Ensuing recession and major economic downturns – The Financial Express BD

Rassiq Aziz Kabir | Published: July 10, 2020 23:36:52 | Updated: July 11, 2020 22:32:11

Although fundamentally being considered as a global health crisis, the Coronavirus Pandemic is supposed to lead towards a massive economic downturn which according to many experts can overshadow most of the recessions that occurred in the global economy since "The Great Depression".

Economists in general believe that this recession will be unlike any other in the modern economy due to the fact that it will be induced by a global health crisis rather than an unhealthy economy. It is believed that the world economy has already entered a recession because as per the classical concept of recession, an economy is said to be in recession if it experiences downturns over two consecutive quarters in a year and already the first quarter of 2020 which ranged from January to March as a whole has been quite detrimental for the global economy and the next quarters of the year of which no economic information has been available yet are expected to face the adversity as well.

Almost a third of the population of the world has been placed under lockdown which has impacted the economy as a whole as unemployment has been record high in most of the countries of the world. British Economy has sunk by 2.0 per cent from January to March according to The Guardian and in April alone it dwindled by 20.4 per cent. The biggest decline of GDP in the US economy throughout a quarter was 10 per cent in 1950 and it is estimated that the decline will be well over 10 per cent in the quarter following from April to June. This recession following the pandemic is putting an end to the longest standing economic expansion and unemployment that persisted in the United States of America. IMF predicts that almost all of the global economies will be massively affected by the Pandemic which is quite unprecedented because in the past most of the recessions happened to be quite region specific. Bangladesh itself is likely to go through a massive downturn and already a few of the signs have been quite evident. Bangladesh has a huge reliance on remittance sent by workers living and working primarily in the Middle East and Southeast Asian countries like Malaysia and Singapore and to a lesser extent in Europe and North America.

As of last year, remittance represented about 7.0 per cent of our GDP. But as most of the countries where the Bangladeshi workers are currently working have undertaken strict lockdown measures, the remittance is expected to fall to 14 billion dollars this year which is around a 25 per cent decrease from the previous year. This is far from the only crisis that the economy of Bangladesh is facing at this moment. Bangladesh has a huge number of people living below the poverty line which is as high as 53.4 million as per BRAC and the growing GDP in the recent few years actually helped a lot of those people to move out of poverty. But as the Covid-19 crisis has made it quite impossible for the economy to grow, it's been a really hard time for people of this very socio-economic background. People having blue collar jobs are suffering the most throughout the world and the signs of an improving economy are very low. Economists have not ruled out the possibility of a depression if this very situation persists for a long time. Many economists have predicted the economic condition in the future to be as bad as the time of the great depression if not worse. The unemployment during the great depression hovered around 25 per cent in case of most of the countries and it is predicted that this time it will be even worse as the effects are quite self evident in a lot of countries. The global economy has not seen any major recession in this decade, the very last one was the recession caused by the global housing crisis during 2008-2009 but this recession has already been more devastating compared to that one. In the recession of 2009,the peak rate of unemployment that it reached was 10 per cent which was in the month of October, whereas the unemployment rate for this year's April has already been 14.7 per cent in the USA. Again, when it comes to the stock market, the highest per cent of stock value that the market lost was 40 per cent, it has already been 14 per cent in this year's February and is estimated to cross the 40 per cent range very soon. Other than this, the 2008-09 crisis was very specific to some countries of the world and didn't really have an impact on a lot of developing economies. Even a lot of developed economies like Australia didn't have to face the recession. Although the economic growth was quite slow in those countries, it never led to a downturn. But the current situation is entirely different as we can see that almost all the countries in the world have been badly affected by the pandemic. Due to the fact that it hasn't been region specific, it is supposed to wield its influence throughout the world.

The global economy is moving towards an imminent collapse and the recovery will not be easy. Many policies have been proposed by economists for a recovery but it is almost unanimously believed that the impact will be quite long-standing, hence the recovery will take a bit of time. But there still is some room for hope, as China, where the inception of the virus took place, has already started opening its factories after controlling the whole scenario to some extent. Other than this, the US stock market has experienced more growth than decline in the past few weeks which is a very positive phenomenon in the face of this recession. Scientists are working on the vaccine for Covid-19 and it has already shown positive results when applied to pigs. It is estimated that if the vaccines are successful on human beings, then the whole crisis would be tackled which will bring the economy back on track. Hence, the only hope that remains for an economic recovery is an efficient and effective handling of the whole Covid-19 crisis.

Rassiq Aziz Kabir is a student of Economics at the University of Dhaka

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Ensuing recession and major economic downturns - The Financial Express BD

We have much to do and plan for – Hillsboro Times Gazette

Two years after the collapse of the Soviet Union (1991), I had a private meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev and his wife, Raisa, in Geneva, Switzerland. It was about a communications platform that the Latin American foundation I was working for had developed for environmental non-profits. His newly established Green Cross International was interested in its novel graphic-user interface. For his pivotal role in trying to change the communist Soviet Union into a market-based social democracy, Gorbachev was both loved and hated. Perestroika (restructuring) and Glasnost (openness) were noble national ambitions, but not well enough planned for in advance.

In modern history, the dissolution of the Soviet Union was a remarkable inflection point. As pivot points go, so was the American Revolution, The Reformation, the Chinese Revolution, The Renaissance, and I would be remiss not to include Galileo, the internet, the industrial and agricultural revolutions and, of course, many more. So where am I going with this?

During periods of disruptive reformation, people often dont realize that they are in it. So, are we in such a period now? No question social media has changed the world. Even in the poorest of countries, people now have access to how the other half lives, whos doing what, and where, to say nothing of advancing people power through media activism. One of the factors that brought about the Protestant Reformation, the Renaissance, and the weakening of the Catholic Churchs dominance in Europe was the printing press. Gutenbergs printing press and the Internets worldwide communications network both provided extraordinary, new popular access to information.

Today, with a confluence of powerful movements and disruptive crises, we may well be in one of those inflection points. The novel coronavirus has knocked the socio-economic world out of kilter, damaging economies, incomes, productivity and labor. Some forms of commerce may never recover. Others will flourish in a new paradigm of things.

Socially, levels of hostility are on the rise. Layered on top of the pandemic, the Black Lives Matters movement has gained enormous traction, combined with the social justice movement to potentially create a tipping point for not only monuments, but sports teams, corporations, labor practices, public health care systems, and also the nations politics and legal system. What will our world be like when we re-emerge from a quarantined existence?

It will take a concerted effort on the part of all Americans to squelch this virus and return to any kind of dynamic equilibrium. If this past week is prologue, things could still get worse. The economy could falter further, infections could rise, more borders could close, and people could get more frustrated and agitated.

If this is a real inflection point in our countrys history, then it seems to me that while we wait for the magic bullet that ends the COVID-19 pandemic, we should be demanding that our countrys leaders plan for what we want our country to do and be when we come out of all this, and that should mean significant historic transitions.

Mr. Gorbachev had the best of intentions and his work with President Reagan to denuclearize the world was evidence of that, along with his Nobel Peace Prize. But the Soviet Union was too far gone. America isnt too far gone, but we have much to do and plan for after we emerge from this dark infectious tunnel.

Bill Sims is a Hillsboro resident, an author, and runs a small farm in Berrysville with his wife. He is a former educator, executive and foundation president.

Bill Sims Contributing columnist

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We have much to do and plan for - Hillsboro Times Gazette

Don’t Compete. Create looks at diversifying the economy – Trinidad News

FeaturesJada LoutooFriday 10 July 2020The documentary features protests from 2015, when Venezuelans living in TT protested the visit of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro to Trinidad. -

IT was a five-year labour of love for a group of friends who came together to produce a two-part documentary which examines the impact of the 2014 oil crash on Venezuela and TT.

It is also hoped that the documentary, titled Dont Compete. Create, will become the impetus behind diversification of TTs economy.

The first instalment of the documentary premired in June. The second instalment is in the making and is expected to be released in early 2021.

Don't Compete. Create was written, produced and directed by Javier Forrester and is narrated by Diane Katwaroo.

Aisha Ventour is its director of photography. The friends are all part of WIERA Film Company which is 100 per cent local Forrester said in a recent interview with Newsday.

The 32-minute feature incorporates interviews from economist Dr Roger Hosein, former politician Nicole Dyer-Griffith, trade unionist David Abdulah among others who share their views on the topic highlighted in the documentary.

ADVOCACY: Javier Forrester speaks to students at MIC Institute of Technology at past symposium. -

The long description of the documentary reads: A resilient people at the base of the Antillean island chain face a growing economic storm caused by the very resource that made them a force on the world market.

During this time, a helping hand is reached out to the persevering people of neighbouring Venezuela who are in the midst of a socio-economic crisis caused by the collapse of the global oil market.

In the backdrop of this are escalating tensions between two regional powerhouses in the form of the United States and Venezuela. As Prime Minister Rowley and his Cabinet continue to forge creative and positive ways for the nation to navigate the difficult economic waters, the twin-island Republic must at the same time walk a very fine line in order to preserve peace within its corner of the Americas.

There are also scenes from Venezuela which were shot by the team during a visit to the South American country which, because of the collapse of its oil industry and economy, has left it in a humanitarian, institutional and political crisis.

The team was able to enter Venezuela with a faith-based group on a missionary trip.

When you have a crisis like this in a country, it is only these types of groups that can get into the nooks and crannies of an area to really meet those who are suffering the most, he said.

Forrester said WIERA which stands for West Indies Era Film Company aims to produce short documentaries with a regional flavour to it touching on issues relating to TT and the wider Caribbean.

He said they chose the great oil bust of 2014 which was caused by a price collapse of crude oil prices and saw supplies chasing too little demand because they wanted to highlight the dangers of competing over this volatile resource and the need for creativity in economic diversification.

DON'T COMPETE. CREATE is a two part documentary which advocates for diversification of the economy while examining the impact of the 2014 oil crash on TT and Venezuela. -

This crash led to a serious blow to our undiversified economy which depends heavily on oil and gas, he said.

The documentary features protests from 2015, when Venezuelans living in TT protested the visit of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro to Trinidad.

We wanted to use something as a symbol and the protest was it, Forrester said.

Forrester said the team hopes that the documentary will bolster those in power to put diversification on the front burner. Put it there and leave it there. We cannot depend on non-renewable resources and Venezuela is a reminder of that, he added.

As a people we have become comfortable in the non-renewable sector, he said. The documentary is a blue print of sorts for handling a recession and diversification.

It features the steelpan heavily throughout and Forrester said creativity was an important aspect of TT and one which can be tapped into.

It is an example of our creativity as a people. We want for us to tap into this. We have been unable to diversify our economy and creative sector for decades.

We want to show you can join the two concepts together. Creativity can be the answer to our diversification efforts, he said.

He made it clear that the document was non-partisan and is aimed at all administrations, especially future ones.

Pointing to recent rumblings between Venezuela and the United States, Forrester said it is hoped that these could be sorted out soon.

TT is caught in the middle of this battle and it is not good for the region. Trade stability and peace in the region is important, Forrester, who is also an attorney, said.

We applaud the Prime Minister and the Government for successfully steering us through two recessions. The contribution of past Governments, particularly in creating and continuing the Heritage and Stabilisation Fund.

We believe the government has done a lot to point us to diversification. We as a people rested comfortable for six decades but now we need to push towards diversification and making it a reality. Weve had two recessions but collectively, all governments, past and present, put things in place for change to take place.

But, we have been dilly-dallying for too long. Weve enjoyed prosperity but now is the time to seriously put it on the front burner. Realise it and support it, Forrester said.

We could have been where Venezuela is now, he bemoaned.

So far the feedback from the first instalment has been positive, Forrester said.

So far the team has advertised mainly on social media and Forrester said their main audience is young people. He was happy to hear from teenagers who remarked how balanced and non-political the documentary was.

We were told it broke down the complex issue, he said.

This is what we want. We want diversification to play a greater part of the national agenda. It is our call for change because our economy is, in a great way, still undiversified, Forrester said.

The team funded the first part of the documentary out of their own pockets and hopes to get corporate sponsorship so they can complete the second part.

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Don't Compete. Create looks at diversifying the economy - Trinidad News

Massive Income Loss: Left Behind By the Coronavirus – DER SPIEGEL

ByTim Bartz,David Bcking,Markus Dettmer,Martin Hesse,Henning Jauernig,Anton RainerundAnne Seith

When Andrea Anneser took up her new job at the beginning of the year, she could hardly believe her luck. The 49-year-old had just moved to the northern German state of Schleswig-Holstein after six years in Manchester. She describes herself as a "Brexit refugee who wanted to return to Germany before Britain fell into a crisis.

Everything was supposed to be better in Germany, where industry is strong and the future seemed secure. And indeed: A Hamburg company with a long history as a supplier to the ship and car industry hired her as a project manager. It was well-paid and seemed crisis-proof. "2020 was going to be my year, she says. Then the first news stories began to trickle in from China. And Anneser started worrying about her plan.

Anneser is responsible for customers in the Italian car industry. She how Fiats supply chains collapsed, followed by sales at the company she works for. Finally, her dream of a new life crumbled. She had to leave the company at the end of her probationary period.

Millions of people are losing out because of the economic crisis caused by the coronavirus. The virus can kill -- and we are learning that it can also divide societies. Even a rich country like Germany can run into trouble if social harmony breaks down because economic damage cant be contained and burdens aren't distributed fairly.

"Germany Is Getting Poorer

The global economy has plunged into its deepest recession since the Great Depression of the late 1920s. As many as 200 million people worldwide are threatened by unemployment according to estimates from the International Labor Organization. More than 6 million Germans are currently furloughed from work as part of the federal governments heavily subsidized "Kurzarbeit program. Many are likely to be laid off in the coming months. "Let's not fool ourselves, work furlough will unfortunately end in unemployment for many," says Clemens Fuest, the head of Munichs Ifo Institute, a respected economic think tank. "Germany is getting poorer."

The article you are reading originally appeared in German in issue 28/2020 (July 04, 2020) of DER SPIEGEL.

Does this mean that the fat years of prosperity seen in Germany in recent years will be followed by leaner ones? Is society slipping -- faster, harder and more permanently than ever before in Germanys history?

A survey conducted on behalf of DER SPIEGEL by the opinion research institute Civey found that three-quarters of Germans expect inequality in the country to increase as a result of the coronavirus pandemic. Young adults, in particular, are worried about what comes next. And it isnt just some abstract fear of inequality, either. One-third of Germans expect to see a drop in income and wealth for themselves this year. Thirty-six percent say they expect this to continue for the next three years.

The question of who will ultimately be left to foot the bill has already long since been raised.

The figures reflect a fear of decline in the middle of society that has not been tangible since the financial crisis of 2008. More than half of the self-employed expect lower incomes this year, and just under 50 percent of staff workers. Thirty- to 40-year-olds feel they are the hardest hit financially. Theyre often families with children who have had trouble coping with work and family life during the lockdown and social distancing.

