The Role of Earth and Space Scientists During Pandemics – Eos

We are living in exceptional and difficult times due to the spread of SARS-CoV-2, the virus responsible for the coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19), which has significantly disrupted the usual rhythm of our days. As Earth and space scientists, we believe we can offer insights into the pandemic and work collectively towards solutions.

The coronavirus pandemic is truly a global health crisis that has affected every country around the world. Governments have imposed severe restrictions on their populations in a bid to stop the spread of coronavirus, including strict controls on internal travel, bans on foreign visitors, and orders for people to stay in their homes. At the time of writing in mid-May, the virus has infected over 4.6 million people and killed more than 311,500 across the world in under six months (data from the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University).

Earth and space scientists have an important role to play. They can offer valuable insights into the coronavirus pandemic and other global health challenges.While the immediate concern during this public health emergency is focused on the provision of medical care and interventions to reduce transmission, this is not only an issue for biomedical scientists, virologists and public policy experts to tackle. Earth and space scientists have an important role to play too. Soil scientists, climate modelers, hydrologists and people from many other disciplines can offer valuable insights into the coronavirus pandemic and other global health challenges.

During recent decades, humans have been exploiting the natural resources of our planet fossil fuels, water, land, timber, minerals, wildlife and much more. The need and desire for more natural resources has led humans to encroach on various natural habitats. This results in expansion of ecotones, where species assemblages from different habitats mix, providing new opportunities for spillover of pathogens from wild animals and insects into human beings.

What we are experiencing is not the first case of human diseases originating from indiscriminate contacts with infected animals. For example, the emergence of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) is believed to have arisen from the hunting of nonhuman primates (chimpanzees) for food in central African forests. The outbreaks of Ebola hemorrhagic fever from 1999 and other coronaviruses such as SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus, SARS-CoV) in 2003 and MERS (Middle East respiratory syndrome coronavirus, MERS-CoV) in 2012, were also triggered by a jump from animal to human in disturbed natural habitats. Phylogenetic analysis of the novel SARS-CoV-2 virus suggests an initial single-locus zoonotic spillover event in December 2019 at a wet market in the large, modern city of Wuhan (Hubei province, central China), where wildlife was being sold, often in unhygienic conditions.

While these examples may have happened in places far from where we live, we must share a collective responsibility for this as 21st century humans in a globalized world. Across all continents, human populations are expanding their footprint as ever-more land is used for settlements, agriculture and natural resource extraction. This penetration into wildlife habitats increases the risk of spillover of zoonotic viruses and the rate of future zoonotic disease emergence will be linked to the evolution of the agricultureenvironment nexus.

The changing climate is another factor to consider in the spread of the virus. Inter-annual and inter-decadal climate variability interacts with environmental and land-use changes affecting the survival, reproduction and distribution of disease pathogens and their hosts to contribute to disease emergence. The corresponding rise in annual average temperatures has altered the habitat of pathogen-carrying insects causing outbreaks, such as West Nile, Chikungunya, Dengue, and Zika diseases, to appear in new geographic regions.

There is an urgent need for convergent research focusing on biological, ecological and social drivers of pathogen emergence and distribution. Through holistic, integrated and interdisciplinary studies and codesign with, and participation of, relevant stakeholders we must focus our attention on pathogen dynamics at the wildlifelivestockhuman interface along with the influence of warmer temperatures on disease vectors.

Earth and space science is the science of the 21st century. All disciplines of our science can produce the knowledge and expertise needed to address the grand societal challenges that we collectively face.Earth and space science is the science of the 21st century. All disciplines of our science can produce the knowledge and expertise needed to address the grand societal challenges that we collectively face. These challenges transcend borders and politics. We must take this opportunity and broaden our reach by inviting those in other domains of science and relevant stakeholders to work with us in co-designing and co-producing knowledge and solutions. Through this, we will advance knowledge and create solutions that benefit communities, places and environments, and contribute towards the sustainability of our planet.

Fabio Florindo ([emailprotected]), Editor in Chief, Reviews of Geophysics; and Christine McEntee, former Executive Director and CEO of AGU

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WALSH: WHO’s Horrifying Sex Ed Guidelines Are Enough Reason To Defund Them – The Daily Wire

There was much consternation and outrage when President Trump suspended funding to the World Health Organization last week. Outrage aside, WHO clearly deserves to lose funding just on the basis of the past two months alone. This is a health organizationthat has addressed a global pandemic by getting nearly everything wrong every step of the way. WHO originally covered for China anddownplayed the threat posed by COVID-19, then reversed itself and called for draconian lockdowns, insisting that easing them could cause the virus to reignite, and then seemingly reversed itself again by putting Sweden forward as a model for battling the epidemic. Im not sure that this performance is quite worth the $400 million in funding that we had been forking out.

But the case against WHO goes well beyond its stumbling response to the coronavirus. For many years, WHO has been a leading advocate for sexualizing and grooming children with radical sex ed courses. The Federalist has some details:

On the WHOs officialwebsite, International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) is listed as one of the WHOs major partners. Planned Parenthood is one of the largest world abortion providers. Additionally, the names and logos of top-tier UN agencies, including the WHO, all appear on the front cover of UNESCOS International Technical Guidance on Sexuality Education published in January 2018. Thisdocument posted on the WHO website is laced with references to childhood sexuality, including these statements:

[Young] people want and need sexuality and sexual health information as early and comprehensively as possible.

Children should have agency in their own sexual practices and relationships.

Comprehensive Sexuality Education can help children form respectful and healthy relationships with sexual partners.

It gets much worse. As Summit News reports, the World Health OrganizationsStandards for Sexuality Education in Europe: A framework for policymakers, educational and health authorities and specialists provides a framework for sexual education, and the guidelines for even the youngest age groups are fairly shocking. The documentpromotes a holistic approach that empowers children to become more empowered in order to live out their sexuality and their partnerships in a fulfilling and responsible manner. The true horror of this approach becomes clear when you realize that they want children as young as four to be empowered in this way.

An educational matrix within the document provides specific guidelines for different age groups. Children from ages 0-4, were told, should be given information about the discovery of own body and own genitals and enjoyment and pleasure when touching ones own body, early childhood masturbation. They are also supposed to be informed of their right to explore gender identities. Children between 4-6 are supposed to be informed about the wonders of masturbation and genital exploration as well, with the added wrinkle that homosexual relationships are supposed to be introduced.

