fortifying the apparatus of fear and terror among immigrant workers, their families and communities. There is an implicit threat in all this that those who stand in solidarity with immigrants, with the alien race, will be considered traitors to the favored, ie, white race.

Link:

Give the USA its Proper Name - CounterPunch

Lawmakers vote to repeal minimum wage exemption for nannies and maids – Virginia Mercury

Virginia lawmakers finalized passage of legislation Friday that repeals minimum wage exemptions for domestic workers such as maids and nannies.

The advocacy group Care in Action, which advocates nationally for the workers, said Virginia is the first state in the South to adopt such protections.

Weve been waiting for this victory for 400 years, Alexsis Rodgers, the groups state director, said in a statement. Due to the legacy of slavery and Jim Crow era laws, domestic workers were left unprotected and seen as less than compared to other workers. Today, we let Virginia and the rest of the country know that domestic workers are valued workers and must be treated as such.

Domestic workers are already covered by federal minimum wage laws, which mandates workers be paid $7.25 an hour, but the law means the workers will be able to file unpaid wage complaints at the state level.

It also guarantees the workers will be included in any legislation raising the minimum wage at the state level, which lawmakers are still negotiating. Thats one of the reasons Sen. Jennifer McClellan, D-Richmond, said she proposed the legislation as a standalone bill.

We wanted to be sure at a minimum the domestic worker exemption went away, she said.

The legislation does not include au pairs, who are foreign workers who come to the country through a program regulated by the federal government.

Read more here:

Lawmakers vote to repeal minimum wage exemption for nannies and maids - Virginia Mercury

Letters to the Editor: Readers weigh in on Democratic candidates – Charleston Post Courier

Support Warren

I have worked in politics and on campaigns off and on for 20 years, since I was 19, constantly in search of a candidate who is inspirational, wise, thoughtful, brilliant, authentic, idealistic yet realistic, visionary yet practical, tough yet compassionate, a leader of honesty and integrity, a president who is a strong leader yet also one of the people.

I finally found my candidate: Elizabeth Warren.

I have been through a lot these past few years, battling tragedy, loss, illness, just as our country has been through a lot. Warren inspires me, she lifts me up, and she can do that for this whole country.

We need a president who inspires us to believe that great things are still possible, that big dreams are attainable, that hard work pays

off, that no one is left behind, a president who will work to help make these truths, dreams, ideas and ideals a reality for all Americans.

If my mom were still living, she and I would vote for Elizabeth Warren together. I trust Warren to be by the side of all when she is president.

President Elizabeth Warren. Gosh, that sounds awesome! Lets make history, South Carolina. Lets dream big and work hard together.

MICHELLE LINDSEY

Farr Street

Daniel Island

Reflecting on Bernie Sanders recent laudatory comments on the Castro regime in Cuba, I am wondering what good he might find in the Chavez/Maduro dictatorship in Venezuela.

NEWTON KLEMENTS

Confederate Circle

Charleston

I would like to make some comments regarding the Feb. 24 Post and Courier letter to the editor regarding Bernie Sanders for president. I am 70 years old. I am not an attorney, but I have been a CEO or president of several financial companies in my lifetime. Here are my concerns:

Geographic cost of living differences do not support one standard $15-an-hour wage because earners will be impacted differently. Do not forget any rise in wage expense will result in higher prices for goods and services, or lower company profits, which Sanders wants to tax at higher rates to pay for his agenda.

My fathers example to me was to make sacrifices to pay for his childrens education. My first job out of college paid me $500 a month and I saved to ultimately pay for my daughters college education. I am sure millions of other parents did, and do, the same thing. Why is that no longer acceptable?

I depend on Medicare. I have a deductible, have a supplement to help cover the costs Medicare does not cover, have a drug policy to cover what Medicare does not cover. My deductible and premiums went up this year. Dont be fooled: Medicare is not free. Watch what happens when hospitals and doctors have to accept Medicare-approved billing limits when there are no longer private insurers paying the larger charges.

There are not enough billionaires to cover all of what Sanders plans to give us for free.

DOUG MILLER

Old Tavern Court

Mount Pleasant

The next president of the United States will be the commander in chief of our military.

There are only two people running for president that have served in the military. All the others turned their back on this country, but now they want the country to support them.

How can you be commander of something that you know nothing about?

The two people who served are Tulsi Gabbard and Pete Buttigieg, both in combat zones.

If you are a veteran or serving in the military, then you need to vote for one of them. I am giving my vote to Tulsi Gabbard. She seems to be a Christian. So if you are Christian, vote for Ms. Gabbard.

Vote for what is best for this country. Some of the men running for office claim a woman cant be president. If you are a woman, prove them wrong, vote for a woman. I do not know Ms. Gabbard and have never spoken to her.

I just want what is best for my country. Again, forget party this one time.

LARRY BAILEY

Linwood Lane

Summerville

I see The Post and Courier is very interested in S.C. Congressman Jim Clyburns 2020 presidential endorsement.

That is curious, considering the congressmans comments to the media last week when he had the audacity to say that African Americans unemployment during slavery was better than today because, in his words, they were fully employed during slavery.

With many of his voters and constituents forebearers, indeed, being slaves, Clyburn was incredibly insensitive to the district he represents and to the entire nation.

Instead of eagerly awaiting Clyburns endorsement, all candidates should be running from it.

In fact, it seems to me that our congressman is so out of touch with his constituents and the history of slavery that he should not run for reelection himself.

JOHN KUHN

Former state senator

Water Street

Charleston

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Letters to the Editor: Readers weigh in on Democratic candidates - Charleston Post Courier

How to Actually Close the Racial Wealth Gap – CityLab

In Atlanta, a new study found that homes in predominantly black neighborhoods lost value even as homes in predominantly white neighborhoods gained. Chris Rank/Bloomberg Economic plans like Mike Bloombergs assume that boosting black homeownership and entrepreneurs will close racial wealth gaps. New research suggests it wont.

Owning a home and a business has always been central to the American Dream. But recent scholarship has called into question the idea that fulfilling this dream has actually improved African Americans quality of life.

For decades, encouraging African-American homeownership and entrepreneurship has been a common proposal for those who want to narrow the racial wealth gap. In a recent prominent example, Michael Bloomberg unveiled a plan in his presidential campaign to bolster economic outcomes for African Americans that banks on these tools.

(Disclosure: CityLab was recently acquired by Bloomberg LP. Michael Bloomberg is the company's founder and majority owner.)

The top-line goals of the plan, known as the Greenwood Initiative, are creating one million new black homeowners, 100,000 new black businesses, and investing $70 billion in the 100 most disadvantaged neighborhoods of the U.S. The New York Daily News called it an initiative similar to calls for reparations for slavery, and the Bloomberg campaign says it will close the racial wealth gap while saying homeownership in particular is a vital way to build generational wealth and community and is a pillar of the American Dream for many.

Its a worthy effort considering that the homeownership gap between black and white Americans is larger today than it was 50 years ago, before the Fair Housing Act was passed. In fact, the wage gap between black and white workers is also significantly wider now than it was in 2000, despite black wages last year exceeding 2000 levels for the first time since the recession dissipated.

Amongst 2020 Democratic candidates, Warrens and Sanders racial equity plans advocate for more sweeping wealth-redistribution changes, such as the Green New Deal, free universal health care,reparations, and offering federal housing assistance to victims of redlining. The Greenwood Initiative offers federal matching funds for housing down payments in the countrys most disadvantaged communities and offers to streamline housing down-payment programs in general. Its a results-oriented tack thats garnered Bloomberg quite a bit of black support, despite his more reckless record on other issues important to the black community, such as stop-and-frisk policing practices. But its not clear that it will achieve its intended goals.

Several new studies cast doubt on the idea that simply owning homes or businesses can help dissolve racial economic inequities. The first, from a group of University of Georgia geography scholars, concludes that a racial appreciation gap exists in the housing market that hinders African Americans ability to generate wealth through owning a home. The research team analyzed home sale values throughout the city of Atlanta and its immediate suburbs areas that have some of the highest rates of black homeownership and some of the most economically diverse populations of black homeowners in the U.S. and found that houses in predominantly black neighborhoods have failed to appreciate in value since the mortgage crash recovery began. Meanwhile, houses in predominantly white neighborhoods have appreciated considerably.

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By comparing the price of Atlanta homes before the most recent housing boom (from 2000 to 2003) with housing prices during the housing crash recovery (2014 to 2016), they found the largest price upticks occurred in neighborhoods that were at least 75% white and had the highest household incomes. These neighborhoods saw their houses appreciate by $91,414 in the study time period. For white neighborhoods with moderately high incomes, houses appreciated by $71,094, and by $57,742 in low-income white neighborhoods.

In the same time span, black neighborhood housing prices depreciated at every income level: By $22,168 for high-income, by $23,163 in moderate-income, and by $37,686 in low-income black neighborhoods.