Another respected economic think tank, the Kiel Institute for the World Economy (IfW) is expecting gross domestic product (GDP) in Germany to shrink by 6.8 percent this year. Despite the massive subsidies, aid and loans that have been paid out by the government to help people and companies get through the coronavirus, that would mean a drop in the national income of 110 billion euros ($124.2 billion) compared to 2019. On average, each citizen, from infants to the elderly, will have 1,325 euros less at their disposal.

Visible Cracks

But the actual effect that the crisis triggered by the coronavirus will have is much higher, because in the absence of the pandemic, the economy probably would have grown rather than stagnated. "The economy will probably grow again strongly next year," says Gabriel Felbermayr, the president of the IfW. But that doesnt mean "that we will return to pre-crisis levels. Income of around 390 billion euros would be lost by the end of next year compared to the development that had been forecast before the coronavirus, even if the economy grows by 6 percent in 2021.

Germany isnt America, where inequality was already extremely high before the crisis and is now worsening dramatically. But the cracks are also visible in this country.

Some hardships and conflicts can still be glossed over with money from bailout packages, and the government also wants to introduce tax relief to the tune of billions of euros soon. But the question of who will ultimately be left to foot the bill has been around now for a while. What part of society ultimately stands to lose as a result of the crisis and which will get through it relatively unscathed? And how fairly will the burdens ultimately be shared?

Andrea Anneser, 49, a project manager, got dismissed from her new job at the end of the her probationary period because of the crisis triggered by the coronavirus.

The loss of her new job threw the Brexit refugee Anneser completely off course. "It was like I was paralyzed, she says. Anneser returned to her country after a long absence as a woman in a male-dominated industry. Finding a job had already been a challenge even before the coronavirus struck. How is that going to happen at all in the crisis?

In the history of postwar Germany, there has been no situation with the labor market comparable to whats happening today, not even the 2008 financial crisis. In June, the number of unemployed rose to 2.85 million. The German governments Institute for Employment Research expects that number to pass the 3 million mark soon assuming there isnt a second lockdown. If that happened, things would get even worse.

Experts at home and abroad have praised Germanys response to the coronavirus crisis. "Crisis Resilience Made in Germany, was the title of a recent study by Deutsche Bank. But even if the German model with its social market economy, national healthcare system and a comparably good social safety net initially proved its effectiveness during the pandemic, there is no guarantee of a rapid economic rebound. It is too soon to tell how the country will emerge from the crisis.

The most vulnerable are all the people who have no financial reserves almost a quarter of the population.

Imbalances are already visible. For example, a disproportionately high number of low-skilled workers have been furloughed, and they were also less likely to be able to work from home during the pandemic. And the self-employed and freelancers didnt even have access to the Kurzarbeit work furlough program. A gap is opening between the public and the private sectors. For example, artists working for publicly owned theaters were furloughed, but freelance artists didnt get anything. Civil servants didnt lose anything, but many freelancers slipped into the welfare rosters.

Economist Felbermayr thus advises that civil servants and public employees should also share some of the burden. He suggests that federal, state and local governments could each reduce salary increases by a certain percentage over the next few years in order to compensate for the loss of income among blue- and white-collar workers.

The most vulnerable are all the people who have no financial reserves almost a quarter of the population. The German Advisory Council for Consumer Affairs has examined the impact of the crisis on such households. The measure for the calculation is the housing cost burden ratio meaning the proportion of income spent on rent, utilities and housing-related costs. A household is considered overburdened if that figure rises to over 40 percent. For households without savings or reserves that limit is already exceeded if 200 euros a month less is coming in. And there are many people who fall into that category. Full-time employees have, on average, made 400 euros a month less in recent months.

Viviane Borytzka is a woman with many strengths. Shes keen to learn and work hard and knows how to approach customers the right way. Thats what it says on page 12 of her job application the result of a vocational aptitude test. Borytzka, 24, completed it in March before the pandemic put her career plans at risk. Shes proud of the results, even if theyre of little use to her at the moment.

Borytzka wants to become a veterinary nurse. "I applied for 12 apprenticeships and internships, and I had a personal interview for four of them, she says. But all have either not been back in touch with her or they have turned her down.

Its the 20- to 30-year olds, young professionals, who may stand to suffer the most from the consequences of the pandemic. The financial and debt crises of 2008 and 2012 showed how quickly youth unemployment will skyrocket if policymakers dont act in time. Young people in Spain, Greece and Italy are still struggling today with a labor market that can offer them little.

The crisis caused by the coronavirus also threatens to make this an acute problem in Germany, as well. Between January and May, 18.3 percent fewer contracts for traineeships were registered with the local chambers of craft industries. According to a poll conducted by the German Confederation of Skilled Crafts (ZDH), one-quarter of companies stated that they intended to take on fewer trainees this autumn. Given that internships and job fairs havent taken place in recent months, many prospective vocational trainees still have no idea where they might get placements at the end of the summer, which is when apprenticeships generally begin in Germany.

The risk groups got mixed up during the economic crisis.

Politicians now want to create programs to help young adults whose careers have been stalled by the coronavirus. Companies with fewer than 250 employees that dont cut back on the number of apprentices they hire are to receive a payment of 2,000 euros for each new training contract. If the number of traineeships is increased, then that payment goes up to 3,000 euros. But will that be enough to motivate companies?

The risk groups got mixed up during the economic crisis. Older workers have been able to build up financial cushions over the years, and they are more likely to have permanent contracts or can possibly even retire early. Young people are often the first to lose their jobs. The young are also the ones who will have to pay off the 219 billion euros in debt the German federal government wants to borrow this year. The way that they view the country in the future will also depend on how the government treats them now.

When Germanys benchmark DAX index of blue-chip companies slipped to 8,442 points on March 18, Peter Hrle made a huge bet. "I only held onto a bit, just in case, the computer expert says on the phone. It was a first for the 35-year-old. High prices had repeatedly prevented him from investing his savings in shares. But when the virus sent share prices tumbling to their lowest levels in more than six years, Hrle knew. "Nows the time."

In the days that followed, he scraped together almost all of his savings, close to 20,000 euros, and invested in three technology stocks. One reason he was able to take such a risk was the good money he earns as a hardware developer for a company that provides traffic control systems.

Hrle was lucky. Since he bought his shares, the DAX has risen by just under 40 percent and his stocks have been performing even better than that. With his stock market coup, though, Hrle is more the exception than the rule in Germany. For many middle to low-income earners, stocks are still considered the realm of gamblers and savings are seen as the safer course of action. This is another reason that asset inequality has widened so steadily over the past 20 years.

The crisis has mercilessly exposed undesirable developments in retirement benefits, says Markus Grabka of German Institute for Economic Research (DIW). He has spent decades as the head of the Socio-Economic Panel, which regularly surveys 16,000 households to collect precise data on the reality of life in Germany.

The losers in the crisis caused by the coronavirus will be hit twice.

Overall, Germans are actually very rich, having accumulated 6.6 trillion euros in financial assets by the end of 2019. But there are few other countries in Europe where peoples money is as poorly invested and as unequally distributed. According to the Institute for Socio-Economics at the University of Duisburg-Essen, the bottom 50 percent of German society rarely owns more than one car and at best have only one retirement plan. Only 8 percent own their own home. The rest of their mini assets, which in the case of the lower quarter amounts to a maximum of only 6,200 euros, are usually kept in their bank accounts, which have been earning practically no interest for years. They seldom have stocks or shares in funds, so they wont benefit if stock markets continue to rise despite the crisis, thanks to persistently low interest rates.

At the top end of the scale, the world is a completely different place. Only 15 percent of Germans own stocks or shares in equity funds, but they tend to be among the richest 20 percent of the population. This fifth of the population owns its own property and often other properties too, for which it collects rent.

Grabka believes Germans are facing a big problem. The retirement benefits paid by the government wont be enough for many people, and private pension plans have become less and less profitable due to low interest rates. The crisis caused by the coronavirus is likely to exacerbate that problem. "There is major political and economic pressure on the ECB to keep interest rates very low for years to come," he says.

This means that the losers in the crisis caused by the coronavirus will be hit twice. Many low-income earners who have been furloughed or laid off because of the crisis have also had to stop making payments on their private supplementary pension plans because they dont have the money to pay the premiums.

And even some who invested money in shares during the good years and then lost their jobs or had to give up their business during the pandemic quickly find themselves having to dip into their savings and sell their shares. "The lower middle class is more likely to be affected by the realization of such losses," says Grabka, whereas the wealthy could probably sit out the turmoil on the stock markets.

The statistics are packed with socio-political dynamite. If the wealthy ultimately become uncoupled from the rest of the population during the crisis and if the middle class shrinks and poverty in old age becomes the norm, the conditions on which social harmony is based will crumble.

To prevent people with low incomes from sliding into old-age poverty, Grabka is calling for the fundamental reform of state support for private pensions. "When, if not now, in the corona crisis, does the political community want to develop an alternative to the failed Riester pension?" he asked, referring to the countrys government-subsidized secondary pension plan.

The DIW researcher advocates a Germany fund to which all employed persons pay into. He proposes that the government pay subsidies for people who are either unable to save or are only able to save a little by themselves. In the longer term, he argues, a fund like that with a significant stock component could generate returns of 6 to 7 percent. Sweden, where every employee is required to pay into such a fund, is a trailblazer. The risk would also be manageable in Germany because a government fund would be in a position to diversify its investments widely.

The Kraatz family, who live in the eastern state of Brandenburg, now have weeks of uncertainty behind them. Its not because of the collapse of the economy, but because their six-year-old son couldnt go to daycare for more than two months. Anke Kraatz and her husband had to continue going to work as usual. "We were still up to our necks in work, she says of the carpentry workshop where she is employed as an office worker. It wasnt possible for her to work from home. Meanwhile, her husband was travelling for his job as an installer for a prefabricated housing company.

"I seriously started crying when I heard that."

Millions of parents faced similar problems when schools and daycares closed in mid-March. It was also a problem for business, and it still is. Around a quarter of the workforce has young children in need of supervision. In a survey conducted by the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Berlin of around 500 companies, 76 percent of respondents reported weaker performance among their employees as a result of the closures; 67 percent said they had experienced difficulties in planning reliably; and 63 percent said their employees had reached their limits health-wise due to the additional workload.

Yet politicians still offered little help to families. In mid-May, a provision in the Infection Protection Act was extended. The state will now pay parents who must stay home to look after their children due to the pandemic, and who therefore can't work, 67 percent of their salary for 10 weeks. Per parent. That's four weeks longer than before.

Anke Kraatz, however, did not qualify for the assistance. "My boss immediately dismissed it when he heard about it. He couldn't have afforded that," she says. Every employee was needed, Kraatz was told. She's tried to find an emergency daycare slot for her son. Her application was rejected because neither Kraatz nor her husband worked in "critical infrastructure," as the Oberhavel district explained to them. When Kraatz called an "emergency hotline" and protested, she was told by a public servant on the other end of the line that if she couldn't find a solution, then she would just have to quit her job and apply for welfare. "I seriously started crying when I heard that," Kraatz says. "Who keeps the economy going around here, if not us?"

Anke Kraatz, 39, an office worker and mother, was told by a worker at a government help hotline that she might have to quit her job and go on welfare if she couldn't find a solution.

Meanwhile, Kraatz can breathe a sigh of relief. Since June 15, daycares in Brandenburg and other states have reopened. In August, when her son is scheduled to start school, classes will also be held normally again. Assuming, of course, that infection rates don't spike again.

If that happens, it'll be mothers like Kraatz who will have to pick up the slack. An online survey of 7,700 participants, conducted by the left-leaning Economic and Social Science Institute of the Hans Bckler Foundation at the beginning of the crisis, revealed that 27 percent of mothers had already reduced their working hours due to daycare and school closures. Among fathers, it was only 16 percent.

Economic disadvantages are also a threat to children involved. "Even with interruptions of a just few weeks" as a result of the pandemic, "long-term negative macroeconomic effects" can be expected, warns a group of education researchers in an appeal titled, "Make education possible."

In order to provide meaningful education in case of a second and third wave of infections, money must be invested now, says Christa Katharina Spiess, an education expert at DIW.

However, in the government's crisis planning to date, education and childcare have hardly played a role. In the federal government's 130 billion-euro economic stimulus package, there were a meager 3 billion euros earmarked for the expansion of schools and daycares. Another 4.3 billion euros were earmarked for a one-off "bonus" of 300 euros per child, which parents will now receive. "I find this response relatively unimaginative," says Spiess, "and, in relation, it's nowhere near enough."

Just half a year ago, Olaf Knieriem thought himself to be well on his way to a successful future. With his planning agency for trade show construction, Expoworks, he had had a turnover of 2 million euros, year after year. The order books for 2020 were full. Then the coronavirus hit. Knieriem sits with his son, Daniel, in the top-floor office of a multi-purpose building in Knllwald-Remsfeld, south of Kassel. The two seem simultaneously determined and powerless. According to the Munich-based Ifo Institute, the trade show, exhibition and congress industry generates an annual revenues of 8 billion euros. Around 60 percent of the world's leading trade shows are held in Germany. According to figures from the Association of the German Trade Fair Industry, the cancellation of more than 110 trade shows this year endangers around 92,000 jobs -- and several small companies, such as Expoworks.

In March, business collapsed. In April, the elder Knieriem realized the situation would remain dire until the end of the year. What's more: "The business model of trade show construction is on the line."

Those who cannot afford to invest now will fall by the wayside.

Knieriem has reduced the working hours of his six employees, received 10,000 euros in direct aid and reinvented his business model. Expoworks now offers complete solutions for companies that have to comply with new hygiene regulations due to the coronavirus. An airlock, an app for visitor management, consulting and training. Knieriem and his son have sent their offer to hospitals, public institutions, congress organizers and companies. There's interest, but no orders. The company is struggling to stay afloat. Knieriem is afraid to take out a loan because planning for the future is impossible and he doesn't know whether he'll ever be able to pay it back. "Things are falling apart in the trade show construction industry. Even larger companies are struggling to survive," he says.

In other sectors, too, the self-employed and small business owners are becoming less optimistic -- everyone from restaurateurs and movie theater operators to owners of travel agencies, specialist retailers and hairdressers. In a survey conducted by the DIW as part of the "Socio-Economic Panel," around 60 percent of self-employed workers said they had suffered a loss of income: on average, more than 1,200 euros a month. Almost half of them only have enough money to keep their business running for three months at most.

This could have fatal, long-term consequences for the country's entrepreneurship. Though Germans are traditionally less willing to take risks than others, in recent years, they've been somewhat bolder. "The recent positive attitude in Germany vis--vis startups and self-employment" is in danger of "being damaged," warns the DIW. This partly has to do with the self-employed feeling less supported by the state than formal employees.