The guidelines get more graphic as you move into the older age brackets. About kids between the ages of 16 and 18, we are told: The sexual career of young people usually proceeds as follows: kissing, touching and caressing with clothes on, naked petting, sexual intercourse (heterosexuals) and, finally, oral sex and sometimes anal sex. The phrase sexual career of young people, coming from a giant bureaucratic organization, should severely creep you out. But then all of this indeed, the very idea of government schools teaching sex ed should creep you out.

Its inevitable that government sex education will take a sharp left turn into this sort of grotesquery. Thats because every statement about sex is wrapped in the moral and philosophical beliefs of whoever is making it. Its one thing to teach about human anatomy or the biological facts of human reproduction, but once you veer into lessons on the relative merits and proper or improper contexts for specific sexual acts and behaviors, youve entered a realmthat will always be more ideological than scientific. It is the opinion of the degenerates at WHO that four-year-olds ought to be masturbating. Children at school dont need to hear anyones opinions about sex especially not that opinion. But thats what sex ed always comes down to: opinions. And if the curriculumis developed and taught by hedonistic perverts, the children will be taught hedonistic and perverse opinions. There is no way around it.

The best way to stop these outrageously inappropriate and not-so-vaguely pedophilic sex ed courses is to stop all sex ed courses. Let the kids learn about the science of sex in science class. All of the rest of it should fall to parents to handle. And, no, this is not a veiled sales pitch for abstinence education. I dont want government employees teaching my kids how not to have sex anymore than I want them teaching him how to have it. The case for abstaining until marriage is mostly moral, and I dont think the classroom is the right place for that sort of instruction, nor do I trust the average school teacher to make the moral case against premarital sex effectively. All of this, again, should go to the parents. All the teacher needs to do is stick to the biological basics, though frankly Im not sure we can trust them to handle even that anymore.

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WALSH: WHO's Horrifying Sex Ed Guidelines Are Enough Reason To Defund Them - The Daily Wire

We organize to remake our lives – International Viewpoint

This years May 1st arrives in the context of a global crisis. The planetary impact of Covid-19 affirms with renewed strength the internationalism of our struggles and of the meaning of this date. Today, we workers face profound problems in all parts of the world. While total or partial economic paralysis already is affecting about 81 percent of the global workforce, millions more are at risk of losing their income and their jobs permanently.[1] At the same time, the crisis impacting the reproduction of human life itself has further intensified the productive and reproductive work carried out by women and non-gender conforming people, while making it all the more precarious.

We know that the measures adopted by various governments point in the same general direction, that is, protecting corporate profits in a direct attack on our existence. We also know that these attacks and the current crisis did not begin with the virus, rather the virus exposed a long-standing crisis in the capitalist organization of work and life, an arrangement that forces millions of people in lives of total uncertainty now and in the future.

Precisely because we do not want the future to be like the present, because we do not want so many people to have to choose between risking their health by going to work and hunger if they do not, and because we will defy the normalization of violence that they want to impose on us, the peoples of Chile have decided to rise up in revolt against these precarious living conditions and to challenge those whose policies have sustained this reality for decades. We stayed in the streets for five months without rest, we overcame our fear, we fractured neoliberal normality. We embrace a slogan that was born from 30 years of injustice, one that defines our vision: We will fight until live is worth living, luchamos hasta que valga la pena vivir.

Just one week prior to the need for social distancing, four million women and gender non-conforming people burst into the streets all across Chile on a historic March 8 and 9. The vitality of the revolt was manifested in the General Feminist Strike, when came together and demanded as we do today the departure of this criminal government, the end of impunity for its leaders and the cessation of state terrorism. We stand in defense of a feminist programto transform all aspects of our society and affirm that we are going to remake our lives into the kind of lives we want to live, the kind of lives that have been denied to us. On March 8 and 9, on International Working Womens Day, we demonstrated that the Chilean revolt belongs to the peoples and that as long as the peoples decide not to let it end it, the revolt continues.

Today we are those same women and gender non-conforming people who are on the front lines of the caring professions that sustain life, those essential jobs that cannot be stopped, these same jobs that are precarious, insecure, poorly-paid, or even unpaid. We are on the front lines of those who have never enjoyed set schedules and limited hours of work. Today, it is these same women and gender non-conforming people who are trapped, too many of us, in quarantine with our aggressors. We have told ourselves that our very lives are a political problem, and today we know this is truer than ever. That is why we have put together a Feminist Emergency Plan in the face of the crisis and, together with other feminist organizations, we have formed a Support Network that recently launched a campaign to confront misogynist violence in the current context.

Faced with the current comprehensive crisis, a question rises across the entire world this May 1st: What are we going to do now? If we had good reasons in October to rise up, we have more reasons today.

We will not deceive ourselves. The democratic transition after Pinochets exit was little more than a co-governing arrangement, split between two political blocs dedicated to administering the same dictatorial legacy and, fundamentally, the same program, a program that aimed to prevent the political and organic rearmament of the popular sectors. They ruled for decades and continue to govern without having done anything to benefit the workers. In the most critical moments of our recent history, when the peoples decided to settle accounts with them, many of the parties that presented themselves as an alternative to this transition duopoly, lined up in defense of this model and against popular interests. These parties approved the repressive laws with which they tried to crush the revolt and sentenced the uprisings protagonists to jail so as to exclude them from the vital process of reconstituting the governing power that we had already undertaken.[2] They are all responsible.

We affirm that, as we did before, we workers have now united and we can only rely on confidence in our own forces to face, and overcome, the urgent problems arising before us. We are preparing to challenge, once again, the policies with which this criminal government and the parties that subordinate to it, intend to make us pay for a crisis that we did not create. Our unemployment funds are being consumed and our pension funds are disappearing without employers having to pay a single peso in remuneration, without anyone stopping all our efforts from a lifetime of work being bled dry. These policies mean hunger for today and hunger for tomorrow.

We are preparing to fight poverty based on class solidarity, we will keep ourselves together and to prevent competition from prevailing between us and against us, because when poverty pits workers against workers, the wealthy only gain ground to depress our living conditions.

May 1st has so far not been a date on which feminists traditionally take the floor, but we have spent time reflecting deeply and collectively articulating about what we want to say. We have done so as the Committee of Workers and Trade Unionists of the March 8 Feminist Collective in Feminism, Labor and Social Security Assemblies and in the Plurinational Meetings of People in Struggle. And one year ago, we carried out our first Feminist May 1st action in Santiago. This year, virtually, we will meet again to say publicly that there is an alternative to fight for and to ask everyone to join us in this struggle.