That is not to argue that programs designed to lower down payments and reduce interest rates on home loans should not be pursued, reads the study, published this month in the International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. It is rather to stress that the persistence of a racial appreciation gap severely constrains the ability of such mechanisms to abate racial wealth inequality.

Racial segregation also plays a role in how companies are perceived by customers, and their profitability. A new study from the Brookings Institution found a correlation between positive Yelp reviews and revenue growth but not for minority-owned businesses. In fact, the businesses located in majority-black neighborhoods with the highest Yelp ratings actually saw less revenue growth between 2016 and 2019 than poorly reviewed businesses located in predominantly white neighborhoods. Thats true regardless of the race of the owner, which means the revenue gap is likely a function of racial segregation people spending less money with a business because of the black racial composition of the community.

Overall, the researchers found a 2% annual revenue gap between businesses in non-Black-majority neighborhoods and Black-majority neighborhoods, amounting to $1.3 billion in unrealized revenue each year, reads the report. This gap jumps to $3.9 billion when comparing highly-rated businesses in Black-majority neighborhoods with highly-rated businesses in other neighborhoods.

Racial segregation in both the housing and credit-finance markets have perpetuated the racial appreciation and revenue gaps described by the studies above. And Anne Price, president of the Insight Center for Community Economic Development, argues in a new paper that without reconstructing the systems that created those gaps in the first place, there will be little improvement in black lives mattering.

Focusing exclusively on closing the gap distracts us from reckoning with the systemic economic decisions that are actually driving racial wealth inequality and thus hinders us from addressing its root causes, she writes in her report, Dont Fixate on the Racial Wealth Gap.

Case in point: The same systems that helped black families buy homes and open businesses are the ones that foreclosed on those homes and businesses, particularly during the housing and finance crashes of 2008. Prices report points out that after the housing market collapse, cities with large black populations began increasing their reliance on criminal fines and court fees to plug budget holes, which in many places had a disproportionate effect on African Americans. Passing laws that eliminate voter suppression, strengthen labor laws, dissolve mass incarceration and curb corporate power all the myriad ways in which forces have extracted wealth from African Americans is a more important emphasis, Price argues.

If we focus on the structural, then we can think about this beyond just the pure financial measure of looking at a dollar amount, but rather focusing on all the kinds of less-tangible areas that wealth bestows, Price told CityLab, such as allowing us greater kinds of decision-making and less-constrained choices, which enables us to live much more dignified lives.

Warrens and Sanders plans to address racial justice issues tap a bit more into the structural revolutions that Price calls for. They both have explicit promises to end redlining, in all of its forms (though their solutions, too, may not quite be tailored to solve the problem), while Bloomberg seemed to be struggling in 2008 with what the real deleterious impacts of redlining have been for black communities.

Warren and Sanders are also both co-sponsors of a bill to create a commission to study reparations (as is fellow presidential candidate Amy Klobuchar), which Price believes is one of the most impactful policies on the table, along with a reconfiguration of the finance and credit structures that have produced the racial imbalances. The University of Georgia scholars, too, conclude that only comprehensive policies like reparations can provide meaningful fixes to wealth gaps.

Policymakers should challenge its fundamental assumptions and ask why it is homeownership an institution irrevocably imbued with racism that is the suggested path to financial security in the first place, they write. Why not a more robust social welfare system that would render the accumulation of personal wealth redundant? ...Why not a comprehensive reparations program?

Bloomberg supports the legislation to study reparations for African Americans, according to a campaign aide, but has otherwise been mum on the topic. (Joe Biden and Pete Buttigieg also support studying reparations.) His Greenwood Initiative and Wall Street reform plans do call for programs that suss out race and gender bias in the credit and finance industries, as well as a shoring up of laws such as the Consumer Reinvestment Act.

In a statement, a Bloomberg campaign aide added: The studies you cite make a valuable point: Measures aimed directly at closing the racial wealth gap such as increasing ownership of homes and businesses will fall short on their own, in the absence of policies to address its root causes. The aid says thats why Bloombergs plan incorporates measures to defend civil rights, reverse systematic discrimination and make major investments in areas such as early childhood, health, education, infrastructure, environment and employment.

Despite plans that are more overtly progressive, Warren and Sanders both trail Bloomberg nationally among prospective black voters according to the latest (February 10) Quinnipiac poll. Not only that, but Bloomberg has picked up the endorsement of several high-profile black leaders, most recently, former Baltimore Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake and dozens of current black mayors. Among those is Houston Mayor Sylvester Turner, who announced his support at the height of the fallout over Bloombergs leaked stop-and-frisk comments, and currently chairs the Bloomberg campaigns infrastructure team.

Asked why she supports Bloomberg in a recent New Yorker interview, Washington, D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser, who is a Bloomberg national co-chair, said that black voters want to know, What is your plan for black America? How are you going to create more black homeownership and close the income gap between blacks and whites? What are you going to do to create jobs and help small businesses grow?

Another explanation is that Bloomberg is offering distinct benchmarks that voters can hold him accountable on, according to Black Economic Alliance co-chair Charles Phillips, who is also the board chair for Infor, one of the worlds largest business software applications companies. The Black Economic Alliance is a non-partisan organization comprised of African Americans focused on improving the economic outcomes of black communities. It includes among its advisory board black figures across the political spectrum, from former Demos president Heather McGhee to former Republican National Committee chair Michael Steele.

The BEA endorsed Bloombergs Greenwood Initiative on January 20, saying it has the breadth and vision ... designed to address the disparities particularly economic that have long stifled the dreams and aspirations of Black Americans.

It was one of the first African-American organizations to publicly show support, though its endorsement was purely for the plan, not the candidate. However, Phillips says none of the Alliances members have recanted support for Bloombergs economic plan since stories of his controversial past surfaced, nor have any of their donors pulled funding.

We liked [Bloombergs] numbers, said Phillips. What we were looking for is specifics in the plans and quantified goals. Its hard to hold people accountable to something if you dont have a specific target and scoreboard to measure them by. So, to take the Bloomberg plan, hes committed to one million new black homeowners in the next decade and 100,000 new black-owned businesses. The big one is the $70 billion in the top 100 most-disadvantaged neighborhoods in the country to invest in job centers and help entrepreneurs. Those are tangible things that you can point to and track year-by-year.

Price said that African-American support of Bloombergs plan could be explained by investment in the American Dream narrative that personal labor, education, and checkbook-balancing skills best dictate a persons economic destiny. She points to the Project Mosaic survey conducted by The Groundwork Collective last year, which sought to explain how black and Latinx Americans understand their economic experiences. In that survey, when asked what single factor most contributed to their economic status, black adults were more likely to say it was their personal drive and persistence rather than experiences with racism and race-based discrimination college-educated African Americans were the most likely to cite personal drive.

I think this speaks to why African Americans are resonating with Bloombergs policy platform, said Price. This perspective deserves greater interrogation and understanding.

CORRECTION: Due to an error in the Brookings Institutions study, an earlier version of this story misstated the percent difference in annual revenue between businesses in non-black-majority neighborhoods and black-majority neighborhoods. It is 2%.

Brentin Mock is a staff writer at CityLab. He was previously the justice editor at Grist.

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How to Actually Close the Racial Wealth Gap - CityLab

South Carolina Was Supposed to Give Black Issues a Spotlight. The Primary Failed Them. – Mother Jones

The Forest Lake Country Club, a white facade on a picturesque lake just north of Columbia, South Carolina, has welcomed the state capitals white elite for nearly 100 years. Among the members of this bastion of segregation is South Carolinas governor, Republican Henry McMaster. He was reportedly a member when he served as a US attorney in the 1980s, launching his political career as a foot soldier in the war on drugs; when he served as chairman of the state Republican Party in the 1990s; when he became lieutenant governor in 2014; and when he ascended to the governors mansion in 2017. That year, the club finally admitted its first Black member. Like the Confederate flag that billowed over the capitol until 2015, it remains a symbol of the politics of South Carolina, a place where power stays in the hands of white politicians who insulate themselves from any challenge through gerrymandering and a photo ID law. Privilege has its memberships.

But every four or eight years, Democrats hold a presidential primary that gives African Americans in the state a voice. Anyone hoping to win South Carolinas Democratic primary has to make an effort to connect with the states African American voters, seek the support of local officialsthe only elected officials in the state who are Blackand elevate the needs of that community.

This year, though, the primary seems to have largely failed South Carolinas Black voters. Although the candidates and the party speak about race in sharper, less halting terms than ever before and have crafted several policies to match that rhetoric, the outreach itself wasnt sustained, often felt awkward, and failed to connect with a community that needs more support from its partyand which will be crucial to defeating Donald Trump in November. On the day of the primary, Black voters overwhelmingly supported Joe Bidens presidential bid, giving him a big win in the state and perhaps signaling to Super Tuesday voters that theres still juice in his campaign. Exit polls showed that the endorsement of Rep. Jim Clyburn, the states most prominent Democrat and one of the most influential African Americans in Congress, played a significant role in consolidating Black support behind Biden. Almost half of all primary voters Saturday pointed to Clyburns endorsement as a major influence in their decision.