The impact of the 50 billion euros in direct aid that was promised to those self-employed people who work alone, as well as to small companies, is also limited. They cover operating costs, but don't make up for lost wages. Many companies are also afraid that their turnover won't be as high as it once was. As is the case with the Knieriems, they're only able to continue working with restrictions in place.

This is made all the more dramatic as the pandemic accelerates digitalization. Those who cannot afford to invest now will fall by the wayside. "There will be a sharp rise in insolvencies from the second half of the year onwards, especially among small and medium-sized companies," says Achim Wambach, chairman of the Monopolies Commission. Competition and the pressure to innovate will be lost. As such, the pandemic will strengthen the market power of Amazon, Google and the like.

Governments are further distorting competition during the current crisis. For politicians, it's more attractive to support established companies where they know how many jobs they are saving.

Andr Schwmmlein, a co-founder of the long-distance bus and regional train operator FlixMobility, sees himself as a victim of new coronavirus policies. The company has grown out of its startup phase, but the coronavirus hasn't only come close to paralyzing the Munich-based company, it's also set it back in its competition with Deutsche Bahn. The government wants to inject 6.7 billion euros into Deutsche Bahn as compensation for lost revenue due to the virus. The figure is so high because Deutsche Bahn maintained its operations as widely as possible throughout the crisis. But for competition, it's a problem. "We can only cautiously increase our offer, because as a private company we have to make sure that we cover our costs," says Schwmmlein. Deutsche Bahn can keep running without worrying about losses because the state is footing the bill. In doing so, the government is pushing competitors out of the market.

Wolfgang Schmidt is more powerful than ever. The state secretary in the Ministry of Finance is the right-hand man to Olaf Scholz, the German finance minister -- and the person ultimately responsible for releasing up to 1.9 trillion euros in coronavirus aid. Schmidt can feel that the pandemic and the economic paralysis it has caused are changing something in the country. He can tell that much depends on how fairly the costs of the crisis are distributed.

Viviane Borytzka, 24, wants to become a veterinary nurse, but all her applications for vocational training spots have been rejected during the coronavirus crisis.

In phase one, the German government helped make up for part of the loss of income and keep companies afloat with its billion-euro rescue packages. Scholz and Economics Minister Peter Altmaier initiated phase two with the economic stimulus package at the beginning of June, which was aimed at incentivizing consumers to spend more. A debate over burden sharing is sure to come, Schmidt says. "But now, we're still in crisis management mode."

But this is already changing. The head of the Left Party's parliamentary group, Amira Mohamed Ali, for instance, doesn't think much of the 6-month-long, 20 billion-euro reduction in value added tax. Large companies aren't going to completely pass along the advantage anyway, and in the end, they'll end up benefitting more from it than smaller firms, she says. Instead, Ali says the federal government should have come up with more direct aid for small businesses, vouchers for consumers or augmented smaller pensions and welfare payments.

It's big vs. small. Poor vs. rich. The battle over distribution is on.

The co-leader of Germany's center-left Social Democrats, Saskia Esken, favors a wealth tax to force multimillionaires and billionaires to cover some of the costs of the coronavirus crisis. This could garner votes, but according to Grabka, the distribution researcher, it's not a good idea. "Using such a tax or levy to get entrepreneurs, who have suffered a great deal from the consequences of the pandemic, to help with the financing regardless of the revenues they generate, is economically questionable," he says. It could cost jobs.

As unified as politicians seemed when it came to the rescue packages, the various political camps are equally as divided over who should cover the costs. And they're becoming more entrenched: liberal vs. social, business-friendly vs. employee-friendly. Friedrich Merz, a candidate for the leadership of the Christian Democratic Party, wants to rethink all government services after the crisis. Schmidt, a Social Democrat, on the other hand, is pushing for a significant increase in the minimum wage. "This contempt for the state and the ideology of lowering taxes should be over by now," he says.

In the battle between leftists and liberals, one group could suffer more than others. It's the group upon which everything else in the country is built, whether economic strength, social cohesion or political peace: the middle class.

Ifo chief Fuest warns that the middle class is crumbling because the pandemic is intensifying structural change. He recommends spending more money on education in order to give more people better opportunities in the job market. But thanks to the school closures, a growing number of people, especially ones from educationally disadvantaged milieus, are losing access. "The inequality of opportunity is growing," says Fuest. "This is a particularly bitter form of inequality, and it has not yet been adequately addressed."

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Massive Income Loss: Left Behind By the Coronavirus - DER SPIEGEL

The sharpest rises are taking unemployment to historic highs: Is Britain Returning To The 1930s? – FE News

SINCE end of the Second World, many people have seen the inter-war period as an age of instigated economy failure, marked by mass unemployment, hunger marches, including the famous Jarrow March of 1936 and lengthening dole queues. For the historian Claude Cockburn, this was the ''devil's decade''.

However, this popular view has been challenged by the author and broadcaster Stuart Maconie in his book, 'The Long Road to Jarrow.' He points out that, although there was great hardship, especially in the north of England, Wales and industrial Scotland in the 1930s, it was unevenly spread out.

The hardships were very real, particularly for those who lived in the depressed areas of Tyneside, Teeside and Co Durham. For instance, between 1854 and 1913, then output of British coal had grown from 65 to 287m tons. By 1934, it had fallen. In human terms, the ruin of the traditional industries such as shipbuilding and mining was the ruin of hundreds of thousands of men through mass unemployment.

Certainly, to live in Jarrow was a grimmer experience the to live in the Midland town of Market Harborough. In 1936, Jarrow resembled a ghost town, with over 80% of the town's men jobless.

And the Durham town of Ferryhill experienced 25% unemployment. The consequences were devastating - shops, pubs and other businesses were forced to close. Families fell into debt. Diets suffered and health -both physical and mental deteriorated. The dole was meagre. The hated 'mean-test' was often applied in a harsh and heartless manner.

Today unemployment across the UK is rising sharply. TheEmergency exit: How we get Britain back to workreport by the Learning and Work Institute points out ''the sharpest rises are taking unemployment to historic highs.''

The report states: ''Unemployment could rise above 15% in the second half of 2020, perhaps reaching levels last seen in 1938. This would mean in excess of of four million people out of work.''

According to the Institute for Fiscal Studies COVID-19 is having a disproportionate effect on the job prospects of groups that were more disadvantaged even before the crisis - young people, women, older workers and the low-paid. In the North East 17% are NEET, the highest in Britain and this is likely too treble by the end of 2020. In Newcastle-Upon-Tyne 8,000 adults are claiming jobseekers allowance, a figure that's likely to increase to 24,000 by 2021 unless drastic action is taken , warns the Local Government Association.

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While central government has unveiled its 2b 'Kick-Start, job creation programme, aimed at jobless 16 to 24-year olds, the Learning and Work Institute is calling on the government to bring forward ''large-scale investment and incentives to create jobs with shovel-ready and jobs-rich schemes''.

Millions more experience the insecurity and low wages of the ''gig'' economy. There's been a sharp rise in precarious self-employment and zero-hour contracts. Under austerity, the number of northerners using food banks has soared. The Trussel Trust gave out over a million food parcels in 2019. Child poverty and mental ill-health have increased with 16,700 north-east youngsters at risk of falling through the net in the school and care system.

As Maconie notes: ''The '30s in some ways start to look very much like Britain today, once you've wiped away the soot and coal dust''.

Social class, for Maconie, is alive and well. It's the principal division of UK society as he reflects upon the north-south divide through his contemporary journey from the post-industrial towns of Jarrow and Barnsley to the southern market towns of Bedford and St. Albans. The former industrial town of Ferryhill, today is a ''mining town with no pit'', he writes.

Yet as the historians Cook and Stevenson, point out Birmingham, although hard-hit, escaped the worst ravages of the interwar recession, while the leafy suburban towns of the home counties remained untouched, with full employment. New council housing was being built for the so-called ''respectable working-class''. With interest rates low, new mock owner-occupied Tudor semis were being built on the fringes of London for professionals in the private sector.

Nor did the era produce a potential revolutionary situation or extremism as predicted by many contemporaries at the time. Although membership of the far-left Communist Party grew from 2,500 in 1930 to 17,500 by 1939, it made very few advances. Likewise Mosley's Fascist blackshirts during the period made little impact in the nation, even though his party had over 30,000 members by 1935.

The 1930s were, in several respects, period of growth and socio-economic expansion. The well-established light industries of the Midlands, although they had always met the demands of the domestic consumer, found themselves faced with a rapidly expanding mass market. Inexpensive consumer durables such as vacuum cleaners, radios and electric irons flooded the market and were bought in vast quantities by 1939.

Department stores, especially Woolworths, grew and expanded rapidly, selling a wide range of cosmetics and women's magazines. Today the retail and hospitality industry is on the brink of partial collapse due to the COVID-19 crisis.

As the 1930s witnessed marked shifts in the economy in both middle England and the south of the country, leisure to became transformed.

In 1920, there had been about half a million motor vehicles of all kinds. By 1932 there were three times as many. By 1939, that figure had doubled. Of the three million vehicles on the roads, two million were private cars. In Oxford, traffic jams had become a familiar bank holiday event. In 1931, only 1.5m people were entitled to a paid holiday. By 1938, this figure had risen to 11 million.

Caravans, Butlins holiday camps and cinemas were becoming a familiar sight. The number of visits to the '' picture houses'' rose from 36,000 in 1924 to eight million by 1935 with cinemas like the Odeon packed out every weekend.

Throughout the thirties, the cost of living fell by one third faster than wage rises. Those in secure employment like office workers and skilled artisans, who formed the majority, enjoyed a rise of 17% in real incomes from 1924 to 1935.

The author JB Priestly, in his book 'English Journey'', in 1934 was not slow in noticing the paradox that prevailed: mass unemployment and poverty for one section of the working class in the north and a rising standard of living for another in the south.

He wrote: ''This is the England of arterial and by-pass roads, of filling stations and factories that look like exhibition buildings, of giant cinemas and dance halls and cafes, bungalows with tiny garages, cocktail bars, motor coaches, wireless, hiking, factory girls looking like actresses, greyhound racing, swimming pools and everything given away fro cigarette coupons.''

Maconie argues that, 80 years on, we're going back to 1930s depression, deepening inequality in material condition and the growth of ''populism''. It can't be denied that we're seeing a widening gulf both between the North and South of England.

Just as worrying, we appear to witnessing a big gap opening up between the cosmopolitan core cities and nearby urban post-industrial and coastal towns where there's much talk about the white working-classes becoming marginalised, angry and 'left-behind'.

It's imperative that we make our post-COVID-19 country a ''one-nation'' society again. But we also need to strive for a ''one region society'' too, if we're serious about re-creating a more equitable and fairer community which benefits the many and not just the few.

Stephen Lambert is a Newcastle City Councillor. He writes in a personal capacity.

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Czech Ambassador: Georgia among the best countries worldwide when it comes to combating Covid 19 – Georgianjournal

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Czech Ambassador: Georgia among the best countries worldwide when it comes to combating Covid 19

11 July, 2020

The meeting was also attended by the representatives of the health sector and the Czech non-governmental organization the Caritas Czech Republic in Georgia, which presented two new projects: Way to Home: Development of Adult Alternative Social Services in Georgia and Support to Primary Healthcare Strengthening in Georgia (Phase II), funded with more than 2 million euro from Czech Development Cooperation.

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The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Georgia responds to the statement of the Russian Foreign Ministry regarding Lugar's laboratory.

The UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on the occupied territories of Georgia - "Cooperation with Georgia" within the framework of its 43rd session.

Given that one year has passed since June 20, 2019, it is interesting to see how the West assesses the developments in Georgia during this one year and what expectations it has for the October parliamentary elections.

The Eastern Partnership (EaP) marked its 10th anniversary in 2019. The round dates always come with reflections and new resolutions for the future.

The 8th March agreement concerned not only the change in the electoral system but justice and the impermissibility of political partiality in electoral processes, - stated the Ambassador of the European Union to Georgia, Carl Hartzell during his video broadcast.

The President of the United States of America Donald Trump sent a letter of congratulations to the Prime Minister of Georgia Giorgi Gakharia on Independence Day.

US Ambassador to Georgia Kelly Degnan has congratulated Georgia on the Independence Day.

Georgias president has warned that Russias struggle to contain the spread of coronavirus and an economic crisis compounded by an oil price collapse risk is triggering new Kremlin aggression beyond its borders, - reads an article published by Financial Times.

Production, advertising, use, and transportation of maps and other objects reflecting the violation of the principle of territorial integrity of Georgia will be considered as an illegal act.

Turkey has started accepting foreign patients from several countries, including from Georgia.

A true friend is known to be in trouble, and we have proved that we are true friends, -EU Ambassador to Georgia Carl Hartzel said during an online meeting with members of the European Business Association.

The Council of the European Union (EU) has approved a package of emergency macro-financial assistance for 10 countries as part of its Neighborhood and Enlargement Policy.

We would like to see more American companies invest in Georgia and more Georgian companies in the United States said US Ambassador Kelly Degnan during a virtual press conference.

The MEPs expressed their opinions about the political situation in Georgia at the discussion of the report on the implementation of the Association Agreement between the EU and Georgia.

Georgia a safe destination is a message that Georgian diplomats should send to people in their countries, - Georgian Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia said while talking to Georgian ambassadors abroad via a video conference today.

The United Nations will allocate USD 1 million for Georgia to help the country better respond to the immediate health consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic and protect the most vulnerable groups from the devastating socio-economic impacts of the health crisis.

U.S. Senators Ted Cruz and John Cornyn, Congressmen Judy Arrington, and Markwayne Mullin have written to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin, expressing concern over the expulsion of U.S. companies and businesses from Georgia.

The European Parliament on Friday approved 3 billion in loans to help EU neighbors and partner countries deal with the fallout of COVID-19.

Georgian President Salome Zurabishvili announced yesterday that she was pardoning Georgian opposition politicians Gigi Ugulava and Irakli Okruashvili, which she said was a very difficult decision.

According to the Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia, the presidency of the Council of Europe of Georgia had a very high assessment at the international level.

The President of Georgia Salome Zourabichvili talked to the President of the Republic of Finland Sauli Niinist on March 14.

The Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe will officially be transferred from Georgia to Greece today.

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The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Georgia responds to the statement of the Russian Foreign Ministry regarding Lugar's laboratory.

The UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on the occupied territories of Georgia - "Cooperation with Georgia" within the framework of its 43rd session.

Given that one year has passed since June 20, 2019, it is interesting to see how the West assesses the developments in Georgia during this one year and what expectations it has for the October parliamentary elections.

The Eastern Partnership (EaP) marked its 10th anniversary in 2019. The round dates always come with reflections and new resolutions for the future.

The 8th March agreement concerned not only the change in the electoral system but justice and the impermissibility of political partiality in electoral processes, - stated the Ambassador of the European Union to Georgia, Carl Hartzell during his video broadcast.

