FFF Webinar: Libertarianism: The Moral and the Practical

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This Wednesday I stumbled upon an article in Richmonds Style Weekly magazine covering the Feb. 8 convention of the Libertarian Party of Virginia. According to the articles author Tom Nash, this convention was the biggest and most important for Virginia Libertarians for quite some while. Given the recent relative success of the partys gubernatorial candidate Robert Sarvis (who made his mark by running a seemingly honest, intellectual campaign and winning 6.5 percent of the vote), Nash contends that the party hopes to maintain this momentum by having as many Libertarians as possible on the upcoming ballots.

Apparently, the tactic to achieve this involves inviting everyone on the partys email list to run for office, even if they have no chance of winning. One person who received this invitation was a high school student from the Maggie L. Walker Governors School for Government and International Studies. The student told Nash that he would consider running for office after finishing college.

Anyone who knows me also knows that my politics tend to fall so far left that they occasionally slip off the scale into an alternate universe where the gender binary has been all but eradicated, socialism reigns and everyone is free to sip tea and play with their cats in a borderless world of total equality.

Needless to say, libertarianism is not always consistent with these ideals. I do, however, hold a soft spot in my heart for the well-intentioned rationality of the party, so Nashs article made me wonder how many capable, up-and-coming young people might be drawn into politics by what is essentially a power vacuum in the Libertarian party.

One member of the University of Richmonds chapter of Young Americans for Liberty, Kelly Farley, WC17, said she planned on pursuing business as a career, but could easily see herself in politics: Libertarians are the party of the individual, liberty and, in my opinion, self-responsibility. I would be honored and proud to represent the libertarian opinion some day.

Another UR student, Martha Ashe, WC15, said that although she identified with the Libertarian party philosophically, she chooses to vote Republican because she is fiscally conservative and the party has more traction. She said, While I dont think I would ever run for politics, if I did, it would be hard for me to run as a Libertarian because I dont think the party has as much traction at this time. Ashe added, however, that she is confident we are trending toward a greater support of libertarianism: I do believe that most young people in my generation are Libertarian, whether they realize it or not, and that as my generation matures, the libertarian party will start to gain popularity.

While the upper levels of the two dominant parties in this country can seem like private clubs that require 80 percent networking and 20 percent underhanded dealing to gain entry, it might be that all it takes in Virginias Libertarian party right now is to show up.

Since the platform tends to attract a mixture of young people who are intelligent, ambitious or radical (and occasionally all three), I can happily picture a future where the party is dominated not by gun- and flag-toting old men, but by recent college graduates with clear plans for a more free country. Whether or not I support the whole ideology, I would rather have a relevant faction of young, educated people than not.

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Recruiting the next generation of political leaders

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On Saturday, about 1,500 students from all over the world gathered to discuss freedom at the Students for Liberty Conference in Washington, D.C.

Economist Donald Boudreaux showed the students a department store catalog from 1958 to underscore how the free market, while contributing to income inequality, also dramatically improved the lives of the poor: "The typical American worker back then had to work 30 hours to buy this vacuum cleaner. Today, a worker has to work only six hours to buy a much better vacuum cleaner. And that's true for clothing, food, all sorts of things."

That's how free markets work: quietly, gradually improving things. That doesn't always appeal to impatient young people or to radical old people who fancy themselves social engineers who should shape the world.

Such social engineering is revered on campuses. A student from Quebec complained that economists about whom his fellow students learn are "Keynesians, who believe that breaking windows is good for the economy, or neoclassicals, who believe in unrealistic assumptions like perfect competition and perfect information."

If there were a part of America for which the American students at this conference felt a special pride, it was the Constitution. "The Constitution of the United States is a promise about how government power will be used," Timothy Sandefur, author of The Conscience of the Constitution, told them. "A promise was left to us by a generation who lived under tyrannical government and decided they needed a framework that would preserve the blessings of liberty."

These students appreciated that inheritance, although they said the Constitution is rarely discussed at their schools. They surprised me by knowing the correct answer to my question: How often is the word "democracy" used in the Constitution?

Answer: never. The founders understood that democracy may bring mob rule tyranny of a majority. So the Constitution focuses on restricting government to secure individual liberty.

If anything, these students were stauncher in their defense of liberty than the Founders.