This 1st of May we will take another step forward, calling for the building of a Feminist Organization of Workers, one that commits to unity in times of fragmentation and precarious work. A space in which women and gender non-conforming people can come together across all the different jobs we perform formal, informal, paid or not including people laid off from their work. We call for the creation of a space in which the broad layers of women workers who have not yet found a place to participate in the traditional union forms may meet in solidarity and united action with unionized women in order to develop our still-dispersed power together.

A democratic space of, by, and for the rank and file from which we can take stock of the workers organizations of the last decades and also assess the place that women and gender non-conforming people we have occupied in them, as well as the work we perform. A space that makes life-sustaining care work visible and to promote the General Feminist Strike as a means to conquer its socialization, that is, to ensure that society take responsibility for its costs.

This May 1st we must call on our feminist memory and our vision of the future. We call for the construction of a Feminist Organization of Workers that follows the red thread of history uniting us with the workers of Chicago in 1886, the thread that women embroidered in those first strikes that gave rise to March 8, the red thread picked up by Chilean workers through their Industrial Councils Cordones Industriales) and land seizures. We make these struggles our own, and we claim a place as protagonists in the destinies of our present and future struggles.

This May 1st we are internationalists because our struggles know no borders. We join in cross-border coordination with feminists from multiple territories and continents to affirm together that society can be organized on new bases, that a life without patriarchal violence, without racism and free from exploitation, is possible. That relations between peoples can be re-founded based on solidarity and from what our efforts have already accomplished.

Today we extend our greetings to all the workers of the world from our country where pandemic intersects with revolt in the certainty that rebellion is contagious too.

This article was originally published by El Mostrador and Viento Sur. Translated and published by No Borders News in solidarity with Chiles feminist movement on International Workers Day. Republished with permission.

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We organize to remake our lives - International Viewpoint

Matthew Ronay and Lane Relyea on the art of Tishan Hsu – Artforum

TISHAN HSUs paintings and sculptures evoke nightmarish visions of the bodys forced integration with its technological surrounds. After a spate of exhibitions in the 1980s at venues including Pat Hearn Gallery and Leo Castelli, the artists work largely disappeared from public view. Now, New Yorks SculptureCenter has organized the survey Tishan Hsu: Liquid Circuit. The show debuted at the Hammer Museum, Los Angeles, this past winter and was slated to open at SculptureCenter in May before being postponed in the wake of Covid-19. To mark this occasion, Artforum invited artist MATTHEW RONAY and art historian LANE RELYEA to reflect on Hsus dark, prescient, and singularly weird oeuvre.

MATTHEW RONAY

I NEVER KNEW THAT I LOVED DRAINS. An algorithm on YouTube revealed this predilection to me. As a connoisseur of portals, orifices, and pores, I should have known that drains and the waste they imply, hidden beneath their sterile exteriors, would be in my pleasure zone. I look at most art in the same way I look at drains on YouTube: in reproduction, removed from reality. I came across Tishan Hsu at a similar remove, through books and the internet. The vents, screens, intakes, fantasy architectures, and fleshy degradations that pervade his work clogged me from my first impression.

Some of Hsus pristine Euclidean models, such as Ooze, 1987, resembling a barren sauna basin waiting to be filled with myriad fluids, arouse in me a love for the rational illusion that architecture brings to sculpture. Offsetting this order are feelings of confinement, abandonment, and disease. Are the works patterns, punctured with holes, just some piebald markings, or are they lesions, viral cells, torture wounds? The world created by Hsus reliefs feels stagnant, swampy; at the same time, it suggests the paradoxical experience of cosmic velocity, when things seen through a spaceship window appear still even though theyre careening through the universe. The ships claustrophobic interiors will also appear in sharp contrast to the sublime infinity of outer space. Similarly, the louvers in Hsus paintings like Closed Circuit II, 1986, which resemble dashboards or readoutsor interfaces for an AI assistant like the medicine cabinet in George Lucass THX 1138 (1971)are hauntingly still, almost refrigerated, yet imply activity. The oscillators in the painting show nothing, or perhaps their sine waves are so long we cannot see them. Has humanity flatlined? the artist seems to ask. Has technology paused evolution?

Has humanity flatlined? the artist seems to ask. Has technology paused evolution?

Undulating, sagging flesh is abundant in Hsus work. Who among us hasnt noticed their own flabby bits or felt a shock run through them when confronted with the failing body of a loved one in a hospital? On one of the transparent vellum pages of a book filled with quotes and diagrams from eclectic sources Hsu made for a 1986 show at New Yorks Pat Hearn Gallery, I came across a citation of Elaine Scarrywho? Research. I was researching Tishan Hsu; now Im reading Elaine Scarrys 1985 book, The Body in Pain. Human beings project their bodily powers and frailties into external objects such as telephones, chairs, gods, poems, medicine, institutions, and political forms, and then those objects in turn become the object of perceptions that are taken back into the interior of human consciousness where they now reside as part of the mind or soul. Its all starting to flow. It doesnt make sense yet, thank goodness, but Im beginning to grok. Scarry has much to say about the body and the room. How the body is like a room and vice versa. She also writes about how we dont have nuanced language to communicate pain and how we dont believe each others pain. And now Im thinking about the kind of pain that a body remembers. Looking at Hsus work makes me feel like I am renting pain in the process.

Even his more rigid tile piecessuch as Vertical Ooze, 1987, and Holey Cow, 1986sag or bulge, as if he had merged neural networks with isometric drawings, skin tags, and booths for intergalactic spa treatments. Are they models of nature? How is it that this work feels simultaneously organic and technological? Why cant I stop thinking about drains and what kinds of liquids ran through them even though there are none here? I also see bunkers, sites of decontamination or compartmentalization. When I look at pool pieces like Heading Through, 1984, I wonder if Im in the shower scene from the 1983 nuclear drama Silkwood. Or perhaps a germ-free future? The tile works are idealized, fantasy architectures, very useful if your goal in creating shelter is to express yourself. The eighteenth-century Neoclassical architect Claude-Nicolas Ledoux realized all manner of civic solutions for essentials such as pumping stations without jettisoning his sense of humor or heightened aesthetics, and I wonder what necessity these snippets of space Hsu has created embody. Hsus are sites of self-carefuture hammams where liniments are applied and dermabrasion happens and dead cells disappear down holes into pipes. Sometimes I imagine his cropped rooms are bodies: In Vertical Ooze, they sure look pressed against each other polyamorously. Theyre often tumescentfrom pleasure? Or pain? Neither, since the whole world Hsu has created is a simulation. Or is it?