The President of the United States of America Donald Trump sent a letter of congratulations to the Prime Minister of Georgia Giorgi Gakharia on Independence Day.

US Ambassador to Georgia Kelly Degnan has congratulated Georgia on the Independence Day.

Georgias president has warned that Russias struggle to contain the spread of coronavirus and an economic crisis compounded by an oil price collapse risk is triggering new Kremlin aggression beyond its borders, - reads an article published by Financial Times.

Production, advertising, use, and transportation of maps and other objects reflecting the violation of the principle of territorial integrity of Georgia will be considered as an illegal act.

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Czech Ambassador: Georgia among the best countries worldwide when it comes to combating Covid 19 - Georgianjournal

Mass publishing has a history of coping with pandemics. After all, it was born of one – Scroll.in

In October 1347, a fleet of trading ships docked at the Sicilian port of Messina. People gathered on the docks were in for a nasty surprise when they went on board. Most of the sailors aboard the ships were dead. Those still alive were mysteriously ill and covered in black boils that oozed blood and pus. Aghast, Sicilian authorities hastily ordered the death ships out of the harbour and back to their origins in the Black Sea, but it was too late.

Over the next five years, the Black Death (more mundanely known as the bubonic plague) would dart across Europe, leaving a trail of death in its wake and wiping out almost one-third of the continents population. It didnt entirely disappear until the beginning of the seventeenth century. And yet, despite its murderous effect, the Black Death was the making of modern Europe.

It played a central role in the advent of new population controls, in the establishment of universities, the spread of Christianity, the dissemination of vernacular culture, and even the rise of nationalism. In Italy alone, the Black Death marked the end of an era and the emergence of the Renaissance: that golden period of art, architecture and literature in human history.

Pulling this new narrative in politics, religion and socio-economic change together was a common thread, spun by the hand of a German goldsmith named Johannes Gutenberg. The story of Gutenberg and his printing press, and the veritable revolution of ideas it caused in the 1400s, not just across Europe, but across the world is one that most of us know. Within decades, the worlds nascent publishing industry had accommodated itself to the new world and to a new class of readers.

Initial books were copied in long-form, manuscript style, to initiate the new reader slowly. Paper went from being manufactured from sheepskin (parchment) or calfskin (vellum) to being made out of leftover rags, slashing its costs in half. In the 1480s, a savvy Venetian printer by the name of Andre Manutius decided to compress the size of an average book giving birth to the 15th centurys version of the modern e-book, the pocket book. By 1604, to cope with the increasing complexities of social, economic and political upheaval, the first weekly newspapers (then quaintly called news-books) came into being in Europe.

The Black Death was not the first pandemic in the world, nor would it be the last. Regular outbreaks of disease across the globe have felled people in their scores, but they have not surprisingly slowed or extinguished the publishing industry. In his excellent account of the Black Death, the historian Philip Ziegler writes, Painful readjustment, demoralisation, lawlessness: such are the familiar symptoms of a society recovering from the shock of the plague.

While this is undeniably true, a glance across the pages of history informs the curious that despite death, loss and unspeakable fear, the human mind has never lost its quest to learn. Publishing houses across the ages have stood as testament to this fact. In 1534, King Henry VIII established Cambridge University Press, giving it carte blanche to print any manner of books.

The Press still stands today, with the distinction of being the worlds oldest publishing house. It has weathered technological changes, two global wars, repeated pandemics from recurrences of the plague to the Spanish flu, from the Asian flu to Ebola and H1N1 and social and economic turmoil to continue producing not just religious texts, but also academic tracts spanning a wide range of subjects.

Theirs is just one example of the hundreds of publishing houses that sprang up in the wake of Gutenbergs press. By 1482, there were 100 printing presses in Europe alone. By 1500, about 40,000 different editions were circulating in the European market, which came up to a total of 6,000,000 copies in print. It wasnt long before the press had found its way to other continents, revolutionising the way people thought.

In 1556, a Portuguese ship docked in Goa, India. Aboard were 14 Jesuit priests bound for Abyssinia (Ethiopia on todays map), and a printing press. The press made landfall in India after the awed clergy in Goa made the impassioned plea that they needed it more than the Abyssinians. It didnt catch on, however, until 1706 when the Dutch reached India. A missionary with the awe-inspiring name of Bartholomew Zeigenbalg insisted that for his work, he needed the printing press. And so it was that the first printing press began functioning in Tharangambadi (Tranquebar) in Madras.

Todays testament to this historic moment is the Tranquebar imprint, owned by Westland Books in India. Now, it wasnt to be expected that this delightful new medium of disseminating information and making some money would function in a void. The next step, quite obviously, were bookshops. The explosion of printing presses and the resultant flood of books and information into an eager market was fertile soil for anyone wanting to trade in books.

In 1887, Elkin Mathews and John Lane set up The Bodley Head, to trade in antiquarian books in London. The bookshop survived the Great War and in 1919, it was taken over by Lanes nephew, Allen. Lanes ideas were dynamic enough to terrify the staid board of directors at The Bodley Head. Against the backdrop of the Great War, and another pandemic this time, the deadly Spanish flu Allen Lane pushed for the expansion of The Bodley Head into newer, more dynamic realms of publishing fiction, for instance. Part of his enthusiasm came from the remarkable momentum in publishing across the Channel, and part from the United States of America.

The United States had been hit badly by the Spanish flu. Nearly 50 million people had died across the country by the time the pandemic petered out, but as people grappled with questions of life and death, and larger, more political ideas such as fascism and imperialism, literature became a chosen outlet. In 1914, as the world went to war, Margaret Anderson began The Little Review.

It was supposed to be a literary journal, carrying poetry and prose themed around feminism and anarchism. But in the fifteen years that it ran (it finally ended its print run in 1929), The Little Review stood as an example to prove that events of catastrophic import a war, say, or a pandemic were hard drivers for both increased learning and the kind of change that a society sought at that moment in time.

Andersons key aides were Jane Heap, her business partner, publisher and lover, and the critic and poet Ezra Pound. Between the three of them, they built The Little Review into one of modern literatures most controversial and elite platforms. Everyone from Ernest Hemingway to TS Eliot and WB Yeats was published in The Little Review, which once daringly brought out an entirely blank issue, to condemn the lack of exciting new literature to review and critique. Yet another example of how publishing has, in its own way, been a beacon for the kind of revolution that society has sought from time to time.

Between 1918 and 1920, The Little Review serialised James Joyces Ulysses, with the final episode ending on Joyces 40th birthday. The world may have been reeling with a virus nobody could understand, but it still appreciated good story-telling. So much so that it caught the eye of a young woman in Paris.

Sylvia Beach her real name was Nancy Woodbridge Beach was a young student of French contemporary literature in Paris, when she met the woman who would become her lover and the inspiration for the iconic Shakespeare and Company. The bookshop was set up in November 1919, and soon became the celebrated haunt of writers like F Scott Fitzgerald, Mina Loy and Gertrude Stein. In 1922, Beach scandalised and tantalised Parisian society by publishing Ulysses.

Her avant-garde attitude to life and literature charmed Allen Lane. By the end of the Great War, the Spanish flu had appeared in Britain as well. Lane insisted that The Bodley Head step away from its specialty trade of antiquarian books into newer waters. Penguin Books would become Lanes new imprint, and under its emblem, James Joyces saga found a home in England. There was no looking back for Lane and his newborn publishing house after that, which became a monolith in the publishing industry in the twentieth century.

Allen Lane wasnt the only one who foresaw a future in publishing. There were those who looked beyond the borders of England to its teeming colonies in the East. India and China, in particular, were popular with the burgeoning publishing industry, from the end of the 19th and well into the 20th century. The choice of India was made to nurture a growing market, developed earlier by the introduction of English education by Lord Macaulay in 1835.

Longman Green set up shop in 1895, while MacMillan and Oxford University Press (OUP) opened offices in Bombay in 1912. For OUP, at least, its arrival in India was equivalent to its rebirth. In the early years of the twentieth century, OUP, the worlds second oldest publishing house, was tottering on the verge of collapse. It had become a press that had increasingly come to embody carelessness (glaring errors and typos were a stock in trade for OUP), bureaucratic decay and corruption. It was largely alive due to its leasing of its printed Bibles and prayer-books.

Its managers at the time, of whom Rieu was one, were uncomfortably aware that in order to survive at all, OUP would have to diversify. Directors at OUP had earlier entered into a joint venture with Hodder and Stoughton to expand into education, science, medicine and fiction. Now, they looked eastwards.

In 1911, then, the British poet, classicist, publisher and translator, Emile Victor Rieu boarded the Trans-Siberian Railway. He was bound first for Shanghai, where OUP wanted its agent sacked for poor service. His next, more, permanent port of call was Bombay. From its first office on Hornby Road, Rieu focused on the advantage that Macaulays Minutes had given OUP, by working to expand business in the area of school textbooks. Indeed, one of the first academic books OUP published at this point was The Essentials of Psychology, written by a young unknown, by the name of Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan. Then, the world went to war.

In India, the first effects that OUP felt were delays and disruptions in shipping. Paper shortages were next, followed by a disastrous non-delivery of important electrotype and stereotype plates that were required for printing. This was topped by a dire lack of hands as the staff were called up to serve on battlefronts across the world. Still, OUP persevered and in 1915, it secured a crucial contract to print textbooks for schools in the Central Provinces.

The contract kept OUP afloat for the duration of the war, and just as well, because by 1917, Rieu couldnt put off his enlistment any longer. He went to war, leaving OUP in the hands of his wife, Nellie, herself the editor of the British literary journal, Athenaeum. She managed by taking orders to print political propaganda for the Government of India. At one point, OUPs non-governmental printing in India was down to a meagre thirty pages. But it held on.

In the aftermath of the war, the Spanish flu visited India, killing millions. Rieu himself returned, having been struck by illness in the midst of action. His most pressing problem (aside, of course, from his recovery) was to relocate OUPs offices immediately. Even despite the war, and the flu, OUP had outgrown its space on Hornby Road. A new space was found on Elphinstone Circle (Horniman Circle, in modern Mumbai): big enough to hold new stocks of books, and an indolent cow that refused to move.

Over the years, OUP has continued to survive, adapting itself to the changing political climate and social needs of the continent with remarkable ease. By the late 1920s, OUPs stock inventories in Madras, Calcutta and Bombay were sizeable and trade was flourishing. It also began putting forth feelers across East and Southeast Asia, in North America and in South America. Today, of course, Oxford University Press is synonymous with more serious works of non-fiction, of education, medicine, history and science: yet another testament to the human ingenuity that is at the heart of the publishing world.

There are innumerable examples from the world of publishing both in terms of big houses and smaller initiatives that stand out against the backdrop of unspeakable strife. Wars, pandemics, global depressions: each a defining crossroads in human history; each with the ability to change life as we know it forever. And yet, the power of the written word transcends disaster of any kind, in its ability to adapt, to survive, to question and to persist.

This series of articles on the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on publishing is curated by Kanishka Gupta.

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Mass publishing has a history of coping with pandemics. After all, it was born of one - Scroll.in

Covid-19 in Brazil has exposed socio-economic inequalities and underfunding of its public health system – The BMJ – The BMJ

Brazil currently has the worlds second highest number of deaths from covid-19. The lack of action from the Brazilian President, Jair Bolsonaro, and his open denial of the pandemic is widely seen as being one of the reasons for this crisis. However, while that is undoubtedly one of the causes of the high rate of infection and deaths from covid-19, we argue that the countrys underlying conditionsits deeply rooted socio-economic inequalities, the fragmentation and chronic underfunding of its public health systemare equally important factors. In the midst of a rapidly evolving public health and economic crisis, there are early signs of some form of resilience in the system, and possible lessons to be learned for the countrys future.

Although the pandemic has not yet reached its peak in Brazil, the country is at risk of being shattered by the coronavirus. The bed occupancy rate in Intensive Care Unit (ICU) is over 90% in three Brazilian statesAmazonas, Cear, and Rio de Janeiro. How did Brazil reach this point? It is the combination of the health systems flaws and entrenched inequalities, as well as President Bolsonaros denialism and lack of action that have cost the lives of so many Brazilians.

Since Brazils first case of covid-19 at the end of February 2020, Bolsonaro has denied the gravity of the pandemic and acted against public health measures such asphysical distancing. He has used words such as hysteria, neurosis and fantasy to criticize the reaction of people and the media to what he classified as a little gripe. [1] Within one month, two of his ministers of health left their position, refusing to implement Bolsonaros plans to end quarantine, and prescribe hydroxychloroquine to all covid-19 patients regardless of their health condition. But despite his antics and blunders, it is too simplistic to only blame Bolsonaro for the rapid escalation of the epidemic.

It is really the underlying conditions of Brazils health system that have allowed the pandemic to take hold and get out of control. Brazils health system is highly fragmented. Although everyone uses the public unified health system (Sistema nico de Sade SUS), 25% of the population hold private health insurance, mostly through their employment. This has created an ethical, equity, and social justice problem within the pandemic, as those who can afford it, use private health services. The large majority of those who cannot pay for an insurance, use the SUS. Long before this pandemic, Brazils SUS struggled with chronic underfunding, aggravated by the austerity measures introduced in the aftermath of the 2014-2016 economic recession. [2] Despite the universal public system, 56% of Brazils health expenditures are private. [3] In the last few years, there has been an increase in out-of-pocket expenditures, especially for medicines.

In Brazil, the pandemic started in affluent urban areas more exposed to contagion from international travel. It is now quickly spreading to the suburbs and favelas (slums). Brazils deeply entrenched social inequalities and the vulnerability of specific populations, have provided a hotbed for the pandemic. In Brazil, the wealthiest 1% of the population concentrates 28.3% of the countrys total income. About 150 million Brazilians live on an average monthly salary of 420 Reais (around $70). Roughly 13 million Brazilians live in favelas, where hygiene and sanitation is poor. [4]. The virus has also spread among more than 600,000 prisoners in the country, and there is the likely risk of rapid dissemination among the population of Indigenous people, which is approximately 800,000 people.

With such underlying conditions, it is surprising the system did not collapse sooner. Thankfully, a few mitigating factors have been able to boost resilience in the face of Bolsonaros lack of action and denialism. There are currently 478,000 active doctors (2.3 per 1,000 population) and 2.3 million nursing professionals. Despite its numerous failings, Brazils SUS still guarantees free access to all levels of health services, from primary care to specialists. Its extensive primary health care network in particular stands out: there are 43,000 Family Health teams and 260,000 community health agents in Brazil, embedded in the community. The primary care network functions as a gateway for early case identification, referral of severe cases to specialized services, monitoring of vulnerable groups such as older people, people who are immunosuppressed, chronically ill, and pregnant women. The primary healthcare system also provides surveillance of mental health disorders, rates of domestic violence, and alcoholism during lockdown.