Biden, the former vice president, had premised his entire campaign on the support of South Carolinas Black population. His frequent presence in the state for decades and his relationships with local leaders, as well as his having served alongside President Barack Obama, were supposed to elevate him above the field. And initial polls showed he was right. But political operatives in the state felt the Biden campaign took that support for granted. According to the Post-Courierevent tracker, Biden spent considerably less time in the state than many other candidates. Rather than tending to his relationships in South Carolina, he left them to wither. Clyburn didnt offer his endorsement until Wednesday.

The primary calendar incentivizes candidates to spend more time in Iowa and New Hampshire. But winning the support of Black voters in South Carolina requires an attention to retail politicking, the better to build and sustain relationships. For a population too often taken for granted, it makes sense to trust the person you know and not the one who blows in with a flurry of plans they may or may not actually intend to implement. Biden had these relationships, but he coasted on them and saw his support here decline precipitously in the wake of his poor showings in Iowa and New Hampshire. He was running a general election campaign, and he himself was not spending sufficient time here, says Clay Middleton, who ran the South Carolina campaigns of Barack Obama in 2008 and Hillary Clinton in 2016, noting that Bidens strong performances this week in the debate and a CNN town hall the following day had buoyed his campaign. If he had been doing things along the way, his drop would not have been as significant.

His absence created room for other candidates. Initially, Sens. Cory Booker and Kamala Harris, both African Americans, invested heavily in the state and visited often, making efforts to attract young Black voters at the states many historically Black colleges and universities. Former Rep. Beto ORourke likewise spent a lot of time here. When all three dropped out before the voting started, they left a void. Efforts to reach Black voters the week before the primary met with poor results. In North Charleston, Pete Buttigieg arrived at a community discussion about investing in Black communities on Monday to find an overwhelmingly white audience waiting for him. On Wednesday, Elizabeth Warrens Charleston rally with John Legend attracted an almost entirely white crowd. In Columbia on Friday, a rap duo and a lineup of all Black speakers introduced Bernie Sanders to a predominately white crowd.

I bet if the calendar were reversed and South Carolina were the first of the four, Cory Booker and Kamala Harris would still be in the race, because attention is not provided the way it should be down here, says Middleton, who advised Bookers campaign in South Carolina this cycle. Before people run for president, they need to develop relationships down here so if and when they do run, they have a base to go to.

The most aggressive outreach to African Americans ultimately came from billionaire Tom Steyer, who drowned the state in an estimated $18 million worth of television ads while his paid canvassers crisscrossed the state. The candidate has run on issues of importance to Black people here, pointing to environmental catastrophes in minority communities and the lack of health care in rural areas, and calling for reparations for slavery, among many others. But these were gestures, and the campaigns heavy-handed talking points papered over a policy platform that falls short of dealing with many of these problems. Despite a plan to invest in struggling historically Black colleges and universities, for example, Steyer doesnt have a plan for free or debt-free college. His outreach attracted enough support among African Americans to help him to a third-place finish, but it wasnt enough to salvage his struggling campaign. He dropped out on Saturday, with little to show for his efforts. His only memorable moment came the night before, at a rally in an HBCU gym in Columbia that more closely resembled a night out at the club, with flashing lights, a DJ, and rapper Juvenile, along with a lot of free food. At one point, the candidate danced awkwardly on stage to Juveniles Back That Azz Up.

Whereas Steyer performed his dedication to the Black community, Pete Buttigieg took a more cerebral approach. On the trail, Buttigieg repeatedly acknowledged that he didnt share, as he put it during Tuesdays debate, the lived experience of, for example, walking down the street, or in a mall, and feeling feeling eyes on us, regarding us as dangerous. He told crowds that he approached the issue with humility and was ready to learn, which was perhaps the only possible route for a candidate dogged with questions about his handling of racial strife and discrimination as mayor of South Bend, Indiana. His campaign released a comprehensive plan to lift the fortunes and political power of African Americans, which he calls his Douglass Plan. Buttigieg put more time into the state than most of the remaining candidates, however, and it paid off in ways that are not readily apparent in the largely white makeup of his town hall audiences this weekalthough not enough to ultimately put a dent in Bidens support.

In the Greenville area, for example, the campaign organized early by holding house parties, attending church services, and building relationships to introduce their unknown, unlikely candidate to an electorate that seemed unlikely in turn to welcome hima continuation of a strategy deployed in other early states in which Buttigieg has turned to more rural communities to scoop up delegates. The campaigns investment encouraged Jalen Elrod, a Black community organizer who serves as the first vice chair of the Greenville County Democrats, to endorse Buttigieg earlier this month. I told Pete Buttigiegit wasnt really because of him as a candidate that I got on board, Elrod said. Its really because of the work his team has done here. Buttigieg has also won support from members of a younger generation of Black activists here, including state Rep. J.A. Moore and Walter Clyburn Reed, Rep. Jim Clyburns grandson. But Buttigieg stillfinished in a distant fourth place.

Outwardly, at least, Elizabeth Warren did everything right. She could boast the most impactful racial justice plans, according to the Center for Urban and Racial Equality, and she has stitched those plans into a holistic program that acknowledges the insidious legacy of slavery without portraying Black voters as only caring about a small basket of issues like criminal justice reform.* She has won the support of Black activists and had the help of a powerful surrogate, Rep. Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts, in her efforts to woo Black women. On paper, she looked greatbut that was the problem. On paper. Support among Black voters in the state never materialized in part because Warren didnt materialize. She did fewer events in South Carolina than Tim Ryan, who dropped out in October.

If anyone should have learned the lesson that relationships and time count for more than policies, it is Sanders. Four years ago, the frontrunner lost South Carolina by nearly 50 points to Hillary Clinton, someone with longstanding relationships in the state. This cycle, Sanders visited more than many of the other candidates, won over local officials, and had an impressive canvassing operation. His rhetoric, too, has changed in subtle ways, and he is more at ease now talking about the racial dimensions of inequality. Polls show that this outreach has gotten results, but as Middleton notes, he might have done better if he had tailored his approach to the needs of the older African American population by holding more intimate events rather than rallies. Because he does not do any retail politics, older folks dont feel like he comes across as a warm person, he said. On primary night, Sanders fell far short of where his campaign hoped he would be.

Five days before the primary, a coalition of mostly Black activists and minimum-wage workers staged a rally for a $15 minimum wage and union membership before marching to a McDonalds where the workers were striking. The event was meant to spotlight the poverty wages being paid to so many workers in the state, many of them Black. The Fight for $15 movement has attracted support from Democratic politicians throughout the primary season, but of all the candidates converging on Charleston, only Buttigieg bothered to show up in person. Warren and Sanders sent surrogates.

The next night was the states Democratic debate. It was supposed to focus on issues of particular importance to Black Americans. Instead it was dominated by chaos and bickering. This was, in miniature, the story of the South Carolina primary, which seemed at times to forget about the very people the candidates were trying to win over.

Correction: An earlier version of this article cited the wrong think tanks evaluation of Elizabeth Warrens racial justice plans. It was the Center for Urban and Racial Equality.

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South Carolina Was Supposed to Give Black Issues a Spotlight. The Primary Failed Them. - Mother Jones

Read all over – The Journal

We would be remiss, especially now, when the Democratic Party is poised to go farther left than it has been before, if we did not observe the 172nd birthday of the Communist Manifesto, published in London on Feb. 21, 1848.

The pamphlet, written by Karl Marx and the libertine industrialist Friedrich Engels, proclaimed the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. It posited that this struggle would inevitably end all struggles with the triumph of the working class over capitalism. It was slow to catch on at first, but by 1950, almost half the worlds population was living and languishing under Marxist governments.

The manifesto is easy to malign now given what eventually followed in its train, including the hoax of scientific Marxism, but its publication is still a pivotal event in the history of ideas. The standard take is that Marxism is a useful critique of capitalism, even if it is not a substitute for it, any more than you can replace a blender with monkey bars. When Bernie Sanders at the Las Vegas debate said, You know what, Mr. Bloomberg, it wasnt you who made all that money. Maybe your workers played some role in that, he was building on Marxs theory of surplus labor value.

Marx was the first ideologue. Ideology was the creation of Antoine Destutt, a French count and a proponent of the French Revolution until he was caught up in the Terror and imprisoned. With time on his hands, Destutt coined the term ideology for a philosophy that valued individual liberty, property and free markets. Napoleon Bonaparte turned it into a term of abuse for his liberal enemies. Decades later, Marx followed suit, calling Tracy an ideologue and his ideology a fish-blooded bourgeois doctrine and in that moment, Marx owned it in ideologys modern sense of a reductive world view. Marxs first enemy was not capitalism; it was the liberals who countenanced it.

His ideas had tremendous appeal from the start because they were so strikingly original. In the 1850s, he wrote many of the editorials in The New York Tribune, a paper Abraham Lincoln read and which shaped Lincolns view of the preeminence of labor. Marx supported the abolition of slavery in America, as did Lincoln, but Lincoln could not go as far as Marx in believing wage labor was the same thing. For Marx, racism did not exist in the class struggle, any more than morality was real.