I always see abs in the paintings, too. They may be something similar to the pharyngeal arches that appear just beneath the head of a human embryo. These outpouchings, which look like little fat rolls, develop into the facial muscles we use to express ourselves. They also become the muscles and bones of the neck, as well as important organs that help us speak, like the larynx. Hsus are folds of expression. Although perhaps theyreyesribs? The painting Outer Banks of Memory, 1984, is sick. It has sores. I recognize this as the same language of falling apart I revel in every time I watch Jeff Goldblum in David Cronenbergs The Fly (1986). It, too, is a tale of aging, disease, entropy, and the winnowing of organic matter, an artwork made during the 1980s that seemingly reflects the horror of aids, even though the director insisted there was more to it. Is it possible that an artwork can insist when an artist does not? I hope so, for selfish reasons. (I usually grow bored of my own interpretations.) We currently find ourselves suffering the wrath of an elementary technologythe Covid-19 virusand the sterility and the vulnerability of our bodies Hsus works addressed in the 80s hold as true now as they did then. That Hsus abstractions, almost forty years after they were made, can capture the cruelty and ethos of a similar moment suggests that abstractions slipperiness is still useful and will remain so.

I encountered my first Hsu in the flesh in Searching the Sky for Rain, a 2019 group show at New Yorks SculptureCenter: Heading Through, 1984, a tile work perched on tubular metal legs from which spouts a head made from grout. I was shocked to see emerging from one side of the scurniture (part sculpture, part furniture)embedded in the rational geometry of its tilesa clay demon. How bold! This is the suffering, untheoretical part of Hsus art: A body falls apart, only to cybernate later.

When Im looking at his work, Im trying to find out if I identify with the Body or with the Mind. Certainly, the strict, geometric tile grids of shower works like Autopsy, 1988, encourage me to apply empirical knowledge to the forms, to read them in accordance with the languages of design, architecture, and science, as do the utilitarian qualities of control-panel works like Manic Panic, 1987works with ordered holes covering or holding in some sort of smog or organs and wires. But their lumps, and their Mbius striplike bending of space, keep me from classifying them as such. The works are skins, and skins protect. Scarry writes of how the rooms where torture takes place mimic the bodies being tortured: In normal contexts, the room, the simplest form of shelter, expresses the most benign potential of human life. It is, on the one hand an enlargement of the body: it keeps warm and safe the individual it houses in the same way the body protects the individual within. I keep coming back to the sense that Hsus work is made by an artificial intelligence that harvested all the information about life-forms so that it could build a virtual model, the walls of which articulate its observations. But by trying to isolate and understand their tendencies, it destroyed the Gaia-like properties of life-forms by dividing them up. Division leads to more division. What were left with is prisons.

We, humans under the influence of technology, are desperately trying to recapture a feel for our skin, to be reembodied, to prove that we are still here. But perhaps we arent here any longer. Weve dominated nature completely, and now were running a simulation. There is a harmony between the body and the mind somewhere, but not in Hsus works, which feel so accurate to me because harmony is so hard to find. His art is not pessimistic; it just offers a humbled perspectivea seductive warning.

Matthew Ronay is a sculptor living in New York.

LANE RELYEA

AT SIXTY-EIGHT, Tishan Hsu is enjoying belated recognition in the form of a retrospective, organized by Sohrab Mohebbi at SculptureCenter, New York, that surveys work from the early 1980s to the mid-2000s. Many say that it took the art world this long to catch up with Hsu because his paintings and sculptures were just too strange and ahead of their time when they first appeared. I dont remember it that way. Not that his shows at New Yorks Pat Hearn Gallery in the latter half of the 80s were run-of-the-mill; they were distinct but also plugged into all the talk back then about Baudrillard and simulation. His output begged comparison to the work of artists like Peter Halley and Ashley Bickerton, who likewise blurred the line between abstraction and representation. There was also a shared interest in how the seductions of the commodity dovetailed with the enigmatic power of emerging computerization and telecommunications. A high-tech look that conveyed dark glamour was the prevailing aesthetic (and not just in the art world; think of such concurrent pop-cultural offerings as David Cronenbergs 1988 Dead Ringers). Hsu was very much a participant in it.

But again, there were differences. Like other neo-geo artists, Hsu paid homage to the sleek Minimalism of the 60s and seemed especially drawn to the work of Richard Artschwager. But for Hsuunlike, say, his contemporary Haim Steinbach, who was also influenced by Artschwagerit wasnt the older artists Pop tendencies that were of interest; rather, it was the surrealism of his material choices, how his preference for synthetics over metals, for concoctions like Formica and Celotex, seemed less about the hard facts of industry than about the hocus-pocus of chemistry. Like Artschwager, Hsu favored a dyspeptic palette of drab browns and grays unsettled by sudden flashes of more pungent hue. And like Artschwagers, his work confounded its own status as autonomous art by flirting with the unassuming look of functional furniture and equipment, mere auxiliaries in a wider landscape of purposive activity.

And then there was Hsus interest in the corporeal. For him, the issue wasnt representation or reproduction but rather cellular mutation. His visual vocabulary relied heavily on rationalist geometry only to show how thoroughly integrated it had become with the organic huffing and sweat of the biomorphic. Indeed, what Hsus art from the 80s anticipated was not so much our present techno-aesthetic moment as what was then only a few years around the cornerthe turn to the body in the work of artists like Kiki Smith and Robert Gober, and, even more significantly, the fascination with biomedical engineering that characterized Matthew Barneys earliest exhibitions.

Hsus visual vocabulary relied heavily on rationalist geometry only to show how thoroughly integrated it had become with the organic huffing and sweat of the biomorphic.