Kelly Kidwell, a sophomore from Tulane University, said, "Regardless of what its intent was, we still have the [big] government that we have now so the Constitution has either provided for that government, or failed to prevent it."

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Students for Liberty conference shows a young approach to libertarianism

How to Talk to Left and Right About Libertarianism: Anthony Gregory on the Tom Woods Show
Anthony Gregory joins Tom to talk about how libertarians can reach the Left and the conventional Right. Subscribe to the Tom Woods Show: http://www.TomWoodsR...

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How to Talk to Left and Right About Libertarianism: Anthony Gregory on the Tom Woods Show - Video

February 18, 2014|9:30 am

Leah Stiles Hughey speaks at the Christianity and Libertarianism Panel at the International Students for Liberty Conference while her husband, Jason Hughey, and Philip Luca look on in Washington, D.C. Feb. 15, 2014.

Correction Appended

WASHINGTON Young Evangelicals argued that Christianity and libertarianism are compatible, and some even claimed that Christians should advocate for libertarian causes.

"Christians actually ought to feel outraged that the redemptive power of charity has been taken from us and given to an unfeeling, coercive state," Leah Stiles Hughey declared at a Saturday panel at The International Students for Liberty Conference. She claimed that when government gets involved in giving to the poor it denies the God-given human dignity of both giver and receiver.

Hughey's husband Jason explained that "the Bible is not a book of political theory." Nevertheless, "there are themes we get from the Bible that give a good foundation for Christians to embrace libertarianism or even anarchy," Jason Hughey said.

The Hugheys and three other panelists provided 5 reasons why they believe Christians can be libertarian in their political beliefs.

1. Christianity Celebrates Voluntary Action, Value Creation

Jacqueline Otto Isaacs speaks at the Christianity and Libertarianism Panel at the International Students for Liberty as Elise Amyx and Taylor Barkley look on, Washington, D.C. Feb. 15, 2014.

Jacqueline Otto Isaacs, a blogger at Values & Capitalism, explained that the Christian worldview also supports libertarianism. "The message of the Gospel, the good news, is that salvation from our sins is offered through Christ this salvation is voluntary and individual, and this is the core message of Christianity," Isaacs declared.

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5 Reasons Christianity and Libertarianism are Compatible, Young Evangelicals Say

WOW MUST SEE George Galloway vs. Libertarianism : Ron Paul " MLK day is hate whitey day " !
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WOW MUST SEE George Galloway vs. Libertarianism : Ron Paul " MLK day is hate whitey day " ! - Video

RE: Debunking Libertarianism Part 1
http://neoclassicalginger.blogspot.com/ In this Video I go over argument by argument of Jason Unruhe #39;s Debunking Libertarianism video. All footage in questio...

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RE: Debunking Libertarianism Part 1 - Video

There isn't much political logic to dredging the old scandal upexcept as a move to shore up his credibility with social conservatives skeptical of libertarianism.

In recent weeks, one Republican after another has come forward to rebut the Democratic claim that the GOP is waging a war on women. The responses have ranged from homey (Representative Cathy McMorris Rodgers responding to Barack Obamas State of the Union address by noting that shed given birth just eight weeks earlier) to creepy (former presidential candidate Mike Huckabee saying Democrats think women cant control their libidos.) But perhaps most puzzling has been the tack taken by Rand Paul, who in interview after interview after interview has accused Democrats of hypocrisy for claiming to support womens rights while giving Bill Clinton a pass for his predatory behavior towards Monica Lewinsky.

Yes, Monica Lewinsky, who enjoyed her 15 minutes of fame 16 years ago. Luckily for Democrats, Paul hasnt cottoned on to their affection for John F. Kennedy (naked White House pool parties with suspected communist spies) and Franklin Roosevelt (died in the presence of his mistress).

It doesnt take long to grasp the flaws in Pauls strategy. For starters, Clintons infidelities didnt hurt his popularity at the time. Between January 1998, when the Lewinsky scandal broke, and February 1999, when the senate voted not to impeach him, Clinton registered the highest approval ratings of his presidency:

And women backed him at higher rates than men. Hillary Clinton, who many consider Pauls real target, registered her highest popularity during that same period:

Once the impeachment circus ended, Bill Clintons popularity did dip, leading some to suggestas they continued too throughout the 2000 campaignthat the country was suffering Clinton fatigue. But the problem for Paul is that these days, Americans seem fatigued with the fatigue. A July 2012 Gallup poll found Clintons approval at an impressive 66 percent, higher than it had been since he left office. Among women, Clintons approval rating was 63 percent. It was 44 percent among Republicans. By comparison, President Obamas most recent approval ratings are 43 percent among women and 12 percent among Republicans. Which helps explain why Paul is the only prominent figure in todays GOP spending as much time attacking the last Democratic president as the current one.