The joint performance of professionals working in the SUS system, universities and public scientific institutions, have historically helped overcome crises and produced sound public health responses, such as dealing with the Zika outbreak, or the national responses to the HIV and AIDS epidemic [5,6] Most importantly, responsibility for the health system in Brazil is decentralized and regionalized. [5] Decentralised funds for healthcare are larger than the funds transferred by the central state. States and municipalities manage hospitals and services, buy supplies, hire human resources, and carry out health surveillance. As the spread of coronavirus occurs at different time intervals and geographical regions, such decentralisation has allowed the implementation of locally-tailored measures. This localised approach has allowed to keep the epidemic in check to a degree, stopping its spread to the rural areas.

Despite all the challenges posed by the pandemic, it would appear that the checks and balances of Brazils democracy, together with its decentralized health system, still seem to be working, and are tapping into the countrys vast, if depleted, capacity to respond to the pandemic. It would appear that strengthening its national healthcare system and preserving the existing democratic institutions are Brazils only guarantees in dealing with covid-19.

Raquel Nogueira Avelar e Silva, Department of Clinical Epidemiology, Aarhus University Hospital, Denmark

Giuliano Russo, Centre for Global Public Health, Queen Mary University of London, The UK

Alicia Matijasevich, Department of Preventive Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, University of Sao Paulo, Brazil

Mrio Scheffer, Department of Preventive Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, University of Sao Paulo, Brazil.

Competing interests: None declared

References:

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Covid-19 in Brazil has exposed socio-economic inequalities and underfunding of its public health system - The BMJ - The BMJ

Global solidarity in the face of COVID-19 – UNDP

The COVID-19 pandemic has upended almost every aspects of life as we know it. Even those countries that are supposed to have the means to manage the spread and mitigate the effects are struggling.

Besides the US$5 trillion stimulus package that the G20 economies agreed to deal with the pandemic, individual countries are also devising various measures to shore up their health care systems, stabilize their economies, and assist affected workers and businesses.

Even before the full brunt of the coronavirus outbreak reached some of the poorest countries, the economic impacts are already being felt. With declining global demand for raw materials, breakdown of global supply chain, and mounting debt burden, the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic is estimated to exceed US$220 billion.

The urgent shouldnt crowd out the important

With greater uncertainty and fear of global recession looming, governments are looking for resources needed to lessen the socio-economic pains of the crisis. In this process, official development assistance (ODA) wont be spared and could come under increased scrutiny.

Decisions made now will have potentially devastating or transformative impact for years to come. Despite the economic and political pressure, we must protect ODA, which is needed more than ever.

The spread of COVID-19, especially in places with weak governance and health infrastructures is expected to be overwhelming if the international community does not act now.

In sub-Saharan Africa, many countries have the lowest number of physicians per capita in the world while some experience ongoing conflicts, making it difficult to fight the virus.

Collateral impact

The collateral impact of COVID-19 on health, education and nutrition systems will be extremely damaging, and in many cases irreversible, for children and society at large. And when the world opens up again, the resilience of the weakest health systems will dictate how well we do against future threats.

The UN Secretary-General Antnio Guterres, argued that, this human crisis demands coordinated, decisive, inclusive and innovative policy actionand maximum financial and technical support for the poorest and most vulnerable people and countries.

It is critical for the international community to fulfil the humanitarian appeal for COVID-19 response while protecting existing commitments to long-term development and other silent emergencies.

Doing so will help protect the most vulnerable people from being exposed to the effects of COVID-19 and preserve hard-earned development gains in fighting global poverty and expanding basic services.

Left to their own devises, fragile nations may risk the breakdown of socio-political order, civil unrest and state collapse, further exacerbating the dire situation.

A humanitarian and development crisis

COVID-19 is not only a humanitarian crisis, but also a development crisis. Development agencies are supporting countries to prepare for, respond to, and recover from the crisis.

The effectiveness of their response to certain degree depends on the flexibility afforded to them in funding and operational procedures.

To tackle this uniquely complex health and development crisis, the adequacy and flexibility of funding to development agencies are pivotal. Flexible core funding is already making a difference in the COVID-19 response to reach people in need faster, empower local actors, deploy essential supplies to the frontline, and protect the most vulnerable children, refugees, women.

Immediately responding to threats

This enabled the communities to practice due diligence and self-driven discretion to immediately respond to threats of the pandemic, while waiting for the pledged assistance to arrive. For instance, in Nigeria, funding flexibility allowed UNICEF to come up with an innovative solution to fight misinformation around COVID-19 while UNDP was able to support the government double the ventilator capacity in the country.

The COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating crisis in history. But it also posits an opportunity to remind the global community why multilateralism is vital to securing the worlds peace, security, and prosperity.

We witness how the health crisis of todays globalized world interlinks global economy, geopolitics, and social values. Our effective response to the public health crisis should be key to resolving the ensuing economic, humanitarian and development challenges.

A complex reality

Understanding this interlinked and complex reality of COVID-19, governments need to work together closely to take coordinated actions and share scientific information, resources and expertise.

It is this strong motion for collaboration that underpins the UN agencies commitment to reinforce the humanitarian-development nexus to jointly respond to the COVID-19 crisis, working closely through the UN Crisis team, humanitarian response plan, UN Response and Recovery Fund for COVID-19.

In Guinea-Bissau, WHO, UNICEF, UNDP, and IOM joined hands to help build isolation facilities and triage space, and procure necessary equipment for COVID-19, both for the national hospital as well as for the re-modelling of the UN clinic.

With strong solidarity and effective cooperation, the international community will not only arrest COVID-19, but also use the emergency to build back better health systems and a more inclusive and sustainable economy.

This article was originally published here.

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Global solidarity in the face of COVID-19 - UNDP

The revolutionary new vision for a post-Covid Scottish economy – HeraldScotland

THE Scottish economy needs to be radically reorganised in the wake of Coronavirus, according to one of the nations leading economists.

Professor Ronald MacDonald, of the Adam Smith Business School at Glasgow University, publishes a paper today outlining the revolutionary changes needed in the face of Covids devastation of the economy.

MacDonalds proposals include moving from shareholder to stakeholder capitalism - recalibrating the economy so its fairer for ordinary workers. This would involve the introduction of a wealth tax for high net worth individuals.

The pandemic, MacDonald says, has underscored and highlighted the many inequalities that exist in the UK. GDP shouldnt be the only measure of a nations success but also health and social care, the environment, and the quality of life.

Post-pandemic unemployment could be as high as 16%, MacDonald warns, and is likely to be especially high in Scotland given the structure of the Scottish economy.

A new form of social contract will be needed as we move out of the pandemic, he says.

The government should instigate a wellbeing fiscal stimulus that has a major focus on greening the economy.

That means no return to austerity policies, and a focus on building social capital to create a stronger, more connected society. Simply focusing on growth, rather than human happiness, is not enough.

MacDonald says: The prioritising of health and wellbeing during the pandemic indicates that there should not be an exclusive focus on economic growth but a shift to a more holistic wellbeing measure; such a measure should recognise the deficiencies of the pre-pandemic economy in terms of inequalities, a reliance on relatively low paid and insecure jobs and a lack of resilience in health and social care.

MacDonalds call for such revolutionary change will be listened to by governments and policy-makers around the world given his distinguished background. Hes currently professor of macroeconomics and international finance at Glasgow University.

MacDonald, who is an OBE, has consistently been ranked amongst the worlds top 1% of economists. Hes worked with the International Monetary Fund, the European Commission, and the European Central Bank.

His paper will be published by the think-tank Policy Scotland. Its titled The Post Pandemic New Normal: the likely socio-economic implications and policy choices facing Scotland and the UK.

MacDonald says: The current dire straits engulfing the whole global community is unique in the sense that all governments are facing a stark trade-off between the health and well-being of their populations and maintaining the economic efficiency of their economies.

The pandemic has also exacerbated the decline of globalisation as a central component of the current world order. The current crisis could be the final nail in the coffin of globalisation.

The economic threat from pandemic has been heightened by a prolonged period of under-investment in developed economies. The economic response to the pandemic by governments has been uncoordinated.

The threat of inflation is growing. If inflation does start to take off then there may at some point be a need to raise nominal interest rates sharply, he warns, adding: The focus would then need to switch to what public spending would need to be cut or what taxes to raise. Given that there seems to be no appetite for spending-induced austerity now, it would seem that the time to start planning for eventual tax changes is now specifically in terms of reforming the tax system.

Theres likely to be a reduced appetite for risk by the private sector and an increased risk aversion with increased precautionary savings on the part of consumers and low investment by business as a consequence. Levels of debt are eyewatering. The immediate impact of the pandemic could see a collapse in commodity prices.

TAX REFORM

The damage to the economy from pandemic presents a stark choice: tax hikes or spending cuts. MacDonald says: Given the austerity imposed after the financial crisis is one of the contributing factors to the lack of resilience in the health service and other public services during the pandemic we rule this out as an option. Which leaves taxes as the main vehicle to deliver rectitude in debt and deficit.

MacDonald sees the post-Covid landscape presenting an ideal opportunity to consider tax reform.

It is crucial, he says, that any tax changes that are introduced should not impede the recovery and there seems to be a growing consensus among economists that any such changes should be focussed on wealthy individuals rather than increasing business taxes.

Inequality has been deeply intensified during the pandemic. MacDonald says: Perhaps, the time has now come for the stakeholder model of capitalism to replace the shareholder model. Fifty years ago, 6.5% of corporate revenues went to shareholders - today it's 13%.

Post-pandemic recovery will require taxes to change. MacDonald says: Given the large inequalities within the UK today any new system should be progressive and in large measure should avoid income and goods and services taxes.

To this end, a permanent reduction in labour taxes such as national insurance would clearly be an obvious alternative to the salary subsidies that have been given during the lockdown and would help to maintain employment levels as the recovery phase proceeds, he says.

Furthermore, such a reduction in the tax wedge would give entrepreneurs the incentive to expand existing business and also invest in sectors that will become more attractive post-pandemic. It would be a mistake to pay for the lower taxes on labour by increasing corporation tax, given that an increased investment spend will be essential to permanent recovery from the recession.

A wealth tax would be a credible tax on capital and is becoming increasingly popular particularly given the nature of inequalities prevalent in the UK.

MacDonald also suggests a land tax as it does not affect economic efficiency and can reduce inequality. Business rates and council tax should also be reformed, and small and medium-sized companies should be assisted by grants not loans.

THE UNEMPLOYMENT CRISIS

Unemployment in Britain is likely to hit 10% by the end of the year, or even in the worst-case scenario reach 16%. MacDonald warns: Given the structure of the Scottish economy, the unemployment situation in Scotland is likely to be worse than that in the UK. Scotlands dependence on the oil and hospitality sectors, and high-end food and drink exports, leave the nation vulnerable.

As well as the permanent shutting of some businesses, MacDonald worries about the replacement of people with technology-driven alternatives.

The blight of unemployment, he says, is the inevitable consequence of the pandemic.

As lockdown eases, there is considerable uncertainty over whether people will binge spend to release pent-up demand for goods or will save as a precaution due to the uncertainty in the economy.

The job market will change dramatically. People will have to train and retrain a number of times throughout their lives and governments will have to help make that possible.

Post-pandemic unemployment will create greater inequalities in society, mostly affecting the low skilled, those on low incomes and the young. The crisis risks creating a lockdown generation with permanent scarring.

The fracturing of globalisation could also lead to a sharp fall in demand from abroad. Governments will have to stimulate the economy by increasing investment in infrastructure such spending will, of course, have further implications for the fiscal deficit and public debt.

RADICAL RECOVERY

Key to MacDonalds vision of post-pandemic economics is the greening of the Scottish economy. This, he believes, could generate many new jobs in construction and energy. Climate change, says MacDonald, is the pandemics twin.

Low-carbon-recovery could not only initiate the significant emissions reduction needed to halt climate change but also create more jobs and economic growth than a high-carbon recovery would, he says.

MacDonald believes building social capital - strong, positive connections between ordinary people - is another key to recovery. He cites the 10 million Britons who have volunteered to help during the pandemic.

Social capital is at least as important as human and physical capital in driving forward socio-economic progress, both in terms of GDP and of wider measures of prosperity such as wellbeing. However, the move in many western societies to individualism has led to a dramatic breakdown of social capital.

MacDonald adds: Western liberal democracies have moved from societies based on the market to a market society, where the market governs our lives, and where a good, asset or service only has value if it is in a market and can be priced In such a society, values such as solidarity, fairness, responsibility and compassion get downplayed and undervalued, if not totally ignored.

The pandemic, however, has taught us that we can prioritise health and wellbeing before economic efficiency. There is also increasing evidence that people would prefer to prioritise health and wellbeing and other societal values over economic growth once the crisis is over.

In going forward, MacDonald suggests, the UK and Scottish governments should not make GDP their exclusive target for the nations overall wellbeing. Health, social care, the environment and quality of life also matter.

Governments need to emphasise wellbeing creation as the ultimate goal of kick-starting productivity and growth, rather than a sole focus on wealth creation. This would be a major reprioritisation of our society.

Governments should have been better prepared for a pandemic. The appropriate form of resilience in the public and private sectors could and should have been in place, MacDonald says, adding: As in the case of climate change, the current epidemic did not happen by chance but as a result of mankinds rapacious demand for global resources.

Post-pandemic, greater resilience in our health and social care systems must be built in. The World Health Organisation should be strengthened to coordinate any response to future pandemics.

HOW LIFE WILL CHANGE

With the demise of the current globalisation era, countries will seek to be more resilient and self-sufficient at home. Building resilience in agriculture could led to innovations such as vertical farming.

However, home bias in other countries would have repercussions for the UK and Scottish export markets.

MacDonald predicts that the rise of working at home during the pandemic will alter the housing market, as well as leisure, and the retail and hospitality sectors. Home-working could also reshape how people live and work in the central belt in Scotland. This would have knock-on effects for the environment, the shape of cities, and road traffic as well as health and happiness.

If a vaccine is not discovered and there are further mutations of this virus then there may be a steady migration from cities, MacDonald suggests. This could have important implications for house prices both in and out of the city and could lead to reduced inequality.

Similarly, the shift to shopping online, e-learning in education, and also telemedicine will alter how we live and work.

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The revolutionary new vision for a post-Covid Scottish economy - HeraldScotland

British theatre has a class problem, and coronavirus could make it worse – The Guardian

Theatre, ultimately, is not about buildings or props or sets its about people. The people who make it, the people who engage with it, and the crossover between.

The greatest threat to the vitality of plays, musicals and live performance once the lockdown ends is a drain of people leaving the arts. Audiences who can no longer afford ticket prices against a backdrop of economic strain, reinforcing the idea that culture is not for them. Skilled artists particularly those from lower socioeconomic and working-class backgrounds (yes, we do exist in the arts) who cant afford to remain in the industry.