Take Hsus Autopsy from 1988, a standout in the retrospective. The piece has a fresh gleam to it, albeit a contradictory one, befitting both showroom merchandise and sterile lab equipment. Which makes the object initially suspicious: Is this about the allure of consumerist pleasure or the threat of hospital suffering? The work is all the more disturbing not despite but because it seems rather poker-faced, more pragmatic than symbolic. It appears functional, like it has a job to do. The fact that it sits on wheels reinforces the theme of utility: Not just a workstation, its a movable one, which makes it all the more accommodating of contingencies. Its obviously a product of design thinking, whose goals are to maximize efficiency and multiply applications. The object seems to prophesize a whole spectrum of highly technical operations and procedures. But exactly what tasks it performs cant easily be pinned down.

And then theres that strange pink paste that crowns the work. Whatever it is (the checklist suggests cement compound coated in acrylic paint), it stands in stark contrast to the pieces otherwise smooth, disinfected surfaces, all that stainless steel and ceramic tile, which can be so easily mopped clean. Opposed to the regularity and sameness of the gridded brown tile work, the pink cement is all craggy irregularity. Maybe this is the objects function: to provide an appropriate theater for the sober, clinical inspection of such aberrations and eccentricities. Unlike the wheels at its bottom, the wheels at its top are out of commission, their usefulness suspended. They cant act, though they can be acted on. They recall the way cartoons depict dead animals, flat on their backs, with their legs sticking straight up in the air. Suddenly symbolism creeps back in; this could be some sort of high-tech funeral pyre. But thats not quite right, because the ritual performed here seems too convoluted, too self-absorbed. What were looking at is an apparatus that has become preoccupied with its own lack of seamlessness and self-consistency, that has grown aware that it too possesses a soft underbelly. Autopsy comes across as an object thats about to dissect itself.

Lane Relyea is chair of the Department of Art Theory and Practice at Northwestern University.

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Matthew Ronay and Lane Relyea on the art of Tishan Hsu - Artforum

World Malaria Day a Good Time to Remember COVID-19 Isn’t the Only Crisis – The Wire

An Anopheles stephensi mosquito obtains a blood meal from a human host through its pointed proboscis in this undated handout photo obtained by Reuters, November 2015. Photo: Reuters/Jim Gathany/CDC.

The latest World Malaria Report released in December 2019 said there were 228 million malaria cases in 2018, down 3 million from 2017. In 2018, an estimated 405,000 people died of malaria, down about 2.6% from 2017. While African nations accounted for most cases as well as deaths, South Asia including India has one of the worlds highest malaria burdens.

According to the WHO, 19 countries in sub-Saharan Africa plus India bore almost 85% of the global malaria burden in 2019. Of them, only India reported any progress in reducing the number of malaria cases. (Interestingly, Algeria was declared malaria-free last year.)

According to the WHO, Malaria is a life-threatening disease caused by parasites that are transmitted to people through the bites of infected female Anopheles mosquitoes. Importantly, it is preventable as well as curable.

There are thousands of mosquito species in the world that are vectors for diseases like dengue, filariasis, chikungunya, yellow fever, elephantiasis, Japanese encephalitis and brain fever.

In 1897, a British medical doctor named Ronald Ross discovered that the female Anopheles mosquitoes are responsible for spreading malaria. Ross was born in the Almora district of Indias Uttarakhand. He studied in London and came back to India to work on malaria from 1882 to 1889. He found the link between mosquitoes and malaria transmission 15 years into his studies, and was awarded the medicine Nobel Prize in 1902 for describing the complete life cycle of the malarial parasite.

World Mosquito Day is observed every year on August 20 in recognition of his work, and even then the eradication of malaria is a major part of its awareness campaign.

In humans, malaria is caused by five species of parasites of the genus Plasmodium. Of these, P. falciparum accounts for the majority of malaria cases and deaths because of the severity of the infections it can cause (although infections of P. vivax have also been known to be dangerous). When a female Anopheles mosquito carrying a Plasmodium parasite bites a human, the parasite is transmitted through the skin. First, it invades first the liver through asexual reproduction and then targets the red blood cells. As a result, the human develops symptoms like fever with chills and anaemia, etc. If left untreated, malaria can kill.

At present, a major barrier to eradicating malaria is that malarial parasites have developed resistance against commonly used drugs to treat them, including chloroquine, sulfadoxine/pyrimethamine and even to the newer artesunate-based combination therapies. In the absence of an effective vaccine, its crucial that we find a way to restore these drugs potency against the parasite or develop new drugs that can be effective.

The ongoing novel coronavirus pandemic hasnt made matters easier, even if the world has developed (even temporarily) a heightened awareness of the effects of infectious diseases.

Since the virus is new, were still discovering more about it even as were working towards a vaccine. So in the meantime, researchers have been repurposing vaccines and other fever-curing drugs already approved by various regulatory bodies to resist COVID-19. This is how hydroxychloroquine, a very important antimalarial drug, hit the limelight and which Indias apex medical research body has recommended to the countrys healthcare workers as a prophylaxis, even if there is no evidence that it can effectively prevent COVID-19.

On the flip side, however, hydroxychloroquine tablets have become harder to find and use in places where chloroquine still remains effective against malarial parasites.

Additionally, and even though the current pandemic situation is serious, controlling malaria is also very important but has often been sidelined in the headlong rush to avoid the novel coronavirus. Both COVID-19 and malaria patients have fever, but more people with fever get tested for COVID-19 first before malaria. As a result, malaria diagnosis and treatment may get delayed.

There is no vaccine to prevent or cure malaria. One, designated RTS,S/AS01 and named Mosquirix, is currently undergoing clinical trials, after having displayed partial protection against malaria in young children.

Even though its easier said than done in the throes of a pandemic, its important that we keep up precaution, prevention, early detection and effective treatment, together with mosquito control efforts, to vanquish malaria.

Brief note on prevention

To lower your chances of getting malaria, considering the following steps:

G. Lakshmi is a life-sciences research scholar. Shilpi Garg is affiliated with BITS Pilani.

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World Malaria Day a Good Time to Remember COVID-19 Isn't the Only Crisis - The Wire

How coronavirus behaves in body and why Covid-19 is difficult to treat – India Today

Viruses are strange creatures. They are not even a complete cell that school textbooks describe as the basic unit of life. Viruses are a chemical compounds made up of only a handful of molecules.

These molecules arrange themselves in different orders to form various types of shapes. In the case of the novel coronavirus, these molecules make a sparkling red ball with crowns - giving identity to the family of coronavirus.

They are very, very small in size compared to their pathogenic cousins such as bacteria and fungi. They prey on almost any living organism. Some viruses infect other pathogens and make them sick. Bacteriophage is an excellent example. It infects and kills bacteria. Bacteriophage is considered as the reason why River Ganga water remained relatively bacteria-free before humans exceeded their capacity to keep the river water clean.