So why the anti-Clinton offensive? Because Paul isnt speaking to most Americanshes speaking to the Christian right. Paul is presumably well aware that while economic conservatives loved his father, social conservatives did not. In the Iowa caucuses, for instance, Ron Paul won 28 percent among voters who said the deficit was their primary issue but only seven percent among those who said it was abortion.

For months now, Rand Paul has been trying to make inroads where his father did not. Last June, at a conference organized by former Christian Coalition Executive Director Ralph Reed, he put a new twist on his skepticism about foreign aid, arguing that America is funding Islamic regimes that oppress Christians. There is a war on Christianity, he insisted, and your government, or more correctly, you, the taxpayer, are funding it. Last October, he told students at the Jerry Falwell-founded Liberty University that America is in a full-blown spiritual crisis. And last week, he told the anti-abortion, anti-gay marriage American Principles Project that Libertarian doesnt mean libertine I dont see libertarianism as, you can do whatever you want. There is a role for government, theres a role for family, theres a role for marriage, theres a role for the protection of life.

Pauls effort to revive Lewinsky-gate is best seen as part of this effort. Given that one of his key selling points in the GOP primary will be his (relative) support among younger Americans, Paul cant exactly crusade against gay marriage or the legalization of pot. Bashing Bill Clinton provides a politically safer way to champion moralism. It certainly helped George W. Bush, who in 2000 won Christian right votes, despite playing down social issues, because he played up his personal, anti-Clintonian religious and moral code. Paul seems to be attempting something similar, telling Maureen Dowd, In my small town, we would disassociate, we would in some ways socially shun, somebody that had an inappropriate affair with someones daughter or with a babysitter or something like that. (Paul actually lives in the third biggest city in Kentucky, but you get the point).

Pauls anti-Clinton gambit reminds us that, ideologically, the GOP is divided into three parts, not two. Theres a Tea Party wing focused primarily on debt and the size of government, a socially conservative wing concerned primarily about abortion and the governments alleged hostility to people of faith, and a party establishment thats more hawkish on foreign policy and more willing to make the ideological compromises necessary to win. Pauls challenge is to solidify his support among the first group while making gains with the second two. Its no coincidence that as he was courting social conservatives last week by bashing Bill Clinton, he was courting establishment hawks by writing a letter to Obama arguing that only Congress should have the power to lift sanctions on Iran.

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Why Is Rand Paul Talking About Bill Clinton and Monica Lewinsky?

The Case Against Libertarianism (Starmexus Classic)
I was watching some old videos from back in the day when I was starmexus. I realized that many of my arguments still apply today.

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The Case Against Libertarianism (Starmexus Classic) - Video

February 6, 2014|5:20 pm

Kentucky Republican Senator Rand Paul addresses the American Principles Project Annual Gala in Washington, DC on Wednesday night.

WASHINGTON U.S. Senator Rand Paul (R-Ky.) argued for libertarianism, saying it is compatible with Christianity and will help Republicans win elections and attract minorities, at the gala for The American Principles Project, a socially conservative group founded by Robert P. George.

"There are some issues that can move the party forward, and some of those issues I would call libertarian issues," Paul declared. He admitted that "to some that's a bad word, but to others I think it's a word that may expand the party."

Paul argued that these issues do not have to come at the expense of social issues, such as life and marriage. "Libertarian and liberty doesn't mean libertine," he argued. The Senator referred to Don Devine's book America's Way Back, explaining that liberty and tradition go hand in hand.

Freedom and Tradition

"Freedom needs tradition to give it its balance and its stability, its sense of family and community, but tradition needs freedom to invigorate it and give it spirit and excitement," Paul declared. He claimed that, in libertarianism, there is a role for government, family, marriage, and the protection of life. "I asked last year at the March [for Life], 'Can a nation or a civilization long endure that doesn't respect life?' I don't think they can."