In normal times, theatre is a hugely profitable industry, and one of the UKs most successful cultural exports. But the industry has always been staffed by precariats. Despite the glamour of the trade, almost three-quarters of its employees, no matter what our backgrounds, are freelancers living from job to job. And a significant proportion of this workforce fell through the cracks of the governments job retention schemes.

Right now, nothing frightens theatre creatives more than a slowdown or reversal of even modest gains made in recent years in terms of the inclusivity and diversity of the theatre, on stage and off. These included Natasha Gordon becoming the first (and sinfully late) black British woman to have a play in the West End, with the extraordinary Nine Night, and the National Theatres commitment to 50:50 gender representation. But theres still so much left to do.

The postwar settlement in 1945 was built on the passionate belief that art for everyone was vital to peoples wellbeing and social cohesion. Our aspirations for the future of the industry should be just as hopeful and as high. Assuming the industry survives, its incumbent upon us to hardwire radical, imaginative, hopeful strategies into its recovery, ensuring greater access across society.

For this reason, class barriers require our full attention. Theatre has a class problem. Few would deny it, but there is often a squeamishness in talking about this particular area of representation and a lack of confidence in how to define it. I myself have wrestled with the existential angst that once you reach a certain level in the industry, you must abandon any claim to this identity.

There are also justifiable suspicions, particularly from black, Asian and minority ethnic artists, that the term class is deployed as a proxy to mean exclusively white, working-class men. So it is vital that any discussions of class must wholeheartedly intersect with every community, identity and culture in Britain, and for white working-class writers to amplify and champion their even more neglected peers.

The socio-economic group you were born into and the levels of social deprivation youve experienced are the most decisive factors in whether or not you go to the theatre, let alone carve out a career within it. It seems that half the country goes, half the country doesnt. And the half who dont are unlikely to want to if they cant hear their voices or see their own stories represented on stage.

There are glimmers of opportunity in this crisis. Zoom networks offering peer-to-peer support in quarantine have sprung up, including the digital coffee mornings for working-class artists led by Common, an arts and social justice organisation Im a patron of, alongside the director Matthew Xia and writer Nessah Muthy. Such engagement should continue as leaders listen to the lived experiences of their freelancers when deciding how to rebuild.

Theatre outreach and education departments have been some of the most dynamic during the pandemic. In Leeds, the theatre company Slung Low, based at The Holbeck, an old social club, has been active in distributing food and care packages in the community.

But other mountains feel steeper to climb. The cultural disparity between the south-east, where much of the arts and theatre industry is concentrated, and the rest of the country could grow wider as smaller local organisations and touring groups collapse. The unforgivable demise of arts education in state schools over recent years may further narrow the already limited pool of artists and audiences.

Most importantly of all, of course, are cheaper tickets. Cheaper, cheaper, cheaper, cheaper tickets. We know this will be even more challenging for theatre companies barely able to make ends meet. Whatever new, inventive, convention-defying methods that artists, fundraisers, producers and sponsors can collectively devise, our new theatre culture can only claim to represent contemporary Britain if everyone who lives here is allowed to come and see it.

James Graham is a British playwright and screenwriter

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British theatre has a class problem, and coronavirus could make it worse - The Guardian

Aggrieved customers of defunct banks threaten to besiege Jubilee House – GhanaWeb

Business News of Saturday, 20 June 2020

Source: GNA

The 2,221 aggrieved customers, spread across the Bono Region threatened to embark on a protest

A group calling itself Coalition of Aggrieved Customers of collapsed banks in the country has called for the government to act quickly to pay their cash deposits running into millions of cedis.

The 2,221 aggrieved customers, spread across the Bono Region threatened to embark on a protest march to the Jubilee House, the seat of government, if they did not receive their monies within two weeks.

According to the group, comprising customers of the defunct GN Bank and UT Bank, as well as the DKM and God is Love Micro-finance, whose cash deposits were locked-up following the collapse of the financial institutions, President Akufo-Addo had failed to refund their cash deposits.

Last year, the Bank of Ghana (BoG) revoked the licenses of some savings and loans companies in the country.

The revocation of the licenses of the financial institutions, according to the central bank were necessary because they were insolvent even after a reasonable period within which the BOG had engaged with them in the hope that they would be recapitalized by their shareholders to return them to solvency.

But, at a news conference held at Abesim, near Sunyani, some members of the coalition who wore red armbands and headgears to portray their anger, explained that the life time savings of many of them were locked up at the defunct banks, thereby collapsing their businesses and worsening their socio-economic livelihoods.

Many of us who entrusted our money and lifetime savings in these banks and financial institutions held on to Governments promise that our monies would be safe, Mr. Nicholas Saddari, the convener of the group, said.

We never anticipated that the Governments so-called clean-up of the banking and financial sector would take-down so many banks and financial institutions especially on the basis that Government itself indicated that it required between Gh9 billion to Gh13 billion to solve the crises in the banking and financial sector.

Today government is saying they can't pay us, so they have issued a five-year bond for our locked-up deposits, that is zero or no interest paid on our deposits and investments after we have to wait for the 5 years to receive our money.

Then after many of us depositors agitated by saying we cannot wait for five years then government tells us to take the five bonds to Consolidated Bank of Ghana which will discount the bonds by 50 percent of the face value amount of the bond and pay that to us whilst we forfeit or forgo the remaining 50 percent the bond value which CBG will keep.

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Aggrieved customers of defunct banks threaten to besiege Jubilee House - GhanaWeb

Aggrieved customers of collapsed banks threaten to besiege Jubilee House – Ghana Business News

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A group calling itself Coalition of Aggrieved Customers of collapsed banks in the country has given the government a 14-day ultimatum to pay their cash deposits totaling millions of Ghana cedis or face their anger amidst the Corona Virus Disease (COVID-19).

The 2,221 aggrieved customers, spread across the Bono Region therefore threatened to embark on a protest march to besiege the Jubilee House, the seat of government if President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo failed to address their grievances.

According to the group, comprising customers of the defunct GN Bank and UT Bank, as well as the DKM and God is Love Micro-finance, whose cash deposits were locked-up following the collapse of the financial institutions, President Akufo-Addo had failed to refund their cash deposits.

Last year, the Bank of Ghana (BoG) revoked the licenses of some savings and loans companies in the country.

The revocation of the licenses of the financial institutions, according to the central bank were necessary because they were insolvent even after a reasonable period within which the BOG had engaged with them in the hope that they would be recapitalized by their shareholders to return them to solvency.

But, at a news conference held at Abesim, near Sunyani, some members of the coalition who wore red armbands and headgears to portray their anger, explained that the life time savings of many of them were locked up at the defunct banks, thereby collapsing their businesses and worsening their socio-economic livelihoods.

Many of us who entrusted our money and lifetime savings in these banks and financial institutions held on to Governments promise that our monies would be safe, Mr. Nicholas Saddari, the convener of the group, said.

We never anticipated that the Governments so-called clean-up of the banking and financial sector would take-down so many banks and financial institutions especially on the basis that Government itself indicated that it required between GH9 billion to GH13 billion to solve the crises in the banking and financial sector.

Today government is saying they cant pay us, so they have issued a five-year bond for our locked-up deposits, that is zero or no interest paid on our deposits and investments after we have to wait for the 5 years to receive our money.

Then after many of us depositors agitated by saying we cannot wait for five years then government tells us to take the five bonds to Consolidated Bank of Ghana which will discount the bonds by 50 percent of the face value amount of the bond and pay that to us whilst we forfeit or forgo the remaining 50 percent the bond value which CBG will keep.

Source: GNA

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Aggrieved customers of collapsed banks threaten to besiege Jubilee House - Ghana Business News

Global Solidarity & Effective Cooperation in the Face of COVID-19 – Inter Press Service

Aid, Civil Society, Development & Aid, Economy & Trade, Featured, Global, Headlines, Human Rights, Poverty & SDGs, TerraViva United Nations

Opinion

Charlotte Petri Gornitzka is Assistant Secretary-General and UNICEF Deputy Executive Director, Partnerships; Robert Piper is Assistant Secretary-General, Director of Development Coordination Office; and Ulrika Moder is Assistant Administrator of UNDP & Director of Bureau of External Relations and Advocacy.

Coronavirus pandemic threatens crises-ravaged communities as UN appeals for global support. Credit: United Nations

UNITED NATIONS, Jun 9 2020 (IPS) - The COVID-19 pandemic upended almost every aspects of life as we know it. Even those countries that are supposed to have the means to manage the spread and mitigate the effects are struggling.

Besides the $5 trillion stimulus package that the G20 economies agreed to deal with the pandemic, individual countries are also devising various measures to shore up their health care systems, stabilize their economies, and assist affected workers and businesses.

Even before the full brunt of the coronavirus outbreak reached some of the poorest countries, the economic impacts are already being felt. With declining global demand for raw materials, breakdown of global supply chain, and mounting debt burden, the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic is estimated to exceed $220 billion.

The urgent shouldnt crowd out the important

With greater uncertainty and fear of global recession looming large, governments are looking for resources needed to lessen the socio-economic pains of the crisis. In this process, official development assistance (ODA) wont be spared and could come under increased scrutiny.

Decisions made now will have potentially devastating or transformative impact for years to come. Despite the economic and political pressure, we must protect ODA, which is needed more than ever.

The spread of COVID-19, especially in places with weak governance and health infrastructures, is expected to be overwhelming if the international community does not act now.

For example, in Sub-Saharan Africa, many countries have the lowest number of physicians per capita in the world while some experience ongoing conflicts, making it difficult to fight the virus.

Credit: UNFPA

The collateral impact of COVID-19 on health, education and nutrition systems will be extremely damaging, and in many cases irreversible, for children and society at large. And when the world opens up again, the resilience of the weakest health systems will dictate how well we do against future threats.

The UN Secretary General argued that this human crisis demands coordinated, decisive, inclusive and innovative policy actionand maximum financial and technical support for the poorest and most vulnerable people and countries.

It is critical for the international community to fulfil the humanitarian appeal for COVID-19 response while protecting existing commitments to long-term development and other silent emergencies.

Doing so will help protect the most vulnerable people from being exposed to the effects of COVID-19 and preserve hard-earned development gains in fighting global poverty and expanding basic services.

Left to their own devises, fragile nations may risk the breakdown of socio-political order, civil unrest and state collapse, further exacerbating the dire situation.

Flexible funding key to tackling COVID-19

COVID-19 is not only a humanitarian crisis, but also a development crisis. Development agencies are supporting countries to prepare for, respond to, and recover from the crisis.

The effectiveness of their response to certain degree depends on the flexibility afforded to them in funding and operational procedures.

To tackle this uniquely complex health and development crisis, the adequacy and flexibility of funding to development agencies are pivotal. Flexible core funding is already making a difference in the COVID-19 response to reach people in need faster, empower local actors, deploy essential supplies to the frontline, and protect the most vulnerable children, refugees, women.

This enabled the affected communities to practice due diligence and self-driven discretion to immediately respond to threats of the pandemic, while waiting for the pledged assistance to arrive. For instance, in Nigeria, funding flexibility allowed UNICEF to come up with an innovative solution to fight misinformation around COVID-19 while UNDP was able to support the government double the ventilator capacity in the country.

Collaboration, not competition

The COVID-19 pandemic is a devastating crisis in history. But it also posits an opportunity to remind the global community why multilateralism is vital to securing the worlds peace, security, and prosperity.

We witness how the health crisis of todays globalized world interlinks global economy, geopolitics, and social values. Our effective response to the public health crisis should be seen as key to resolving the ensuing economic, humanitarian, and development challenges.

Understanding this interlinked and complex reality of COVID-19, governments need to work together closely to take coordinated actions and share scientific information, resources and expertise.

It is this strong motion for collaboration that underpins the UN agencies commitment to reinforce the humanitarian-development nexus to jointly respond to the COVID-19 crisis, working closely through the UN Crisis team, humanitarian response plan, UN Response and Recovery Fund for COVID-19.

For example, in Guinea-Bissau, WHO, UNICEF, UNDP, and IOM joined hands to help build isolation facilities and triage space, and procure necessary equipment for COVID-19, both for the national hospital as well as for the re-modelling of the UN clinic.

With strong solidarity and effective cooperation, the international community will not only arrest COVID-19, but also use the emergency to build back better health systems and a more inclusive and sustainable economy.

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Global Solidarity & Effective Cooperation in the Face of COVID-19 - Inter Press Service

If Europe is forged in crisis, Italy has something to say – Open Democracy

People will say What is this great journey that you [the EU] are offering? These people wont protect you in a crisis, nor in its aftermath, they have no solidarity with you When immigrants arrive in your country, they tell you to keep them. When you have an epidemic, they tell you to deal with it. Oh, theyre really nice. Theyre in favour of Europe when it means exporting to you the goods they produce. Theyre for Europe when it means having your labour come over and produce the car parts we no longer make at home. But theyre not for Europe when it means sharing the burden.

Not many would have imagined these words would be uttered by the man deemed the potential saviour of the troubled European project. Not anti-EU propaganda by Matteo Salvini or Viktor Orban too busy taking full power at home to engage in intellectual discussions about the future of Europe but a statement given by the French President, Emmanuel Macron. His words, a warning of the sentiment upon which euro-scepticism will flourish if countries fail to give a common European response to COVID-19, signal the current point of inflection posed by the coronavirus pandemic.

The outbreaks ripple effects intensify wherever the social order heavily depends on the unequal accumulation of capital. As the crisis puts into question exploitative economic dependencies that subsist with little to no democratic basis within the Eurozone and beyond, it calls governments across the globe to politicize and transform our social, economic, and democratic horizons. However, the same planetary challenge prompting governments and citizens to consider deep societal changes has also accentuated the weak transformative capacity of the EU architecture, international organizations, and decision-making processes.

Characterized by outdated national(istic) response mechanisms to major threats, the current global crisis has catapulted world leaders across the political spectrum into a border-obsessed, technocratic and elite-driven management of the outbreak. Some countries like Germany have been praised for how they have handled the pandemic within their borders, favouring social rights and data-driven decision-making over economic ends and populist claims. Be that as it may, Germany has yet to prove whether it can work beyond nation-driven ends and a naive denial of hegemonic power at the regional and global level.

If Europe fails to respond collaboratively and globally to the pandemic, it will not only mean failing to give the immediate economic relief needed to countries in the South of Europe and the Global South. It will also mean failing to react to the long-term socio-economic effects of the pandemic and other internationally-connected challenges such as climate change. In an already-interconnected world, the lack of joint political decisions and global leadership could constitute a socio-economic threat as dangerous as the current pandemic.

In the EU, the increasingly shaky foundations of an international order based on multilateralism, the centrifugal dynamics stemming from its exiting member, and the entropy due to the mounting rise of anti-system political forces, have significantly complicated the landscape. Our ability to understand the blocks tumultuous path towards a collective (not just economic) response to the virus and its consequences is limited. Yet, like Minervas owl who rises only at dusk, Italys case can be particularly illuminating as one of the countries most harshly hit by the virus and a major European sufferer of its social and economic fallout.