Coming back to viruses, they are so simple that most scientists don't even categorise them as living beings. Remember, school textbooks called them the link between the living and the non-living.

The novel coronavirus, scientifically named as SARS-CoV-2, is a comparatively large virus. Its size is about 120 nanometres - four times that of the poliovirus, which is just 30 nanometres. But a harmless Escherichia coli bacteria - the ones present in our gut - is some 16 times the size of the novel coronavirus. An average red blood cell in our body is about 64 times larger than the novel coronavirus.

The key molecule in all viruses including coronaviruses is protein. These are genetic materials and a storehouse of a very limited set of instructions - like a specific software programme. When these viruses get a favourable environment - namely, the body fluid - they start replicating themselves. This is their reproduction. They enter a cell and eat it from inside. When they leave the cell, they are in millions and the host cell is nothing more than garbage.

This is the way they wreak havoc among species including humans and crops. They are very smart and can travel through air, water, soil, droplets and from one person to other person. Through human-to-human transmission via saliva or mucous droplets, the novel coronavirus spread to all corners of the world after emerging from Wuhan in China. It took humans for a ride, literally.

Now, let's take a look at how the novel coronavirus behaves in our body. Proteins are crucial for the functioning of any living body. They don't only build muscles but they also establish the communication network within the body system. What is required, where and when, and how an issue inside the body is to be fixed is done by these proteins -- specifically, mRNA (messenger RNA), which perform the sentry's role in the body.

It is this variety of protein that keeps SARS-CoV-2 going. Typically, a human cell uses about 20,000 different types of proteins. Viruses use much less. For example, an HIV -- one that causes AIDS -- uses only 15 proteins to do its work. The novel coronavirus deploys 33, that too with the small size of its body.

Larger pathogens such as bacteria offer extra body space for medicines like antibiotics to block them from reproducing. The bacteria can be easily identified by antibiotics-induced antibodies as they flood outside the human cells. This behaviour makes them a suitable target for antibiotics/antibodies.

However, no antibiotic drug works on viruses because these germs don't reproduce on their own. They hijack the human host cell's physiology -- the miniature biological factory -- to make their Xerox copies. They leave one cell to invade millions others. They are always hidden. It is hard for medicine shots to kill viruses without damaging the body cells these pathogens have taken hostage.

There is another problem why treating viral diseases including Covid-19 is a bigger challenge. The viruses keep evolving almost continuously, but not significantly enough to be categorised as mutation. It is like changing clothes frequently.

This behaviour of virus confuses our immune system, whose responsibility is to detect the virus and neutralise the enemy. What happens often is that by the time the body's immune system detects the virus, the damage has already been done, and infection has transmitted to other person or persons.

Many a time, when body prepares for the fight with the invading virus -- the point when fever and other symptoms start showing up, the enemy is already on its way out after demolishing the fortresses of defence.

Doctors say the symptoms of fever etcetera are sometimes actually the response of the immune system rather than the virus. This is a stage where it may be too late for a patient. This is what is being seen in Covid-19 cases. A large number of Covid-19 patients died within 48 hours of their admission in a hospital. Those who were diagnosed earlier got well faster.

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An update on the Complexities of Hong Kong Surrogacy Law. Parental Orders, Criminal Liability and the Authorisation of Expenses Trap in Hong Kong: Has…

Two recent HK High Court cases may have opened the door to relaxing HKs legislative restrictions on surrogacy and possibly formal law review and reform. The issue of criminal liability under s. 17 Human Reproduction Technology Ordinance Cap. 561 ("HRTO") was highlighted in detail in my two articles ("My Articles") published in 2018: the Lexis Nexis International Family Law Journal article, "Avoiding the cross hairs - criminal liability arising from surrogacy arrangements in Hong Kong and the UK" ([2018] 1FL 95), and in the Hong Kong Lawyer in May 2018, Complexities in Hong Kong Surrogacy Law. Unlike in other areas of family law, surrogacy legislation is uniform throughout the three legal jurisdictions in the UK.

Both cases were presided over by the Hon. Au-Yeung J:

FH v WB [2019] HKCFI 1748 ("FH") - judgment date 15 July 2019; and

A & B (Parental Order: s12 Parent and Child Ordinance (Cap.429)) [2019] HKCFI 1749 (the "A case") - judgment date 14 October 2019.

These are the first cases in which the issue of criminal liability under s. 17 has been fully recognised and addressed. As explained in My Articles, the only two reported surrogacy cases in HK up to the date of publication of those articles - D (Parental Order) [2014] HKEC 1948 and S v J (Surrogacy: Wardship) [2017] HKEC 1998 - had not done so, and the conflict between the criminal liability imposed by s. 17 HRTO on the one hand, and the authorising of expenses section under s. 12 of the Parent and Child Ordinance Cap. 429 ("PCO") on the other, remained (then) as a much-misunderstood trap. This is what I call the Authorisation of Expenses Trap ("AET"): in FH, the judge recognised for the first time the tension between s. 12 PCO and s. 17 in that connection.

In FH, the intended parent ("IP") parental order applicants, FH and MH, were married US citizens and HK permanent residents. They had been introduced to a surrogacy agency in California which, in turn, introduced them to WB and HB, a married couple, with whom they entered into a gestational carrier agreement with WB as the gestational carrier.

The California court declared the applicants genetic and legal parents of the twins and WB and her husband, HB, not to be legal parents of the twins. On the twins' birth certificates, issued in California, the applicants were recorded as their parents.

In mid-January 2018, FH made an application to renew the twins' dependent visas. In the course of answering the requisitions of the Director of Immigration (the "Director") through solicitors, FH disclosed to the Director that the twins were born out of a surrogacy arrangement and his intention to bring the application for a parental order.

The IPs did not know that they needed a HK parental order. Despite having taken California legal advice the court held that, FH only became aware of the need for a parental order after he received a letter from the Director on 20 February 2018 asking for, among other details, antenatal check documents and pregnancy photos of MH during her pregnancy with the twins and five family photos taken on the day of birth of the twins, and different periods thereafter."

FH then sought HK legal advice and discovered that, because the Californian orders were not recognised, a parental order was needed under HK law, regardless of the California position. He also was advised that it would be difficult to seek independent visas for the twins without first establishing parentage over them under HK law. And, crucially, without dependent visas or a parental order, the twins could not be enrolled into a kindergarten in HK.