Paul also emphasized the marriage issue. "I think marriage is important, not only for social and religious and moral reasons, but it's incredibly important just for economic reasons," the Senator declared. He cited Charles Murray's book Coming Apart, explaining that the rich and the poor live in "two worlds" with different choices. "There's enormous amounts of poverty in the world that doesn't make it to college and doesn't get married," Paul summarized.

"This isn't a problem that government can always fix," the Senator warned, "but we all need to be part of trying to fix it."

Christian Forgiveness

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Rand Paul: Libertarianism is Compatible With Christianity, Will Help Republicans Win Elections, Attract Minorities

Harvard Law Professor (and recent OIRA head) Cass Sunstein has had some columns lately on Bloomberg View that seem to be squarely in my wheelhouse as an originalist and a libertarian. The most recent one is Resist the Sirens Call of Originalism. Before that was How to Spot a Paranoid Libertarian.

The columns have a striking similarity, in that they both attack extremist or caricatured versions of originalism and libertarianism, and appear to concede that the moderate version has some virtues.

Paranoid libertarianism, says Sunstein, is defined by five characteristics: 1, a belief that government will inevitably abuse its authority in any given area; 2, a presumption of bad faith by government officials; 3, a sense of victimization; 4, a refusal to engage in tradeoffs; and 5, an enthusiasm for slippery slope arguments. (These characteristics seem overlapping to me.)

Yet so far as I can tell, Sunsteins criticism of the category has nothing to do with non-paranoid libertarians, or with those who identify as classical liberals. For a good example on the other side, see this recent column by Richard Epstein, who distinguishes classical liberalism from libertarianism.

It is a little less transparent, but the same thing seems to be going on in Sunsteins column on originalism. Sunsteins three objections to originalism are 1, that the Constitution itself may not embrace originalism since it uses abstract terms; 2, some things (like wire-tapping) were unanticipated by the framers; and 3, originalism would deeply unsettle modern law, unless it embraces precedent, in which case it doesnt count as originalism.

Objections 1 and 2 are simply not true of most sophisticated originalists, who acknowledge that when a constitutional provision was intended to have broad or evolving scope, the originalist thing to do is to give it broad or evolving scope. (This also makes it easy to accommodate new situations.)

To be sure, originalists do sometimes argue that people like Sunstein are far too quick to assume that a provision is broad and abstract, but this a difference in application, not theory. Serious originalists ought to agree with Sunstein that a provision should not be interpreted to be more originalist than it was originally intended to be.

Objection 3 brings us back to a recurring theme of my recent originalist posts. Critics of originalism dont get to just declare that embracing precedent which nearly all originalists do, to differing extents is not the originalist position. Or if they do wish to define originalism so as to exclude most of its practioners, then they ought to be clear that they are attacking only an extreme version of the theory.

So it seems to me that the upshot of Sunsteins columns ought to be: extreme originalism and paranoid libertarianism are bad, though regular originalism and libertarianism are (apparently?) fine. Yet I fear that by the fallacy of mood affiliation, readers may think Sunstein has also struck a blow against regular originalism and regular libertarianism.

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Thoughts on Cass Sunsteins criticisms of libertarianism ...

The idea that one may get along without the help of others is so obviously false that its affirmation amounts to a confession of some form of ignorance at best. One cannot grow to adulthood without help from others. That should settle the matter. Apparently however, some adults believe themselves capable of getting along without the help of others. To this I would simply say Show me. Can the entrepreneur get along without customers, or the industrialist without workers? The simple truth is, they cannot. Yet somehow I dont expect the simple truth to be taken seriously, which is a sign of something. They tend to regard their customers or workers as interchangeable parts. They tend to think that they are therefore more needed than in need. But this is not the normal state of affairs. Yes, the addict needs the dealer more than the dealer needs him. But non-addicts do not need the dealer at all. Likewise, those not addicted to convenience can do without the vast majority of what the industrialist and the entrepreneur have to offer. Now all of this is rather obvious. What blinds us to it is our addiction to convenience. (I say our to include myself as such an addict. My only advantage is to have recognized the problem.)

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Libertarianism | graalbones

Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul is, from all indications, planning to run for president in 2016. Yet while Tea Party Republicans love Paul in part for his known affinity for libertarianism, that same reputation poses a bit of an obstacle for Paul when it comes to wooing social conservatives, who tend to see libertarianism as morally bankrupt and depraved. If Paul wants to have any shot at being the GOPs nominee in 2016, hell have to either win over, or at least placate, these still-vital members of the GOP coalition.