Amongst the six founding members of the ECSC in 1957, Italys population was one of the most enthusiastic believers in the European project although its citizens support could never match the elites. Italys economic and political ruling class saw European rules, in particular those concerning exchange rates, competition and state aid, as a welcome external constraint on the economic policies that Italy would be de facto allowed to follow. After decades of impressive economic growth (even if volatile and increasingly fueled with a rise in public debt), the beginning of the 1990s saw the start of a new phase that would characterize the economic and political evolution of Italy for the next thirty years. On the one hand, there was a massive slowdown in economic growth, basically stagnant ever since. On the other, an unadvertised fiscal frugality - Italy has had the highest average primary balance in the whole world over the period 1995-2019, indicated a very sizable and prolonged constraint in its public sector spending, compared to its revenues. This exceptionally high degree of fiscal discipline responded to two driving motives: first, compliance with the requirements to enter the virtuous club of euro members and, second, the austerity measures taken in the aftermath of the financial and debt crises of 2008-9.

As in the case of fascism almost one century ago, recent Italian history can retrospectively be seen as a pilot project for the type of politics, institutions, and novel reactions we now see worldwide. Silvio Berlusconi, an allegedly self-made business man, became Prime Minister in 1994, after running a surprisingly successful campaign against old-style politicians by promising to run the country as efficiently as his own economic empire. After dominating the Italian political scene for almost two decades, Berlusconi was finally ousted in 2011 in the wake of rising financial stress and heightened political pressure for a change of regime from other European capitals.

His role as Prime Minister was taken by Mario Monti, a professor at the renowned Bocconi University of Milan and former EU commissioner. Monti, with his large bipartisan majority, pursued the agenda recommended by European institutions to other peripheral countries on the verge of financial collapse: raising taxes and cutting public expenditures, in particular through a historic pension reform. Despite his initial denial, he decided to run for the next elections in 2013, where he gathered a meagre 10 percent. Parties supporting his government obtained fewer seats than expected, and the moral winner of the democratic game was the Five Star Movement, which had never been in Parliament before and had run on a strongly anti-system platform.

Once elected, politicians running campaigns on anti-system platforms blaming Brussels for its economic performances would experience what Monti defined as the Tsipras moment. That is, a political impasse in which politicians either implement an agenda upholding EU/Eurozone institutions - if necessary, in opposition to their democratic mandates -, or are willing to bear the inevitable political consequences. These consequences range from a (more or less) induced removal from office or being forced out of the euro. The founding Tsipras moment occurred when the Greeks, through a dramatic referendum, rejected the 2015 Memorandum of Understanding with the Troika, only to see their Prime Minister sign a harder version of it a few days later. It exemplifies one of the crucial issues weighing on the EUs precarious democratic foundations: the impossibility of bringing about democratic changes in national economic policies, unless consistent with the eurozone economic and political framework.

Thanks to Germanys bluntness, this is an open secret. In 2011, Angela Merkel herself declared that parliamentary codetermination on the European Financial Stability Fund (the ancestor of todays hotly debated European Stability Mechanism) had to be market conforming. In 2015 her Finance Minister Wolfgang Schauble warned his Greek counterpart, Yanis Varoufakis, that elections cannot be allowed to change economic policy. On April 11 2020, perhaps as a glimpse of the EUs capacity to transform, the German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas called European countries to help the most affected by the consequences of the virus without the torture tools that accompanied previous rescue programmes in the eurozone.

It is clear how populist politics and technocratic solutions have represented the great political opposition of our times, played on the grounds of sovereignty and necropolitics the sociopolitical power of deciding who lives and who dies, in the words of Mbembe. The Italian case illustrates, in a longer time span, the perverse effects of decoupling democratic accountability and the policy-making process, and how we are failing to trust in citizens' capacity to shape policies at the national and regional level. If the solutions to current fiscal and monetary challenges firmly lie in Brussels and Frankfurt, the display of citizens solutions and popular discontent remains a business only to be dealt with in Rome.

The distance between national actors and the supranational managers of the political game has strengthened elites lack of accountability and politicians irresponsibility. This has fueled citizens frustration, ultimately threatening their evermore wavering support to democratic institutions altogether. By the same token, one can explain seemingly paradoxical outcomes such as the six different voting behaviours by the six Italian parties at the European Parliament on the resolutions about the European economic reactions to COVID-19. Undermining the governments position in defence of a supposed national interest before historical negotiations is a small price to pay, when national politics have become merely about voicing concerns, while others are endowed with the tools to address them. The longer it is before the roots of this dysfunctional arrangement are eradicated, the deeper the divergence or outright hostility of European peoples. Today in Italy, once the most Europhile country, there are as many people willing to leave as to stay in the block, whereas another survey indicates that Germany and France are considered Italys main international foes, with China being its closest friend, followed by Russia.

The rest is here:

If Europe is forged in crisis, Italy has something to say - Open Democracy

The pandemic and the day after – Social Europe

Emergence from the coronavirus crisis cannot be to business as usual but must urgently open a transition to socio-environmental sustainability.

The 2008-09 global financial crisis left the world with a new mountain of debt. Subsequently, global debt dynamics moved from advanced to emerging economies and from the private to the public sector, but by 2016 debt was again moving upwards in all sectors and regions of the globe.

This great debt period coincided with a period of persistently low growthwhat came to be termed the great stagnation. More debt had to be serviced from ever slower growth. The evident economic unsustainability of this model came to complement its social unsustainabilitymanifested in socially destabilising inequality, collapsing middle classes and additional poverty and hunger across the globe.

These interacting dynamics came to accelerate the environmental unsustainability of our socio-economic system. In this context, many researchers were projecting (before the Covid-19 crisis) the break-out of another major financial crisis in 2020, with some vulnerability indicators flashing red in all high-, middle- and low-income countries (see for instance here, here, here and here).

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This was the state of the global economy when the Covid-19 crisis struck. Since January 2020, gradually, different parts of the world have entered a lockdown, leading to an economic freefall. Although this is not happening simultaneously, and is in some countries being somewhat eased, the 2020 global economic recession is expected to be of such magnitude that it will make the 2008-09 Great Recession seem an event of minor importance. The explosion in unemployment, the destruction of economic future for great parts of our societies, is just unprecedented.

What has been the response? On the one hand, another wave of quantitative easing (including an expanded range of eligible assets and relaxation of collateral standards for refinancing operations), lowering further the cost of money, and giving further incentives and guarantees to banks to extend loans. On the other hand, emergency fiscal measures aiming to support health services, sustain those in temporary unemployment and the self-employed, avert mass lay-offs and offer debt rescheduling (including postponements of social security, tax and utility payments) to help corporations and households (and thus the financial sector) avoid defaulting.

Respective measures have also been taken at an international level, aiming to support the poorest and most vulnerable countries. The rationale of the response package is to deal with a situation akin to a natural disaster and lead us back to normality as soon as possible.

Maintaining this business-as-usual approach would be disastrous. Adding more debt to an economy which has been struggling with high indebtedness and many years of socially disruptive austerity would have catastrophic consequences. It would temporarily bail out a bankrupt economic model, for a second time in little over a decade, feeding a larger and more dangerous socio-economic collapse in the near future.

Equally important, the race to achieve a V- or U-shaped recovery would most likely push climate change beyond the point of no return, prolonging existing unsustainable practices and industries and diverting funding away from the needed global green new deal. This should not be allowed to happen.

Attempting to go back to a morally, socially and environmentally bankrupt past is no option and should be resisted at all costs. Achieving a V-shape recovery is meaningless if this leads to a socio-environmental collapse a few years down the road. Rather, what we should aim for is a sustainable recovery, which serves the necessary transition of our societies to a socially and environmentally sustainable future.

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Extending financial support to the record number of people whose livelihoods have been destroyed and/or are unemployed, as well as to an unprecedented number of enterprises (especially small-and-medium) devastated by the enforced lockdown is an essential emergency measure in a warlike situation. This should include thorough debt reworking arrangements throughout the economy (including households), to avert a violent domino collapse with dangerous systemic implications for the economy and society.

The true challenge, however, is to use these extraordinary measures not to create a new generation of zombie households, companies and countries, but to guide the required transition to a sustainable tomorrow.

In this framework, the state should quickly shift from the crisis mode of lender-of-last-resort to a transitional mode of employer-of-last-resort and driver of the implementation of the green new deal. Emergency cash transfers and debt reworkings at individual level should be transformed into job guarantees and (re)training schemes, boosting green, sustainable and care skills, practices and industries. Emergency support to private corporations should carry with it green, labour and responsible-investment incentives and conditionality.

Significant changes in public economics and accounting standards should also be introduced to support this transition. The aim should be twofold: first, to align our economic measurements with our social values, by adjusting the composition and calculation of gross domestic product; secondly, to register and manage the use of money as a public good, as opposed to a private, interest-bearing asset.

The neglect of money as a public good over recent decades has led to excessive inequalities and vulnerable societies. With the resources and technology available, access to food, shelter, education and health should not depend on it. This is not only a moral issue: as climate change and the pandemic make evident, resilience and sustainability cannot be achieved without securing basic human rights.

It is also evident that adopting state-centric strategies and securing these rights at a national level is not enough. The challenges we face today require pulling together knowledge, resources and expertise at a global level, through global structures.

Equally importantly, the transition described above cannot succeed without the active engagement of those called to carry it forward. It passes through the reinvigoration of our democracies, the active participation of citizens in shaping this transition itself. Thats why a developed education should not be a choice but a democratic responsibility, supported and expected as an integral part of citizenship.

The battle over the nature of the recovery from the Covid-19 crisis seems the best shot we have to move to a sustainable socio-environmental model. It may also be the last shot we have, before a wider social or environmental collapse.

A version of this piece was previously published by Global Policy

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The pandemic and the day after - Social Europe

An EU ‘Marshall Plan’ for training and education – EURACTIV

In an open letter to EU leaders, civil society activists led by Raphale Bidault-Waddington and, Marie-Hlne Caillol explain why an EU Marshall Plan for training and education is need to avoid socio-economic collapse.

Raphale Bidault-Waddington, is the founder of LIID Future Lab, Paris; Marie-Hlne Caillol, is the president of the Laboratoire Europen dAnticipation Politique

Dear Ursula von der Leyen, David Sassoli, Charles Michel, Christine Lagarde, Mario Centeno, Werner Hoyer, and all European and national representatives willing to act now.

The prognosis is all too clear: covid-19 is provoking an unprecedented economic crisis and unemployment wavethat will be long, painstaking to get through and expensive to resorb. The International Labor Organization has already announced an expected loss of 12 million full-time jobs in Europe in2020. Without a doubt, this will put EU and national welfare systems at risk. We also know that a systemic crisis and high unemployment bring with them the additional risks of democratic decline and increased inequality. We are only at the beginning of the tsunami wave but it is possible to limit its impact by acting now.

With this letter, we would like to bring to your attention a resilience strategy, fully compatible with your ideas and projects such as the Green New Deal, the digital transition and the EU knowledge-based and creative society. It represents a real future promise for Europe and for all generations. European youth needs a hopeful horizon to engage positively in the future.

Instead of waiting for the collapse, our proposition is to transform the disintegration period we are in, into an opportunity to learn, train ourselves, innovate, design a fair post-crisis world, incubate projects, prepare the renaissance, and re-orient the economy toward a green, digital and inclusive economy. Not everything will be perfect, but the eco-systemic dynamics we propose is meant to lead toward a new form of collective prosperity compatible with Sustainable Development Goals.

Making a mass investment into education and training will kick-off a very virtuous and future-oriented dynamics, stop the unemployment explosion, and even help reshape our value-creation ecosystems to make them green and inclusive.

Concretely, this large scale EU investment plan and resilience dynamics work in 3 steps:

1 Help companies to keep their staff employed by putting them in remote or local training programs to develop the most advanced skills, innovate and look for new low carbon sources of value(s) (circular economy, short circuits, digital potentials, new forms of utility and contributions, etc.),

2 Help European citizens, both unemployed and employed (not forgetting students) to develop future-proof skills via training programs, reshape their professional figures and take initiative toward a more sustainable world.

3 Create a number of training jobs, thus giving immediate work opportunitiesfor unemployed as well as the independent workers who are already vulnerable.

In this scenario, the population remains active, included and empowered rather than waiting, insecure, devalued and marginalized (classic unemployment patterns).

This strategy also fosters pedagogical innovation toward hybrid and future oriented formats, coupling knowledge, creativity, experimentation and the incubation of projects. In this plan, learning is exciting and looks like a laboratory where knowledge is mixed with experience. Besides schools and universities, innovation hubs, third places and cultural centers can develop such training offers. Many of them already do and often pioneer in developing knowledge commons. Whether in the shape of prototypes, start-ups, associations, platforms, collaborative projects or ad hoc events, these projects will become the renaissance engine, slowly growing while the covid-19 is being sorted. The design of sustainable and innovative economic models comes with relevant prototypes.

Soon this buoyant societal dynamics will give birth to a new structural and circular immaterial, knowledge and creativity-based economy, converging toward the Green New Deal, fully compatible with core EU emancipatory and educational values, and becoming a new collective future purpose. With this strategy, the EU can renew its political economy and become again a future promise for the young generations, and for all.

More pragmatically, we are convinced that the recovery cannot happen by itself and that a mass investment in future-oriented training will reduce unemployment more rapidly in time and numbers. Such an approach will ultimately be more profitable for public finances, not even counting the additional climate and citizen benefits, European autonomy gain, and the construction of new knowledge commons for a shared prosperity.

A rapid implementation and distribution of funds could be done via digital platforms (at EU or regional levels) to match training offers and demands, and guarantee that the investment leads to local jobs.

We trust you for acting now and remain fully available to help you make it happen!

To co-sign the letter initiated by the EU Resilience Collective click here

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An EU 'Marshall Plan' for training and education - EURACTIV

After coronavirus: Global youth reveal that the social value of art has never mattered more – The Conversation CA

Health and government officials around the globe are slowly and ever-so-tentatively moving to relax lockdowns due to coronavirus.

In Canada, where the possibility of health-care collapse seems to have been averted (for the time being), some are beginning to ask questions other than when will the pandemic end? Instead, theyre turning towards how will we move forward?

Young people have some answers that warrant our attention. Over the past five years, through my collaborative ethnographic research with 250 young people in drama classrooms in Canada, India, Taiwan, Greece and England, I have gained remarkable insight into these young peoples experiences and assessments of the world.

I found crisis after crisis being shouldered by young people. Through their theatre-making, they documented their concerns and hope, and they rallied around common purposes. They did this despite disagreement and difference.