In his preface to the English edition of the manifesto in 1888, Engels, who closely guarded Marxs reputation and also led Marxists into some of their more inane and destructive propositions, said he believed the work would do for history what Darwins theory has done for biology.

That is still debatable. Marxism has influenced the writing of history for the better and the worse. But down to the present, it is the confusion of the principles of Marxism with science and the war on liberalism that has defined the left. It is the savagery of the closed mind which covers itself in a mantle of compassion.

After Sanders won the Nevada caucuses last weekend, he tweeted: Ive got news for the Republican establishment. Ive got news for the Democratic establishment. They cant stop us.

In response, the liberal-progressive black filmmaker Ava DuVernay tweeted: Im undecided. But I know this isnt what I want.

As night follows day, Sanders supporters said things to DuVernay such as, How to get yourself on the guillotine list 101. Asked to explain how they could savage a black woman for speaking her mind, one Sanders soldier said, There is no racism in the class struggle.

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Read all over - The Journal

Amazon Go Grocery: This Is The Future Of Shopping, Whether We Like It Or Not – Forbes

SEATTLE, WA - FEBRUARY 26: A shopper enters Amazon Go Grocery on February 26, 2020 in Seattle, ... [+] Washington. The store in Seattle's Capitol Hill neighborhood is Amazon's first large retail grocery location that uses the cashier-free model. (Photo by David Ryder/Getty Images)

Amazon has unveiled its Amazon Go Grocery in Seattle, expanding the initial concept of a store without tills, evolving from a simple convenience store selling a few products to a practically complete supermarket with sections of various types, including fresh products.

This is the next phase of Amazons Just walk out technology and its application to more complex shopping contexts, ridiculing the skeptics lightweight arguments against it. The value proposition here is clear: as you take the items off the shelves, you place them in your trolley in the same bags you will use to take them home. Go in, take what you want, and walk out the door, without standing in line. It couldnt be simpler.

Whats more, the lower costs involved mean Amazon can offer its customers better prices than its rivals. But what Amazon really wants to do is to offer its customers a better experience, one that requires taking full advantage of the new technological environment. The complaints of the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union (UFCW), which has criticized the company for jeopardizing millions of quality jobs and has threatened to make this a campaign issue in the November 2020 elections, ignore the fact that Amazon is actually the company that has created the most jobs in the United States in recent years, more than half a million, and also tends to pay its employees, even at the lowest levels, significantly above the industry average.

When the company launched its first store in beta mode exclusively for employees, I noted that there are more than three and a half million supermarket cashiers in the United States who are paid an average of $10.78 an hour (the minimum wage at Amazon is $15 an hour), with no formal education requirement, and with an estimated decline of -4% for the decade from 2018 to 2028. These forecasts do not seem to take into account the effects of the development and possible generalization of a technology such as Amazons, as well as the need for other competitors in the distribution field to incorporate similar technologies if they do not want to go out of business.

The future of distribution does not include workers on tills doing a job that, while it may seem reasonably dignified today, makes no sense. When, in a few decades, we tell our grandchildren that people used to work as cashiers in supermarkets and describes what they did in their day-to-day life, those youngsters will see that as a kind of slavery.

Eliminating jobs makes sense when they impose repetitive and dehumanizing routines on us and because they result in lower productivity and more errors than a machine produces. Ultimately, a technology like this does not seek to eliminate jobs, but to put humans where they really add value, rather than by carrying out meaningless mechanical tasks.

Amazons scaling up from small shops to large supermarkets is just another step in a process that, whether some like it or not, is called progress. This is what has led to the disappearance of many jobs that seemed normal in previous centuries and today we would consider meaningless. And there will be many more to come. How is the world economy going to accommodate the disappearance of more and more jobs? Are we going to console ourselves by thinking that a similar or greater number of other types of jobs will be magically created in the future?

In this race for efficient automation, supermarket cashiers will soon be joined by drivers, brokers, assembly line workers and an ever-increasing range of jobs, while society will have to deal with the paradox that greater wealth generation through machine work may result in widespread impoverishment. To prevent this we need to redefine the social contract. Until we understand this, we will continue to try to measure the economy with the wrong indicators, criticizing interesting initiatives, reverting to religious approaches such as in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread, and repeating the mistakes of the past.

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Amazon Go Grocery: This Is The Future Of Shopping, Whether We Like It Or Not - Forbes

Wage slavery – Wikiquote

Wage slavery is a pejorative term used to draw an analogy between slavery and wage labor by focusing on similarities between owning and renting a person.

Slavery exists in full vigor, but we do not perceive it, just as in Europe at the end of the Eighteenth Century the slavery of serfdom was not perceived.

People of that day thought that the position of men obliged to till the land for their lords, and to obey them, was a natural, inevitable, economic condition of life, and they did not call it slavery.

It is the same among us: people of our day consider the position of the laborer to be a natural, inevitable economic condition, and they do not call it slavery. And as, at the end of the Eighteenth Century, the people of Europe began little by little to understand that what formerly seemed a natural and inevitable form of economic life-namely, the position of peasants who were completely in the power of their lords-was wrong, unjust and immoral, and demanded alteration, so now people today are beginning to understand that the position of hired workmen, and of the working classes in general, which formerly seemed quite right and quite normal, is not what it should be, and demands alteration.

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Wage slavery - Wikiquote

Five Slave Rebellions and Acts of Resistance They Forgot To Mention – Black State

When American kids learn about slavery if they learn anything at all about slavery, they do not learn about the resistance and fight against slavery by those who were enslaved. Captured human beings did in fact wage many uprisings against the slave republic that was the southern United States. Although it took the Civil War to overthrow state sponsored slavery, we want to give a shout to those who fought and died to destroy the regime plantation by plantation. Let us at least attempt to put to rest the myth of the docile slave. A review of slavery uprisings, reveal that our ancestors captured from their homeland and enslaved in a foreign land were anything but docile they were fighters who watched their captors, and when the opportunity presented itself they fought or died trying.

5. Stono Rebellion

Stono Rebellion was a slave uprising that began in the then British colony of South Carolina in September 1739. It was the largest slave uprising in the British mainland colonies with approximately 25 white slave owners killed. Led by a man named Cato, who with 60 other slaves who may have been soldiers in the Kingdom of Kongo headed south to Florida to secure their freedom. At the time the Spanish offered freedom to those enslaved in Florida. Although they were ultimately defeated by a militia, their uprising created great fear in South Carolina which at the time had a larger slave population than free. This led to the Negro Act of 1740 which among many things prohibited the assembly of enslaved Africans, and prohibited learning to write, earn money, and raise food.

4. Igbo Landing

In May 1803 75 captured Igbo from modern day Nigeria upon arrival to the U.S. captured and killed their enslavers, causing the grounding of the slave ship. Instead of submitting to slavery, the Igbo turned around and marched back to Africa. These ancestors chose to drown in the marsh over a life of slavery. Igbo landing is now a historic site in the sand and marshes of Dunbar Creek in St. Simons Island, Georgia.

3. 1811 German Coast Slave Uprising

The countrys largest slave revolt had been largely omitted by the history books. In January 1811 slaves from what was known as the German coast of Louisiana organized and set out to march to New Orleans and end slavery. Upwards of 500 slaves participated in two day twenty mile march, killing captors, burning plantations and crops along the way. Although, the uprising was ultimately defeated by an army militia. The silence of this history is the legacy of this uprising. It so threatened the slave-ocracy it was the Voldemort of slave rebellions, it could not be spoken of again. On November 8-9, 2019, this uprising was reenacted, bringing again to life the history and recognition who gave their life to end slavery.

2. Poison and Arson

Often not mention in the history of slavery is to the extent to which captives being held as slaves chose the weapons of poison and arson to free themselves.

Poison

Poison was at times used as the weapon of choice in eliminating slave masters. In 1751 South Carolina enacted a law providing the death penalty without benefit of clergy for slaves found guilty of poisoning white people. Georgia passed a similar law in 1770 citing the frequency of poisoning slave masters.

Arson

Arson also posed a huge threat to the slave-ocracy including the remaining remnants in the North. For instance, although New York was on its way to outlawing slavery, For people being held in captivity in Albany, things were not moving fast enough enough. So in November 1793 they burned half the city of Albany down. In March and April of 1814 the city of Norfolk, Virginia was plagued by fires several times a day creating a panic in the city.

Arson was more frequent than poison and according to some scholars represented the greatest danger to Southern society.

1. Im out. Runaway is rebellion.

Americans for the most part know that many people held as slaves escaped, risking life and the life of the family they left behind in leaving the brutal conditions of slavery. But as a culture we fail to connect these acts in their totality. They were not mere individual acts, these acts of defiance when seen as a collective tell a different story. There were networks for escaped people who were held as slaves, and there were heroes like the great Harriet Tubman who led many to freedom. Consider the words of the great historian John Hope Franklin, Runaway Slaves: Rebels on the Plantation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

Few contemporaries would deny the cruel and brutal treatment accorded to those who defied the system. Slaves escaped with the mark of the whip on their backs irons on their ankles, brands on their cheeks and foreheads, and missing fingers and toes. Joe, Bill, and Isaac left the Richard Terell farm in Roanoke County, Virginia, with Irons around their necks.