The court highlighted the other consequences of not making a parental order (which are so often overlooked) and stressed that a parental order has the effect of strengthening the chance of a child born through surrogacy becoming a HK permanent resident. It referred to the UK case of In A v P [2012] Fam 188 in which that court described the consequences of not making the order:

The court found that, it is not in the best interests of a child that he be granted only a visitor's or dependent's visa while the commissioning parents have right of abode in HK. A parental order has the effect of strengthening the chance of the child becoming a HK permanent resident.

Mr FH and Mrs MH had two significant hurdles to overcome:

For both hurdles, the court found a pragmatic workaround.

Under s. 12(2) PCO

In order to obtain a parental order, PCO s. 12(2) requires married IPs to apply for a parental order, within six months of the birth of the child. The IPs were outside the six-month limit.

The court found that the six-month time limit in s. 12(2) PCO was not ambiguous, but strict adherence to it can lead to an absurdity: a child could have two sets of legal parents. the child will have no identityAt the same time, the surrogate mother may have given up, or, (as in the present case,) never had parental rights to the child in the jurisdiction where she has given birth.

The court found that, given the significance of a parental order, the Legislature could not have intended such consequences on the child who has not chosen the manner through which he came into this world, and the childs welfare is the first and paramount consideration.

It decided it had the power to extend the time, having regard to the welfare principle and principles of statutory interpretation, and applied the UK case of Re X (A Child) where the court extended the time limit. The welfare of a child prevails over his/her parents delay.

The court also decided there was further authority to extend the time by interpreting s. 12(2) in a way which was compatible with two other HK statutes:

Criminal Liability

Under s. 17 HRTO and the AET

Section 39 HRTO makes violation of s. 17 HRTO a criminal offence punishable with a fine of HK$25,000 and six months' imprisonment on first conviction. It is a summary offence, with a time limit of six months "from the time when the matter of such complaint or information respectively arose" for prosecution: s. 26 Magistrates Ordinance, Cap. 227.

It appears that the IPs did not know they might have committed a criminal offence in contravention of s. 17 HRTO because the court stated, it was on the court's own motion that HRTO was referred to - to ascertain what type of payments under surrogacy arrangements were regarded as illegal and to see if the Applicants ought to be referred to the Department of Justice for prosecution. As I stressed in my HK Lawyer article, there is no equivalent offence which incriminates IPs under UK law.

The court determined that an offence had been committed but that prosecution was time-barred because, this is a summary offence, with a time limit of six months from the time when the matter of such complaint or information respectively arose for prosecution: s26 of the Magistrates Ordinance, Cap. 227 and the IPs took part in negotiating with a view to making the gestational carrier agreement. They made payments on four occasions - on 24.12.2014, 30.4.2015, 27.10.2015 and 10.12.2015. Prosecution was plainly time-barred.

For the first time the court effectively recognised the AET situation - as a tension between s12 PCO and s17(1) HRTO:

The court refused to reinterpret/read down ss. 17 and 39 HRTO. It decided that, as prosecution was time-barred, it did not need to do so and after a rigorous review of the expenses paid, item by item, authorised all the expenses totalling US$108,198 (approximately HK$840,000).

The court heavily relied on a number of key factors in the case in making its final determination including that FH and MH had made no attempt to defraud the authorities (including the Director).

The court recognised that, The UK counterpart of s12(7) was the former s2(1) of the Surrogacy Arrangements Act 1985. That UK provision forbade commercial surrogacy but did not have the extra-territorial effect of s17 of HRTO. The judgment does not record that surrogate mothers and IPs in the UK do not commit an offence in the UK even if a payment (of the type that would be illegal under HK Law contrary to s. 17 HRTO) is made in the UK: whereas payments made by or to middle-men in the UK in such cases do. This is the reason why there is no discussion in UK cases as to whether or not IPs have committed a criminal offence.

The judge stated, that the mischief that HRT Bill targeted at was the commercialization of surrogacy which could give rise to abuse and the legislation was to penalize both the payor and payee. The intention of the Legislature was not to stop a married couple like the Applicants who had a genuine need to resort to surrogacy and used their own sperm and egg.

So the question was left open as to what would happen where there are IPs who have committed an offence contrary to s. 17 HRTO but where their offences have not yet been time barred. The judge stated that,any question on reading down HRTO should be left to a more appropriate case in future. But she did indicate that s. 12 PCO and ss. 2 and 17 of HRTO needed to be reviewed (see below).

In the A case, this was a similar scenario, but with a Mainland China connection, reaffirming most of the legal principles above. The Applicants were a married couple, and had lived in HK together since 2008. They were both permanent residents of HK. They entered into a surrogacy arrangement via a surrogacy agency in Mainland China, with E acting as the surrogate mother in a hospital using ovum from an anonymous female donor and sperm of A. The Applicants obtained Es consent to make an application for a parental order. As in FH, the Applicants were making the application out of time and there was an issue of the Applicants having contravened s. 17 HRTO. Again, that was dealt with by a direction that prosecution was time-barred, and all the expenses were then authorised after a thorough review.

FH is the lead judgment and the A case judgment cross-refers to FH, and vice-versa.

Urgent Need for Surrogacy Law Review and Reform

I have been calling for international regulation/reform of surrogacy law since 2002:

Since then, we have finally had the first welcome calls for review/reform of surrogacy law from the HK judiciary.

In FH, Au-Yeung J indicated that, s12 PCO and ss2 and 17 of HRTO are in need of review: If it is desired to control commercial surrogacy arrangements, those controls need to operate before the court process is initiated (ie at the border or even before): Re L (Commercial Surrogacy) [2010] EWHC 3146 (Fam), 10. Better still, the control should operate, if that be the intention of the Legislature, before the surrogacy arrangement was entered into. She also stated that, In May 2018, the UK government has requested the Law Commission of England and Wales and the Scottish Law Commission (The Commission) to review the laws concerning surrogacy. From both these comments and the general thrust of both her judgments it is reasonable to infer that the judge possibly might be indicating some support for the initial recommendations of The Commission of a Surrogacy Pathway - The new pathway to legal parenthood which involves pre-conception protocols and legal parentage for IPs from birth.