Thats the context you need to understand to interpret Pauls recent speech for the American Principles Project(APP), a right-wing activist group that holds very conservative views on abortion and same-sex marriage.

While speaking to the APP, the anti-choice Paul tried to assuage his audiences fears by insisting that libertarianism and social conservatism can work together in perfect harmony. To some, thats sort of still a bad word, Paul said of libertarianism. To others, its a word that may expand the party.

Libertarian doesnt mean libertine, Paul continued. To many of us, libertarian means freedom and liberty. But we also see that freedom needs tradition.

Paul then tried to tie his support for prison reform as fundamentally Christian in nature. I think there are things we can and should talk about, as Christians, who believe in forgiveness, Paul said.I think the criminal justice system should have some element of forgiveness.

Hoping to seal the deal, Paul then played his trump card: implicitly comparing himself to Ronald Reagan.

Everybody else told Reagan to shut up, too, he said. They said, Shut up and wait your turn.

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Rand Paul tries to sell social conservatives on libertarianism

Five Stupid Things About Libertarianism REBUTIFIED!
This is a response to Steve Shives "Five Stupid Things About Libertarianism". See the original here: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yJwN-EwBOgM Download MP3 ...

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Five Stupid Things About Libertarianism REBUTIFIED! - Video

Sink Attempts to Derive The Difference Between Libertarianism And Libertarianism

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Sink Attempts to Derive The Difference Between Libertarianism And Libertarianism - Video

Adam Kokesh on libertarianism
Adam Kokesh mulls out what it really means to be a libertarian. In Cedar Rapids iowa.

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Adam Kokesh on libertarianism - Video

Drawing from his comprehensive, star-studded course at The Citadel, Mallory Factor, the New York Times bestselling author of Shadowbosses, brings together a fascinating and diverse range of essays from leading figures and activists which explore and illuminate the conservative intellectual tradition in American politics. The Big Tent offers a panoramic portrait of the intellectual history of the conservative movement. Some of the leading lights of the Right offer an unparalleled introduction to conservative figures and ideas, from the Revolution to William F. Buckley; Barry Goldwater to the Reagan Revolution; Libertarianism to the War on Terror.

Mallory Factor is the John C. West Professor of International Politics and American Government at The Citadel and is a FOX News contributor. He is the co-founder and co-chair of The New York Meeting, a nationally-recognized gathering of elected officials, journalists, business leaders and conservative authors in New York City. He is also the co-founder and chair of a similar meeting in Charleston, South Carolina. A member of the Council on Foreign Relations, he served as Vice-Chair of the Council on Foreign Relations Task Force on Terrorism Financing. He previously served as chairman of the Free Enterprise Fund, a free market "do" tank advocating economic growth, lower taxes and limited government, and brought the Constitutional challenge to the Sarbanes-Oxley legislation, Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Company Accounting Oversight Board to the Supreme Court.

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Big Tent: The Story of the Conservative Revolution As Told by the Thinkers and Doers Who Made It Happen

Sham Liberalism Falling, True Libertarianism Rising
The Alex Jones Show 1/31/14.

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Sham Liberalism Falling, True Libertarianism Rising - Video

The rise of behavioral economics has long been seen by statists as a body blow to libertarianism. By arguing that people are irrational consumers who are easily manipulated, behavioral economics seems to argue for state intervention to save us from ourselves. In his best-seller Predictably Irrational, behavioral economist Dan Ariely claims that irrational consumers invalidate arguments in favor of the free market, namely those that ague that free consumer choice leads to the most efficient and productive economy. Since consumers are irrational, Ariely claims, we need the government to step in and regulate the economy.

For many, more government is a reasonable conclusion from Arielys premise of consumer irrationality. If consumers cant rationally select the goods and services they need, than perhaps government can choose more wisely for them. But when you look deeper, behavioral economics provides a convincing indictment of the political system.

Behavioral economists claim that consumers cannot rationally pick products in the free market. But if thats the case, what makes us qualified to pick the elected officials who promise to run our lives for us? Within Arielys analysis, two issues the power of free and the concept of herding point out how the premise of consumer irrationality undermines any faith in the concept of electoral politics.