Beyond simply creating art for arts sake, or for school credits, many of the young people I encountered are building social movements and creative projects around a different vision for our planet. And they are calling us in. This is an unprecedented moment for intergenerational justice and we need to seize it.

I have had an up-close look at how seemingly disparate crises around the globe are deeply connected through divisive systems that dont acknowledge or respect youth concerns. I have also learned how young people are disproportionately affected by the misguided politics of a fractured world.

In England, young people were burdened by the divisive rhetoric of the Brexit campaign and its ensuing aftermath.

In India, young women were using their education to build solidarity in the face of dehumanizing gender oppression.

In Greece, young people were shouldering the weight of a decade-long economic crisis compounded by a horrifying refugee crisis.

Read more: Solidarity with refugees cant survive on compassion in crisis-stricken societies of Greece and Italy

In Taiwan, young people on the cusp of adulthood were trying to square the social pressures of traditional culture with their own ambitions in a far-from-hopeful economic landscape.

In Toronto, youth tried to understand why the rhetoric of multiculturalism seemed both true and false, and why racism persists and, in so doing, they spoke from perspectives grounded in their intersectional (white, racialized, sexual- and gender-diverse) identities.

They embraced the reality that everything in popular culture may enter a drama classroom. But they responded to current news stories like the 2016 presidential debates in the United States by saying that they had different and more pressing concerns, like mental health support and transphobia.

Todays young people are a generation that has come of age during a host of global crises. Inequality, environmental destruction, systemic oppression of many kinds weigh heavily.

I found a youth cohort who, despite many not yet having the right to vote, have well-honed political capacities, are birthing countless global hashtag movements and inspiring generations of young and old.

These marginalized youth are aware that their communities have been living with and responding to catastrophic impacts of crises of injustice and inequalities long before now.

How do these youth live with their awareness of global injustices and what these imply for the years ahead? We learned some disturbing things: as young people age and move further away from their primary relationships (parents, teachers, schoolmates), they feel less optimistic about their personal futures.

But in terms of hope, we learned something very recognizable to many of us now: many young people practise hope, even when they feel hopeless. They do this both in social movements they participate in and in creative work they undertake with others.

This is something we can all learn from. In Canada, we are maintaining social distancing as a shared effort. Acting together by keeping apart is how we are flattening the curve, as all the experts continue to tell us.

We know that in communities around the world, government leadership matters enormously. But citizens, social trust and collective will matter at least as much.

In this pandemic, institutions, like universities, businesses and individual citizens have stepped up remarkably in the interests of the common good and our shared fate.

However, Jennifer Welsh, Canada Research Chair in Global Governance and Security at McGill University, argues that the defining feature of the last decade is polarization, existing across many different liberal democracies and globally.

Along with this, the value of fairness has been deeply corroded because of growing inequality and persistent historic inequalities we have failed to address, like Indigenous sovereignty and land rights in Canada.

Read more: The road to reconciliation starts with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

In the context of the rise of populist politicians and xenophobic policies globally, and also the rise of the most important progressive social movements in decades, my research has taught me that in this driven-apart, socio-economic landscape, the social value of art has never been more important.

People are making sense of the inexplicable or the feared through art, using online platforms for public learning. Art has become a point of contact, an urgent communication and a hope.

But some are still without shelter, without food, without community and without proper health care. The differences are stark.

Arundhati Roy has imagined this pandemic as a kind of portal we are walking through: we can walk through it lightly ready to imagine another world. We can choose to be ready to fight for it.

Read more: What is solidarity? During coronavirus and always, it's more than 'we're all in this together'

Its time to put global youth at the centre of our responses to crises. Otherwise, young people will inherit a planet devastated by our uncoordinated efforts to act, worsening a crisis of intergenerational equity.

We should of course develop a vaccine and, in Canada, stop underfunding our public health-care system. But we must also flatten the steep curves we have tolerated for too long. For a start, we could act on wealth disparity and social inequality.

But our response to the pandemic could also illuminate new responses to fundamental problems: disrespect for the diversity of life in all its forms and lack of consideration for future generations.

Youth expression through theatre and in social movements are valuable ways to learn how youth are experiencing, processing and communicating their understandings of the profound challenges our world faces. How powerfully our post-pandemic planning could shift if we changed who is at decision-making tables and listened to youth.

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After coronavirus: Global youth reveal that the social value of art has never mattered more - The Conversation CA

Noam Chomsky: You have to decide whether the species is going to survive – Varsity Online

FLICRK/JEANBAPTISTEPARIS

Noam Chomsky is a man who has seen it all. Many dream of attaining renown in their fields; Chomsky, born to socialist Jewish refugees in interwar Philadelphia, is not only commonly referred to as the father of modern linguistics but has also established a reputation as a political author, activist and critic of post-1980s neoliberal capitalism that has carried his work far beyond academia. We sit down with him after his talk at the Union: naturally it took place over Zoom, yet this hardly blunted its appeal. With nearly 30,000 people interested on the Facebook event (far in excess of the population of Cantabs) this may well have been the most popular live event in the Unions history, perhaps a fitting metaphor of how the pandemic is shaking up established institutions.

When asked about the responsibility of students in this moment of crisis, he is keen to stress action beyond the Covid-19 situation; he sees it as enormously destructive but not an existential threat, on the scale of climate change, future pandemics, or the often underappreciated threat of nuclear war. He offers a sobering reminder that todays youth are facing immense challenges: challenges that have never existed in human history. You have to decide whether the species is going to survive. That has never arisen before. He is similarly painfully aware of the statistics and scenarios around climate change. Under the current warming scenario of even a few degrees temperature rise, Chomsky points out that within the next 50 years...South Asia could be uninhabitable, a large part of the Sahara too. The Middle East? Forget it. This is, he stresses, a disaster of the kind you cant even imagine. And thats what were marching towards.

Though less commonly recognised since the end of the Cold War, Chomsky is equally keen to emphasise that global nuclear war remains a real and unimaginably destructive possibility. Referring to the countless near-misses of the 1960s and 70s, he says that anyone whos ever looked over the records seriously can barely imagine that weve somehow escaped. Its a miracle, and now its getting much worse because of the criminal actions of the megalomaniac in the White House, and the passivity of Europe, referring to the Trumps refusal to renew the START nuclear arms reduction treaty , due to expire in 2021). This despite what he describes as begging by Russia - the other nation with potentially planet-destroying stocks of nuclear weapons.

With humanity facing so many existential threats, it would be easy for someone of Chomskys calibre to become fatalist. Yet he is determined in his conviction that behind these threats - climate change, nuclear war, pandemics and economic collapse - lies the fundamental, but opposable problem of the neo-liberal plague. It can be dealt with right now, he maintains, but not under the current socio-economic regime. Earlier in our conversation, he notes that there is little motivation for pharmaceutical companies to devote resources to pandemic prevention, just as fossil fuel companies, as private actors, have no real incentive to commit to the ecological transition that is needed to avoid climate change. Underlying these existential threats to humanity are serious collective-action problems - ones that he doesnt think can be resolved by our current individualist society under capitalism.

So what can be done? Given the urgency of the problems at hand and the renaissance in Cambridge student activism over the last decade, its a question at the forefront of our minds. One of the most important things to do, wherever you are, is to deal with the institutions of which you are a part, he tells us. It's great to be involved in trying to save the arms control regime. That's important, but it's very important to take a look right where you are and see what you can do. Cambridge University is involved in supporting the fossil fuel industry. That means it's getting grants, giving professorships in their name to give them prestige; working for them. That means that the institution that you're in is working for the destruction of the human race. To quote Greta Thunberg, betraying your future. Well, you can do something about that. Chomsky views fossil fuel divestment as a concrete action, one that will hurt the bottom line but just as importantly a symbolic one which says, we dont want to contribute to the destruction of organised human society, and you shouldnt either. In doing so he echoes the words over the past few years of groups like Zero Carbon and Extinction Rebellion Cambridge.

Aside from climate change, he makes a point of foregrounding society-level struggles. Does Britain have to continue with the project of the Tories and new Labor to destroy the best health system in the world, and to turn it into the worst system in the world?, he asks, lamenting the effects of the neo-liberal attack, which tried to turn it into the US system, which is the worst in the world. Distraught about the US health system - the most cruel, expensive, savage form of universal health care that exists - he advises that England can go in that direction if it wants, but it doesn't have to. In Chomskys view it is our responsibility, as the privileged, to take a stand in a period of history which presents not only an opportunity, but a necessity for social change. In many countries, the choice is hard because you get thrown into jail, you get tortured and so on. It's tough. Countries like ours, it's easy. Maybe you'll get yelled out, or something like that, but not much punishment.

After the interview, we couldnt help being left with the feeling that Chomskys words had puzzled together what seems like a disparate set of injustices. Whether one agrees with him or not, perhaps it takes a structural linguist to best decipher the structural logic of capitalism. His style of pragmatic anarchism in 2020 has transpired to the launch of Progressive International- a global organisation to unite, organise, and mobilise progressive forces around the world - along with Naomi Klein, John McDonnell, Arundhati Roy and many others. Chomskys words may make for uncomfortable reading, but it seems that they have never been more important given the challenges he describes. In his view, the choice of human survival lies with us: either we join the fight or else, sit back and say, OK, Ill support whats happening. Its a very simple choice.

Varsity is the independent newspaper for the University of Cambridge, established in its current form in 1947. In order to maintain our editorial independence, our newspaper and news website receives no funding from the University of Cambridge or its constituent Colleges.

We are therefore almost entirely reliant on advertising for funding, and during this unprecedented global crisis, we have a tough few weeks and months ahead.

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Therefore we are asking our readers, if they wish, to make a donation from as little as 1, to help with our running cost at least until we hopefully return to print on 2nd October 2020.

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Noam Chomsky: You have to decide whether the species is going to survive - Varsity Online

Gold loans, a panacea for the financing needs of MSMEs – BusinessLine

The world is currently passing through an unprecedented situation. The coronavirus, that was first identified in China in December 2019, has now swept across the world, infecting over three million people. As the contagion spread, many governments across the world, including India, resorted to countrywide lockdowns as an appropriate strategy to flatten the curve of severely affected patients and reduce stress on the limited resources available to the healthcare systems. In India, the government-enforced lockdown has brought economic activity virtually to a standstill, and this inevitably will have a severe negative impact on economic growth. The impact is already seen in the rise of unemployment from 6 per cent to over 27 per cent; nearly one in three people is without a job and income as on the first week of May.

A survey by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry (FICCI) on the immediate impact of Covid-19 reveals that besides the direct impact on employment, demand and supply of goods and services, businesses are also facing reduced cash flows due to the slowing down of economic activity, which in turn has an impact on all payments, including those to employees, interest, loan repayments and taxes. The survey further revealed that almost 80 per cent of the organisations reported a decrease in cash flows.

Over the last decade, MSMEs have grown to become an integral cog in Indias economic growth. They currently contribute around 29 per cent to Indias GDP and have generated about 5.87 lakh jobs in 2018-19 under the Prime Ministers Employment Generation Programme. Additionally, with more than 50 per cent MSMEs being present in rural India, they are playing a critical role in the alleviation of the depressed socio-economic conditions of rural India, and in providing last-mile connectivity.

Having said that, the fact that the current lockdown has severely stressed the cash-flows of these enterprises becomes extremely significant when considering the revival of the Indian economy. These enterprises operate on a relatively small scale, with lower margins and do not have adequate liquidity buffers in order to honour their liabilities in the present situation. Their problems are further amplified due to challenges in accessing timely and affordable finance.

In the current credit environment, where there is a strong risk-aversion towards lending by banks and NBFCs, MSMEs need alternative sources of raising finance to continue as going concerns. However, if the show must go on, the best way for MSMEs to address the challenges related to financing is to consider gold loans.

Gold loans are essentially loans where gold jewellery is pledged as an underlying security. Due to the high liquidity enjoyed by gold and the established market values for the commodity, these loans have a quick turnaround time. Even prior to the economic crisis, gold loans were a popular and hassle-free method of raising capital for SMEs. Gold loans do not entail the extensive cash-flow assessments that a regular working capital loan would require. In the current pandemic, they can become an effective substitute and efficient source of financing for MSMEs.

To put things in perspective, the retail gold holding by the general public in India is estimated at 25,000 metric tonnes, the market value of which is around 100 lakh crore ($1.3 trillion). This is almost in line with the Covid-19 economic package of $ 2 trillion announced by the US government. Considering that gold is the most liquid asset and it is already present in the hands of most Indians, monetisation of even 10 per cent of this can infuse 10 lakh crore ($ 130 billion) liquidity into these stressed enterprises. This is a conservative estimate of the immense liquidity that gold loans can unleash into the economy to give the much required fillip to economic activity and growth.

NBFCs, especially gold loan NBFCs, act as conduits for the economy, imparting liquidity wherever and whenever it is required. NBFCs have the unique advantage of grass -root penetration as they have a majority of their branches in the unbanked rural/semi-urban suburbs. This means that gold loan NBFCs, with their last-mile presence and expertise in lending against gold, will be capable of speedy and efficient loan disbursals to every nook and corner of the country. In order to further augment their reach and impact, there are a few policy decisions that the government and the regulator can take. These include:

Categorising credit facilities extended by banks to gold loan NBFCs under priority sector lending.

Aligning the single counterparty exposure limit for banks exposure to gold loan NBFCs with that of other NBFCs ie, at 20 per cent of Tier I capital of the bank (against the existing level of 7.5 per cent for gold loan NBFCs) to enhance credit flow to the sector as well as harmonisation of single counterparty exposure limit.

Considering the following relaxations in securitisation/ assignment guidelines to help NBFCs raise funds from banks:

Gold loans may be exempted from the stipulation that assets with bullet repayment of both principal and interest cannot be securitised/ assigned.

Because of the short duration of the loans, gold loans may be exempted from the minimum holding period and minimum retention ratio stipulation.

Allowing gold loan NBFCs to advance against gold coins up to 50 grams, similar to banks.

Ensuring that the branch expansion policy is aligned with that of the banks ie, branch opening does not require a prior approval. The only requirement is to inform the RBI once the branch is opened this facility can be made available to NBFCs with Credit rating AA and above.

Permitting NBFCs with a credit rating of AA and above to accept privately-placed NCDs to mobilise savings of retail small investors.

If the economy is to wade through these turbulent times and emerge with only the battle wounds, then it is imperative that all stakeholders in the ecosystem come together and work in a collaborative manner. Considering the role that NBFCs, especially gold loan NBFCs, can play in fulfilling the governments agenda of inclusive growth, measures (as mentioned above) need to be taken to strengthen their reach and efficacy.

The virus will pass and economic activity will sooner or later get back to normal. However, not all MSMEs will be able to navigate through these turbulent times and the gap that their collapse would leave is not easily filled. A gold loan can act as a life-vest and help us weather this storm.

The writer is Managing Director, Muthoot Finance

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Gold loans, a panacea for the financing needs of MSMEs - BusinessLine