Escaping the horrors of slavery was too an act of defiance thats due recognition as such.

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Five Slave Rebellions and Acts of Resistance They Forgot To Mention - Black State

Slave trafficking diplomat protected by diplomatic immunity, court holds in Basfar v Wong – Lexology

Issues

The judgment by the Employment Appeal Tribunal (EAT) focused on two issues: that of precedent, and whether Ms Wong's employment by Mr Basfar can be categorised as 'commercial activity' under Article 31(1) of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations 1961 (1961 Convention) as enacted under s.2(1) Diplomatic Privileges Act 1964. For the benefit of the readership, this article focuses on the second issue.

1961 Convention

Article 31(1) states:

'1. A diplomatic agent shall enjoy immunity from the criminal jurisdiction of the receiving State. He shall also enjoy immunity from its civil and administrative jurisdiction except in the case of

(c) an action relating to any professional or commercial activity exercised by the diplomatic agent in the receiving State outside his official functions.'

Background

Ms Wong (Claimant), of Philippine nationality, was employed by Mr Basfar (Respondent) who was a diplomat serving in Saudi Arabia who subsequently moved to the UK. Claimant she was a victim of international trafficking, exploited by the Respondent and his family, and her working conditions in the UK could only be described as amounting to modern slavery.

Claimant brought various claims in the employment tribunal including wrongful dismissal, failure to pay the National Minimum Wage, unlawful deduction of wages, claims under the Working Time Regulations 1998 and others. The Respondent contended that the tribunal had no jurisdiction to hear the claims as he was protected by diplomatic immunity as Claimant's employment was not a 'commercial activity outside his official functions'. Employment Tribunal refused to strike out the claims, rejecting the defence of diplomatic immunity.

EAT decision

It held as a preliminary that the law of diplomatic immunity should resist "the natural impulse to provide legal redress for victims of this abhorrent trade" as the "countervailing issues of high international policy" should hold sway over such concerns.

In Reyes v Al-Malki, the facts of which were very similar to this case, the Court of Appeal (CA) found that the employment of a domestic servant was not a commercial activity nor was it exercised outside of a diplomat's official functions therefore the diplomat was immune from suit. On appeal to the Supreme Court (SC), however, it was overturned but on a different ground. EAT held that in such instances the judgment of CA on the issue of commercial activity was not binding.

Having so held EAT then went on to observe that the CA judgment in Reyes on commercial activity nevertheless represented the current law on the issue. Therefore it held that employment and trafficking of the Claimant was not a commercial activity and the diplomat was immune from suit.

Comment

Somewhat puzzling judgment but the significance of the case meant that it has been leapfrogged to the Supreme Court for consideration. We will keep you up to date with its development in the coming months.

Basfar v Wong UKEAT/0223/19/BA

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Slave trafficking diplomat protected by diplomatic immunity, court holds in Basfar v Wong - Lexology

Why The Right Should Make Immigration A Race IssueAnd How – The Federalist

Over the past few years reports by BuzzFeed News and American Affairs described how some businesses try to hire low-wage immigrants over Americans. They post job ads, as required by the H-2 guest worker program, but in towns far from the job site. They ask for Spanish-speaking workers although the work is in a non-Hispanic area. They set strict requirements that only Americans must meet. Some flat-out say they never hire U.S. workers.

These practices have resulted in multiple complaints from Legal Aid, legal briefs filed with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), and at least one instance of federal imprisonment.

Derrick Green was a casualty of these practices. In 2012 the father of six was fired by Hamilton Growers after just three weeks of picking squash. Greens quick dismissal reflected a pattern. According to the EEOC, in 2009 Hamilton Growers fired or pushed out the overwhelming majority of Americans while few Mexican guest workers met that fate.

Something similar happened in 2010 and 2011. The next farm Green worked for also preferred guest workers over Americans, and he was fired after a few days.

Farms and other low-wage employers often argue they need low-wage immigrants to keep costs down. That argument, however, must be weighed against the fact that mass low-wage immigration hurts American workers, especially poorer ones. Research supports this idea.

A 2016 National Academy of Sciences report stated that a high degree of consensus exists thatspecific groups are more vulnerable than others to inflows of new immigrants. The NAS report identifies nine studies that show harms to Americans with low levels of education.

Given Americas racial politics, it makes sense that the left tends to ignore the racial dimensions of low-wage immigration. You see, Green, and most of the workers fired by Hamilton Growers, are black. Two-dozen black people also brought a lawsuit against J&R Baker Farms. A former employee said they got rid of their black workers in 2010. A supervisor at Hamilton Growers once allegedly said: all you black American people, f you alljust go to the office and pick up your check.

Since blacks are disproportionately represented among poorly educated Americans, they bear the brunt of low-wage immigration. The left, which claims to be both pro-black Americans and pro-low-wage immigration, of course downplays this tension.

Conservatives also downplay this tension. We dont highlight enough how much low-wage immigration harms poor African-Americans. This omission is political malpractice.Republican pollster Patrick Ruffini showed that speaking to working-class minorities70 percent of whom dont have a college degreeis the best way for Republicans to adapt a diversifying America. Simply put, we must become the party of the entire working class, not just the white working class.

To get from here to there, conservatives should recognize that as long as it doesnt cannibalize other ways of understanding our country, and that Americas worst moments dont define us, theres nothing intrinsically wrong with using a racial lens. The fact that the left overuses this analysis does not mean we should underuse it.

Unfortunately, decades of missteps have made us inept at discussing race. Since were going to have to start doing so more, and to learn along the way, we should choose our battles carefully. When doing something new, you must crawl before you walk. We should thus engage on issues that play to our strengths and on which voters already trust us.

Low-wage immigration is perfect in this regard. We almost have no choice but to double down on the issue. Opposition to low-wage immigration will define conservatives for the indefinite future. So we may as well use it to reach black votersthe minority group we should prioritize outreach to.

Further, low-wage immigration is an issue we know how to discuss. When we engage with black Americans, we will be able to reframe a message were already good at delivering.

Conservatives also have well-fleshed out policies to address low-wage immigration. For all the intra-right disagreements, there is a conservative approach to immigration that can rely on decades of right-leaning policy research.

The political calculus is also simpler. Both the left and right agree that many blacks oppose low-wage immigration. So not only does this topic keep our coalition intact, it raises tension within the Democratic one. Especially since Democrats have gone all-in on open borders, blacks who care about this issue have only one viable option, unlike on issues such as lowering crime sentences.

Leftists act as if black politics consists only of police brutality, Civil War statues, and reparations. But low-wage immigration deeply affects blacks and should also be a black issue. Its our job to make the connection.

Consider the liberal trope that American institutions are racist and were designed to hurt blacks. On hearing these arguments, conservatives usually just protest. Although protest may be necessary, it doesnt have to end there. It would be smarter to concede that general point then pivot to immigration.

We should not be afraid of this concession. American slavery was uniquely evil, and its legacy has clearly shaped many American institutions. Although specific liberal arguments can be overwrought, this point is uncontroversial.

If all American institutions are rooted in slavery and discriminate against black people, that includes all institutions, including immigration policy. We should force liberals to explain why they have ignored this, and highlight that people who look like Green are the main victims of our anti-black immigration system.

We must stress how much African-Americans need policies like border security and e-Verify. More than any other group, they need a tight low-wage labor market, and will benefit from conservative immigration policies. Leftist immigration policies have a profound disparate impact against blacks, something we should repeat mercilessly.

We can we also use immigration to expand the debates about reparations. African-Americans themselves dont agree on what it means, and its often viewed as much more than cutting a check. Both scholars and activists argue that reparations must address underlying structures.

That is why social policies as diverse as voting rights, health care, housing policy, student debt, and small business loans have all been framed as reparations. Immigration is always missing from this sort of analysis. But if housing policy and health care can be viewed as reparations, then so can e-Verify. The RAISE Act is a much better reparations bill than anything Democrats have offered.

Centering black outreach on immigration is not just smart politics. Making these arguments will allow us to engage with race in America on our own terms. Instead of running away from the topic, we would broaden our national conversation. America would no longer able to reduce black people to the issues that leftists choose.

Black Americans have always debated how to best achieve economic progress. Many reasonably believe that fighting racism must lead this struggle. But other prefer to focus on socioeconomics directly. Perhaps nothing better illustrates this intra-black tension than the official name of Martin Luther King Jr.s famous 1963 gathering: March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.

The point here is not to settle this dispute, but to highlight that African-Americans themselves disagree on whether fighting white racism is more important than fighting for black jobs. Democrats have chosen the first path. Until now we have chosen neither, which helps explain why we lose black voters by such a staggering margin.