Behavioral economists argue that consumers lose their minds when were confronted with the word free. In Predictably Irrational, Ariely argues that free, is an emotional hot button a source of irrational excitement. To prove his claim, he cites an experiment where consumers were first asked to choose between a $0.01 Hersheys kiss and a $0.30 Lindt truffle. Consumers chose the Lindt by big margins, because at $0.30 a Lindt truffle is a steal. But when the experimenters lowered the price of each product by $0.01, so the Lindt became $0.29 and the Hersheys kiss became free, the number of consumers choosing the Hersheys more than doubled.

According to Ariely, the lure of getting something for free short-circuited peoples rationality and caused them to choose a worse product, just because it was free.

Before we go on, we must note that Arielys conclusion that our love of free is irrational ignores the idea of subjective value. If consumers get a certain thrill from obtaining a free product, then consumers are simply making the rational calculation that the value of the thrill exceeds the value of the Lindt chocolate. Ariely defines the excitement created by the word free as irrational, but the excitement is simply part of the calculation made by consumers. For Ariely, the value of a product only counts if it can be calculated in dollar figures, but of course, we know this is not true.

Whether we call it irrational or not, though, theres little doubt that the term free has a huge bearing on peoples mental calculations. But if people are as obsessed with free as Ariely claims, why then can we be qualified to vote? How can we as consumers be trusted to choose between politicians who offer us free healthcare, free welfare benefits, a free pristine environment, or free money? Faced with a reasonable, smart politician who promised us government services we would have to pay for, and a less qualified politician who lied and promised us free government, Arielys experiment suggests that consumers would irrationally choose the latter. But irrational political consumption undermines any argument for a big, democratically-elected government because it rejects the ideal that well elect the best and brightest to lead us.

Behavioral economists also stress the concept of herding: people attach value to something that other people attach value to. Ariely brings up the example of restaurant lines. If you see five people waiting in a line outside a restaurant, you might think, wow, that restaurant has five people waiting to get in; it must be great! You might get in line. The next person to come by, seeing now six people outside the restaurant, will then think the same thing. Both of you get in line, but neither of you knows if the food inside is even any good. Consumers line up, not because they know they want the product theyre lining up for, but because the product is popular.

To the extent that this concept is real, it too is an argument against big representative government. It implies that voters will choose their candidate not according to who is best but according to who is most popular. People will vote for Obama because their friends did, but their friends may have voted for Obama because of the herding factor as well. According to behavioral economics, we could expect plenty of people to vote for Obama (or Romney, or any other candidate) without having any good reason to do so.

A functional republic relies on a rational, smart electorate to choose its leaders. Thats why so many people trust big government they trust the purifying effects of the electoral process, and trust that the best and brightest will win voters trust and be elected to office. From there, the best and brightest can wisely manage the country and the lives of its citizens.

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Behavioral Economics and Irrational Voters

Half of all Millennials ages 25-32 believe that the American dream the ability to lead a middle class lifestyle is disappearing for their generation, according to new research.

MassMutual discloses this finding in its State of the American Family Study, a biennial survey conducted in 2009, 2011 and 2013 for MassMutual by the Forbes Consulting Group, LLC. Conducted last February, the 2013 study comprised 1,337 interviews with American households with children under age 18 for whom they are financially responsible.

The survey reveals that Millennials pessimism about the future is shared by older Baby Boomers: 45 percent of those ages 54-64, also share their belief, an increase of 15 percent over the past two years.

Though Americans both young and old generally hold bearish views on the economy, the definition of the American Dream is in flux. While older respondents hold close to its traditional definitions 78 percent of older Boomers consider home ownership a key component and 80 percent consider financial independence an equally important element younger respondents show notably less engagement with these historic benchmarks for financial achievement, instead focusing on developing a monthly budget, suggesting views around financial satisfaction are undergoing fundamental shifts, according to the study.

"We've found that American families hold similar core values when it comes to their finances, but one of the study's key takeaways is that the emphasis placed on these financial views vary [among] demographic groups," says Mike Fanning, executive vice president, U.S. Insurance Group, MassMutual. "Between generations, ethnicities, and family types, the goals families hold, the confidence they feel, and the financial products and services they use differ in clear and diverse ways."

Additional findings from the survey include:

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First Read Minute: Obama's Last Best Chance?