But there is a sizable black market for the other path, and we should try to reach them. Nationalism and opposition to low-wage immigration will help. At its core, these positions are about valuing all Americans and their jobs before others. This message will resonate with many black Americans.

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Why The Right Should Make Immigration A Race IssueAnd How - The Federalist

Our view: Another celebration for the Berners – The Durango Herald

We would be remiss, especially now, when the Democratic Party is poised to go farther left than it has been before, if we did not observe the 172nd birthday of the Communist Manifesto, published in London on Feb. 21, 1848.

The pamphlet, written by Karl Marx and the libertine industrialist Friedrich Engels, proclaimed the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. It posited that this struggle would inevitably end all struggles with the triumph of the working class over capitalism. It was slow to catch on at first, but by 1950, almost half the worlds population was living and languishing under Marxist governments.

The manifesto is easy to malign now given what eventually followed in its train, including the hoax of scientific Marxism, but its publication is still a pivotal event in the history of ideas. The standard take is that Marxism is a useful critique of capitalism, even if it is not a substitute for it, any more than you can replace a blender with monkey bars. When Bernie Sanders at the Las Vegas debate said, You know what, Mr. Bloomberg, it wasnt you who made all that money. Maybe your workers played some role in that, he was building on Marxs theory of surplus labor value.

Marx was the first ideologue. Ideology was the creation of Antoine Destutt, a French count and a proponent of the French Revolution until he was caught up in the Terror and imprisoned. With time on his hands, Destutt coined the term ideology for a philosophy that valued individual liberty, property and free markets. Napoleon Bonaparte turned it into a term of abuse for his liberal enemies. Decades later, Marx followed suit, calling Tracy an ideologue and his ideology a fish-blooded bourgeois doctrine and in that moment, Marx owned it in ideologys modern sense of a reductive world view. Marxs first enemy was not capitalism; it was the liberals who countenanced it.

His ideas had tremendous appeal from the start because they were so strikingly original. In the 1850s, he wrote many of the editorials in The New York Tribune, a paper Abraham Lincoln read and which shaped Lincolns view of the preeminence of labor. Marx supported the abolition of slavery in America, as did Lincoln, but Lincoln could not go as far as Marx in believing wage labor was the same thing.For Marx, racism did not exist in the class struggle, any more than morality was real.

In his preface to the English edition of the manifesto in 1888, Engels, who closely guarded Marxs reputation and also led Marxists into some of their more inane and destructive propositions, said he believed the work would do for history what Darwins theory has done for biology.

That is still debatable. Marxism has influenced the writing of history for the better and the worse. But down to the present, it is the confusion of the principles of Marxism with science and the war on liberalism that has defined the left. It is the savagery of the closed mind which covers itself in a mantle of compassion.

After Sanders won the Nevada caucuses last weekend, he tweeted: Ive got news for the Republican establishment. Ive got news for the Democratic establishment. They cant stop us.

In response, the liberal-progressive black filmmaker Ava DuVernay tweeted: Im undecided. But I know this isnt what I want.

As night follows day, Sanders supporters said things to DuVernay such as, How to get yourself on the guillotine list 101. Asked to explain how they could savage a black woman for speaking her mind, one Sanders soldier said, There is no racism in the class struggle.

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Our view: Another celebration for the Berners - The Durango Herald

The Only Way to Stop Bernie Sanders – The National Interest Online

Moderate Democrats missed a rhetorical opportunity to hit Bernie Sanders on the failures of socialism Tuesday night.

At the South Carolina debate, Sanders defended himself for having pointed out the few policy successes of socialist and communist dictatorships. That is different than saying that governments occasionally do things that are good, he said.

Hundreds of millions of people have been allowed to rise out of poverty in China, since Reform & Opening, and the literacy rate did increase in Cuba. Joe Biden and Pete Buttigieg, competing to stop Sanders and grab ahold of the moderate mantle, continued to hit the self-proclaimed socialist, suggesting that he is soft on left-wing human rights abusers.

Sanders was right, however, on the essential factual points he made. His opponents attacked him instead on the optics. This is not about what coups were happening in the 1970s or '80s, this is about the future, Buttigieg said. (Similarly, no one disputed his claims that the Soviet Unions Moscow had a properly functioning subway system. And if you think public transportation isnt important, ask people how they get to work if they live 21 miles away and there areno buses running.)

But the moderate Democrats missed a key opportunity to hit him on how Marxist socialism failed in the countries he was referencing, particularly China. His claim that China lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty only applies starting after 1978, when Deng Xiaoping took over as leader and began the series of reforms that would push China in a more free-market-oriented direction. If anything, rather than attempting to dismiss the point, emphasizing the success of Chinas post-1978 economy could point to the success of the market economy.

China reversed its communization of farmland. Farmers, individually managing plots of land under post-Mao reforms, were able to keep their surplus, incentivizing them to produce more efficiently. During the old communist era, everyone was supposed to work the same land, eat in the canteen, and eat similar meals no matter how productive they had been. Naturally, most people didnt work hard.

Although there were some efforts to grade peoples effort, trying to grade work would have been very difficult even if it were done without bias, which it was not. (Marx advocated for the idea of labor vouchers in his Critique of the Gotha Programme, and the Soviet Union and Peoples Republic of China both had to each according to his contribution written into their original constitutions.)

Distributing land use rights to individual farmers vastly increased output. Deng also began the arduous process of ending the iron rice bowlfiring tens of millions of people employed by hulking, unproductive state-controlled factories and enterprises for life.

Meanwhile, Bernie Sanders advocates a federal jobs guarantee to guarantee everyone a stable job that pays a living wage. That is going in the direction of Chinas failed iron rice bowl and in the opposite direction from its successful anti-poverty program. It would be enormously expensive and likely inefficient.

If someone did want to draw a comparison between Sanders and socialism, they could start there. However, if you look at the rest of his agenda, he does not advocate taking over businesses. He does not advocate nationalizing oil or creating a dictatorship of the proletariat. (Trumps plan to take the oil is actually more communist in some ways than Bernies plans.)

In fact, the countries Bernie always cites as models for his agendaSweden, Norway, Denmark, etcare all prosperous capitalist countries. The UK and Canada, with their socialized healthcare systems, are actually more economically free than the U.S., according to the Heritage Foundations Index of Economic Freedom.

So Sanders really isnt much of a socialist. His positions are very close to those of Elizabeth Warren, who explicitly calls herself a capitalist. Sanders, too, advocates for maintaining a capitalist systemjust reforming it. That is what Marx derisively called bourgeois socialism.

Another lesson from China, then: A planned economy is not equivalent to socialism, because there is planning under capitalism too; a market economy is not capitalism, because there are markets under socialism too. Planning and market forces are both means of controlling economic activity, Deng said during his Southern Tour in 1992.

The great social welfare states of Scandinavia Sanders lauds are only possible because they have dynamic economies, built on market capitalism, which create the wealth necessary to afford generous benefits.

If we (and this includes Sanders himself) must insist that Sanders is a socialist, then we have to admit that this kind of socialism is not inconsistent with capitalism. People from left-wing and right-wing persuasion have tried for too long to simplistically define policies into one of the two boxes.

Now the progressive left, including Sanders, has been trying to appropriate socialism, by calling Medicare, Social Security, and FDRs New Deal programs socialist. Inadvertently, they adopt the language of the John Birch Society and the Tea Party.

What has happened is that after social welfare programs have been called socialist for so long, the term has lost or redefined its meaning. If Obamacare is going to be smeared as socialism, and if any proposal to expand social welfare or provide greater protections to consumers and workers is going to be so vilified, then young left-leaning kids think, Maybe socialism isnt so bad.

It is dangerous if one wants to prevent actual leftist policies and even revolution, to constantly block all proposed reforms of the bourgeois system at a time when income inequality is perceived as being at historic levels, when even the Republican Party felt a need to emphasize the plight of the working class in the 2016 election. If grievances go unaddressed and people begin to lose faith in the democratic system, then they might look elsewhere.

Now we get back to what Sanders said about Cuba and Communist China. Well, maybe if dictator Batista didnt abuse the Cuban people so much, neglect their educations, and pay more attention to serving the United States interests than that of his country, then there would not have been so much motivation among the Cuban people to get rid of him?

China, during the Kuomintang reign, was relatively impoverished, if growing in spurts, but what growth did come did not find its way to the peasants, who were largely abused under the semi-feudal system in which landlords ran politics at the local levels. Some landlords were better than others. Others would sell the children of debtors into slavery. But even with the nicest landlord, the system itself was such that peasants were still bound to the land. It is not surprising at all that the peasants embraced revolutionaries who promised to liberate them and redistribute the land.

Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang had not succeeded, lacking the capacity and the will, to do land reform on mainland China, sealing their fates. Then when Chiang Kai-shek fled to Taiwan, he did redistribute the land.

The U.S., during its administration of post-WWII South Korea, began the process of land reform. Right-wing authoritarian Park Geun-hye, staring down communism in the North, established national healthcare. It was not just because they thought it was the right policy, which they did, but also because they did not want to create the conditions that would bring about communism.

Now if the Democratic moderates and the moderate Republicans who fear Sanders more than Trump do not want something worse than Sanders to come about in the future, they must do more than dismiss everything. They must address the grievances that led to Sanders.

Currently based in China, Mitchell Blatt is a former editorial assistant at the National Interest, Chinese-English translator, and lead author of Panda Guides Hong Kong. He has been published in USA Today, The Daily Beast, The Korea Times, Silkwinds magazine, and Areo Magazine, among other outlets. Follow him on Facebook at@MitchBlattWriter.

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The Only Way to Stop Bernie Sanders - The National Interest Online

A Play About Slavery in a New York Prison – The Intercept

A group of families and New York state officials gathered on a workday morning last month for a theatrical performance of a historical drama about slavery and human freedom. But it was an unusual setting for a play, especially for one pondering the question of liberation, because the stage was deep inside a maximum-security prison, and the actors were a group of incarcerated men, many of whom still face decades behind bars.

At the end of the play, the two-dozen cast members lined up at the front of the stage as one actor after the other removed their costumes: a simple, white T-shirt with the word slave or the characters slave name written across the chest. Below the stage, in the first row, a group of suited senior corrections officials looked on uncomfortably.

Then the audience, officials included, broke into a standing ovation. The cast, someone announced, would be allowed offstage for a few minutes to greet their families, and for a brief, chaotic moment, the actors rushed into the auditorium to tearfully hug their mothers, wives, and children as a group of guards stood close by watching. Then the men grouped back on stage to be counted, searched, and escorted back to their cells.

The performance was the second and last staging of a play Father Comes Home From the Wars by Suzan-Lori Parks by a group of men incarcerated at the Green Haven prison in Stormville, New York. The production was the culmination of a monthslong program with Rehabilitation Through the Arts, or RTA, an initiative that for more than two decades has offered arts programs to hundreds of people incarcerated in prisons across the state. A day earlier, the cast had performed before an enthusiastic audience of 350 fellow incarcerated men. Now, for the first time ever, officials at Green Haven had opened the prisons gates to families and outside visitors.

For the duration of the two-hour play, a tragic if at times absurdist drama set in a slave cabin and on a Civil War battlefield, cast and audience seemed to forget they were deep inside several perimeters of walls and heavily secured gates. I felt like I was at home, watching a TV show, the sister of one of the actors told me.

Scenes from Father Comes Home From the Wars at Green Haven prison in Stormville, N.Y.

Photos: Miranda Barnes for The Intercept

There were reminders, of course: The radios of a handful of guards standing along the auditoriums walls crackled in the background as the play unfolded on stage. And Anthony Annucci, the acting commissioner of the New York State Department of Corrections and Community Supervision, introduced the performance by joking to the audience to silence their cellphones a reminder that visitors had left all belongings behind and gone through a meticulous security screening before being allowed into the auditorium. The play started late because some family members had been held up at security. Other obstacles to doing theater in prison were playfully incorporated into the performance itself: Instead of a prop gun, an actor brandished a cardboard cutout spelling out the word gun. And because gray and navywere not only the colors of the Confederate and Union armies, but also those of New York corrections staff uniforms, actors playing soldiers on both sides of the conflict instead wore tan jackets, with Confederate Gray Army Coat and Union Blue Army Coat written on them.

But if staging a theatrical production in a maximum-security prison poses countless logistical challenges, doing so with a cutting play about slavery set in the midst of the Civil War, butdeeply echoing the present reality of mass incarceration, pushes boundaries in untested ways. We ask for a lot of out-of-the-box thinking for a production inside a maximum-security prison, Katherine Vockins, RTAs founder and executive director, told the audience before the play.

I cannot underscore how difficult it is to do a show like this in this kind of environment, echoed Paul Fitzgerald, the plays director. [This play] brings up a lot of issues about the American story.

Prison officials had reviewed and approved the script before production started; some of the plays most controversial scenes had been cut preemptively by RTA staff because of fears they might have riled up the population in a certain way, said Quanel Miller, one of the actors. Were limited here.

You kind of have to imagine what might be inflammatory or complicated in a way thats just too much to take on and anticipate, and make those cuts accordingly, Fitzgerald told me. You just try to feel how uncomfortable can this get, how much can you push the envelope to create meaningful art, to create dialogue, to bring up issues without going too far given the environment.

Despite the cuts, the performance was provocative and often uncomfortable. And while every line had been cleared ahead of time, there is a difference between reading stage directions in a script and watching two-dozen men, many imprisoned for decades, remove their slave uniforms and stomp on a stage declaring themselves free.

Father Comes Home From the Wars is a difficult play under any circumstances. The drama traces the story of Hero, an enslaved man whose master promises him freedom in exchange for his service in the Civil War on the wrong side of the war, as Heros close friend Homer reminds him early on. The play opens with Hero debating his choice, and Homer arguing that it is in fact no choice at all, that both options are two sides of the same coin and the coin aint even in your pocket.

Youre waiting for him to give you freedom, Homer tells Hero, when you should take it.

Homer himself tried that by running away. When he was caught, the master forced Hero at gunpoint to cut off his friends foot as punishment. But as the play progresses, the audience learns that Hero had actually snitched on Homer to the master, in exchange for yet another promise of freedom that was never fulfilled.

Take your freedom is a line that resonates with me, Lenox Ramsay, who played Homer, told me when I visited the cast during rehearsals. Ramsay, who is 30 years old and 11 years into a 17-year sentence, moved from prison to prison as he struggled to come to terms with his sentence, until four years ago when he landed at Green Havenandstarted taking college classes and discovered a passion for acting through RTA. Things changed for me here, he told me. You have to make your freedom, you cant let the time build up on you. We have this saying in prison, Do the time, dont let the time do you.

The play, which the cast members themselves selected, resonated with a lot of us, Ramsay added. In many ways, the parallels were obvious, and every line seemed to carry a double meaning when spoken in the prison context. When Im on that stage, Im not acting. I really want to get away from there because I really want to get away from here, said Melvin Davis, a 29-year-old who plays a runaway slave and is serving a 20-year sentence. When youre incarcerated, its like youre back on the plantation.

But the parallels are far more complex, and if the connection between slavery and incarceration was never explicit in the performance, it was nonetheless an unspoken theme throughout.

Mass incarceration started soon after slavery ended, with vagrancy laws, said Malcolm Baptiste, adding that he kept in his cell a copy of Michelle Alexanders groundbreaking book The New Jim Crow, which traces a direct line from slaveryto the contemporary prison system. In the 80s and 90s, when I was a child, people in our community spoke about how mass incarceration was all part of the plan of those that control society.

There is also a parallel between slavery and prison labor, Baptiste added. We dont get a fair wage, he said. No sick days, no vacation days.

At age 42, and 24 years into a 50-to-life prison sentence, Baptiste works 30 hours a week as an assistant teacher and clerk at the prison. He makes 25 cents an hour or $7.50 per week. At the prisons commissary, he said, a box of Tide laundry detergent costs $5.50, almost a weeks pay. Email messages to family cost 33 cents per message and additional 33 cents for each attachment. Its capitalism, he added. Colonizers went to Africa, captured people, brought them to America and other countries, and sold them. Today we have police targeting communities that are underserved, that are undereducated, underfunded, where there are no jobs.

Other prisoners saw a connection between the plays only white character a Confederate colonel and the mostly white guards at the prison. One of the plays most excruciating scenes, the reenactment of a slave auction, was painfully reminiscent of the searches that incarcerated men regularly face. This is a complicated play, it brings back feelings, said Lamel Fabers, who played a runaway slave. You cant think just because Im in prison, Im an animal.

They still oppress us, said Ernest Iverson, the plays narrator.

When I asked him whether he thought prison staff watching the play may see a similar connection, he replied, Theyre not stupid. Theyll see the connection.

If any of the corrections officials felt called out by the performance, it didnt show. Everyone I have spoken to thought it was a very good performance, said Marlyn Kopp, the deputy superintendent for programs at Green Haven. It was a hard topic, and they handled it fantastically, honestly.

There are very talented people here, theres no doubt about it, a guard assigned to monitor one of the rehearsals told me. It was amazing. I asked him if the play resonated in a particular way, given the prison context. They have a connection to it, he replied, referring to the cast. Did guards feel a similar connection? I dont look at things this way, he replied. Then, speaking of his job, Nobody aspires to do this.

But not all the guards were interested in the talent of the performers. One told me that he thought it was preposterous that inmates would be offered this kind of opportunity. We dont like them very much, theyre friends with the guys that assault my friends, the guard said of the volunteers coming in to teach arts workshops. In a way, theyre the enemy.

Ive heard negative feedback like, Why would anyone offer these people anything and why arent you out working with the families of the victims? said Margaret Ables, who produced the play and has worked with RTA for five years. I understand that criticism, but the positive outcomes that weve seen from our membership just really convince me that this program is doing the right thing.

Kopp, the deputy superintendent, said negative views among the prison staff were rare. Am I going to have one or two staff members not feel the same as the rest, as you have heard? The majority are the opposite, she said. I dont have a lot of backlash. If the majority felt that way, I wouldnt be able to get this kind of production off the ground.

In fact, the production was a massive effort, logistically, for the cast and prison staff alike. Rehearsals had to be scheduled around periodic counts for which the cast had to be back in their cells. Because of restrictions on the movement of those incarcerated, someone was always missing. Every prop and costume had to be preapproved, inspected, and accounted for at all times. And when outside volunteers could not be at the prison, a committee of incarcerated men ran their own rehearsals.

On the day of the performance, guards escorted families deep into the bowel of the prison, as someone put it, beyond the visitation room relatives normally see, down seemingly endless, cold corridors along the prisons yards, and past metal doors leading to housing blocks where three rows of cells sit one on top of the other. It was the closest look at life inside that most outsiders had ever had.

I got a little feel of what its like, and honestly, that part was horrible for me, said Gina Davis, Melvin Daviss younger sister, after the performance. Its horrible; I dont want him to be there.

I just want all of these men to come home, she added. Hopefully this time that they spent in there, they learned their lesson, and hopefully they come home and be better people, because honestly everyone deserves a second chance and people shouldnt spend their entire lives behind bars. No one really deserves to be in there.

The performance, rehearsals, and weekly classes RTA runs inside the prison offer a rare moment of escape for the programs participants. Volunteers and staff with the program run dance, writing, visual arts, public speaking, and improvisation workshops, among other offerings. And while Green Haven also offers more traditional educational and vocational programming, RTA allows for the inmates to grow in a totally different way than a sit-down type of program, said Kopp, the deputy superintendent.

Most importantly, the program offers participants an opportunity to build deep relationships that the daily reality of life in prison often precludes. Being in prison teaches you to close yourself off from trusting people, said Melvin Davis. Theater demands the opposite. For the six months leading up to the performance, Davis rehearsed the part of Penny, the only female character in the play, as a professional actress was only allowed to join the crew for the last two weeks of rehearsals. That was a real challenge for me, playing a female in a maximum-security prison, said Davis, noting that he couldnt have done it without the support of the rest of the cast. Youre not in prison when youre with RTA; its like family.

Kevin Cocozello, the only white actor in the cast, had an equally challenging role: that of the ruthless, manic master and Confederate colonel. The character was so racist and violent that the actor originally assigned to play the part refused to do it. Its a really tough and ugly role for anybody, because the words and the actions of that character are so upsetting, said Ables, the producer. But even more so in an incarcerated space, where theyre very resonant.

Cocozello said the roles complexity should be every actors dream. But as an incarcerated man, 10 years into a 23-year sentence, he identified more with Hero. Like him, I feel like theres a part of my soul that is cut in two.

After the play, cast members were allowed off stage to briefly greet relatives and friends.

Photo: Miranda Barnes for The Intercept

That was a sentiment many expressed and they credited the exposure to theater for helping them come to terms with it.

RTA helped me bring down the mask I had put up in prison, said Hector Rodriguez, who has spent 25 of his 45 years in prison and is a veteran of the program. In prison, you have to be this stoic character so you can survive. This helped me find myself. I still wear a mask, but now I know its not me, and sometimes theres no need to wear it.

Portraits by Miranda Barnes for The Intercept

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A Play About Slavery in a New York Prison - The Intercept

OPINION: The crisis in student loan debt offers a chance for reparations – The Hechinger Report

The Hechinger Report is a national nonprofit newsroom that reports on one topic: education. Sign up for our weekly newsletters to get stories like this delivered directly to your inbox.

Editors note: Black students are more likely than their peers to borrow money for college, struggle with repayment and default on student loans. With the debt problem for black students in particular reaching urgent levels, The Education Trust and The Hechinger Report have partnered on a series of op-eds to amplify the voices of people studying solutions to the black student debt crisis.

Here are some examples of why, after more than a decade of research into their involvement with slavery and the transatlantic slave trade, a handful of universities are beginning to consider reparations:

The first slave recorded in Massachusetts was owned by Harvards school master.

The first nine presidents of Princeton University owned slaves.

The personal physician of Dartmouth Colleges president boiled the body of a Black man named Cato to furnish a skeleton for anatomical study, and his skin was turned to leather at the campus tannery and fashioned into a medical instrument case.

One can still stroll upon sidewalks and past buildings built with bricks made by enslaved laborers at the University of Virginia.

It is well past time that colleges and universities begin to heal wounds, both old and new, and the black student loan-debt crisis may be one of the most efficient uses of their reparatory funds.

African Americans heavily rely upon higher education as the gateway to upward mobility. The combination of the wealth gap, rising tuition costs and reliance upon student loans, however, is now saddling black students with disproportionate amounts of debt.

Meanwhile, the black student loan-debt crisis needs urgent remedies.

For many, attempting to climb the economic ladder means trading one form of economic distress for another. For colleges interested in giving financial weight to their declarations of forgiveness and justice, reparations should not be restricted to direct descendants of those enslaved by universities because universities profited from countless slaves owned by others as well.

Like other institutions, dozens of U.S. colleges and universities have uncovered an overabundance of records documenting their culpability in slavery, Americas gravest sin.

Reparations offer a solution because simply providing preferential admissions to the direct descendants of the enslaved workers who built and maintained these institutions ignores the historical context in which universities benefited from chattel slavery. Universities benefited from what I refer to as an Atlantic plantation complex, where they profited from an intercontinental trade centered around slaves, the products they produced and the bequests bestowed by their owners who dotted that complex.

Many of the nations oldest and most prestigious colleges are coming to grips with the fact that enslavement generated the capital that led to their creation.

To fully grasp the extent of institutions liabilities, though, we must look beyond slavery because universities participation in racial injustice extended well beyond abolition.

Related: To pay for college, more students are offering a piece of their future to investors

For instance, universities in the Jim Crow era both in the North and the South excluded black students while taking in their tax dollars. College students and staff undoubtedly were participants in lynch law. The esteemed faculty of these institutions pumped out the bunk scientific racism that buttressed Jim Crow, cemented Social Darwinism and unleashed the scourge of eugenics. The consumption of, and participation in, blackface minstrelsy on and around campuses was almost a rite of passage for decades, and it lives on today through social media and frat parties.

Neither the abolition of slavery nor the end of segregation nor the election of President Barack Obama has stopped these institutions from engaging in, or tolerating, acts of racial aggression. Despite continued resistance by student activists, universities across the nation too often seem unable or unwilling to doggedly police acts of psychological or physical violence against minority students.

While colleges obviously have little control over the private actions of their students, they could do more to rein in university police officers who engage in racially biased behavior similar to that of non-university police forces. Officers working for some universities disproportionately stop and arrest black people, both students and non-students alike. Some university police officers are not averse to deploying unnecessary violent force against people of color, as demonstrated by filmed encounters involving police from Yale University, Barnard College, the University of Chicagoand Rice University. Worst of all, however, are the actions of Portland State and University of Cincinnati police officers, who have used lethal force against non-student black men.

The all-too-frequent interactions between university police forces and non-student African Americans are one symptom of the continued practice of urban campuses devouring working-class minority neighborhoods. With the help of university police and municipal tax breaks, colleges continue to gentrify these spaces in their attempts to attract and comfort wealthier (white) students, and in the process displace black residents through rising rents.

Universities should devote their reparation funds toward making higher education more affordable for black students.

Programs must consider past and future students alike.

For black former students, universities could refinance outstanding loan balances at zero percent interest. For future students, a combination of grants and reduced tuition would help to reduce the racial wealth gap and could eliminate the black-white student loan-debt gap as it stands approximately $4,000-$7,000.

The universities with the largest endowments often the same institutions with the longest legacies of racial exploitation should form partnerships with HBCUs to strengthen their financial footing and establish programs aimed at eliminating hiring and wage discrimination in the workplace.

Related:Debt without degree: The human cost of college debt that becomes purgatory

Institutions should not rely upon financial reserves alone to fund these initiatives. Universities should consider adopting a system similar to the one devised and approved by Georgetown student-activists and slave descendants: adding a small fee to students annual bills to defray a portion of the reparatory spending. Such measures would go a lot further in uplifting black students and achieving social justice than more spending on studies and conferences.

Removing racist imagery and changing the names of buildings are welcome gestures, but they do little to even the balance. Someone must take the lead in addressing the black student loan-debt crisis head on, and universities should use their financial and social capital to attempt to make amends through reparations.

This story about reparations and student loans was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education, in partnership with The Education Trust. Sign up here for Hechingers newsletter.

Luke Frederick is a doctoral student at Georgetown University, where his research focuses on the policing and incarceration of free blacks and enslaved workers in antebellum America, and research director for the Ohio Student Association.

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OPINION: The crisis in student loan debt offers a chance for reparations - The Hechinger Report