In the Court of Appeal, Zervos JJA, in HKSAR v Yeung Ho Nam [2019] HKCA 384 tackled the issue of discriminatory and unconstitutional HK legislation. Zervos JJA stated:

37. One of the fundamental core principles that bind us together as a society is that all are equal before the law. From this core principle flows the right that a person should not be discriminated against because of, amongst other things, gender or sexual orientation.

49. There needs to be a proper and effective review of the laws and policies that discriminate against same-sex relationships, which should not be left for the courts to ultimately resolve through lengthy legal proceedings....

50. There have been occasions where the courts have given jurisdiction to a party to mount a challenge against a law where there is a clear and apparent issue as to its constitutional validity. This was seen in the case of Leung v Secretary for Justice ... The Court made the point back then that if a law is unconstitutional, the sooner this is discovered the better, and that it was undesirable or prejudicial to force interested parties to adopt "a wait and see attitude" before dealing with a matter. The Court also noted that courts in HK are duty bound to enforce and interpret the Basic Law so that if any legislation infringes the Basic Law (or the Bill of Rights), that law must be held invalid.

By criminalising participation in commercial surrogacy arrangements, not just for commercial actors, but even for IPs, s. 17 has driven and continues to drive surrogacy arrangements underground. This creates a situation where children born through such arrangements are denied even the most basic protections of the law - including even a court order conferring parental locus on the IP or IPs.

The blanket exclusion of all same sex couples from accessing surrogacy services under s. 12 PCO is very arguably incompatible with the following constitutional rights: Article 25 (BL) states that all HK residents shall be equal before the law. And Article 22 (HKBOR) states that, All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law.

Insofar as a challenge to s. 17 HRTO is concerned, the court may also think it unlikely that a person directly affected by s. 17 will come forward, given that this would effectively mean risking a criminal prosecution in order to challenge the offence-creating provision. For IPs in such a situation they might well fit within Zervos JJs criteria above and, if so, it might well consequently be undesirable or prejudicial to force them to do so. It also might well be that in those cases that it should not be left for the courts to ultimately resolve them through lengthy legal proceedings.

Respectfully, if the Secretary of Justice decides to act on this powerful and much-needed call from the judiciary for a review of HK surrogacy law, and on its call to find a solution to deal with any discriminatory and unconstitutional legislation by avoiding costly court proceedings, consideration of the implementation of an HK Surrogacy Pathway - along the lines of the initial recommendations of The Commission - might possibly be a good place to start - involving pre-conception protocols and legal parentage for the IPs from birth. And for both heterosexual and same sex couples.

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An update on the Complexities of Hong Kong Surrogacy Law. Parental Orders, Criminal Liability and the Authorisation of Expenses Trap in Hong Kong: Has...

Covid-19 and lessons for the future – News24

The Covid-19 coronavirus epidemic has humbled the world and raised pertinent questions about societys development institutions. Different government leaders across the globe are developing responses to the impact of Covid-19.

These policy interventions are aimed at addressing the immediate impact of the epidemic, which exacerbate existing inequalities in society. Structural race, class and gender differences shape citizens abilities to resist or combat the virus.

This varied experience is amplified in the epidemiological evidence on Covid-19 health trends in the US. Several reports illustrate that death rates among black and Hispanic Americans are higher than their white counterparts.

I think society is missing out on an opportunity to innovate and reflect on alternative development strategies

Khwezi Mabasa

Policymakers all over the world must contend with underlying socioeconomic disparities shaping how Covid-19 affects citizens. The contemporary public discourse understandably focuses on short-term interventions centred on healthcare and economic support measures.

These efforts are commendable, but I think society is missing out on an opportunity to innovate and reflect on alternative development strategies.

Historical accounts on previous global crises prove that these moments inspired a shift in how society constructs development and policy orientation.

Covid-19 presents an opportunity for policymakers and the general populace to redesign how humanity approaches long-term development. This moment necessitates critical reflection on several salient lessons.

The first essential lesson is the redundancy of hyper-specialisation and fragmented policy planning. Some stakeholders in Covid-19 debates create a fictitious divide between health, human rights and broader socioeconomic development factors.

This erroneous perspective pits health interventions against structural political economy development priorities. It ignores the value of transdisciplinary approaches, which emphasise inherent connections between different human development areas. Innovative political economy subverts the rigid expertise boundaries embedded in contemporary policymaking.

Covid-19 teaches citizens to value the informal economy and its ability to sustain livelihoods in low-income communities

Khwezi Mabasa

The 2018 Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection (Mistra) report, Epidemics and the Health of African Nations, emphasises this point in several ways. The findings in this report illustrate how pandemic trends are best understood within a holistic policy framework, which acknowledges that health is not a peripheral issue in political economy debates.

First, South Africas Covid-19 response and future development plans must be coordinated so that stakeholders avoid poor coordination or fragmented policy making. Policymakers are advised to work between, across and beyond several disciplines as articulated in Mistras 2011 Transdisciplinarity publication.

Second, Covid-19 teaches citizens to value the informal economy and its ability to sustain livelihoods in low-income communities. It is a cushion for many citizens who are structurally excluded from participation in the formal economy. There is evidence which suggests that some citizens oscillate between formal and informal economy markets.

They participate in both markets to guarantee sufficient income for their households, which has fallen because of systemic wage reduction and atypical employment. But informal economic participation must not be reduced to structural exclusion and a survivalist poverty alleviation strategy. It is a form of developmental economic agency that can address income disparities, unemployment and unequal spatial development.

Furthermore, informal entrepreneurship provides some answers for addressing the failures of BEE. This point is emphasised in Mistras recently published book, Beyond Tenderpreneurship: Rethinking Black Business and Economic Empowerment.

This pandemic has exposed societys undervaluation of care work, which is essential for social reproduction and epidemic response strategies

Khwezi Mabasa

The authors argue that informal economy entrepreneurship is capable of revitalising local economic development in a conducive policy framework. This potential cannot be realised in the dominant policy context, which relegates informal entrepreneurship and employment to the periphery. Future development strategies in the country will have to place informal economic activity support measures at the centre of policymaking.

The third lesson form Covid-19 relates to how society comprehends labour. This pandemic has exposed societys undervaluation of care work, which is essential for social reproduction and epidemic response strategies.

Care work is undertaken by community health workers, home-based carers, social workers and nurses. The nature of this work has become increasingly precarious. Budget cuts and various forms of outsourcing inform this trend, as many care workers carry the social costs of decreased expenditure on public goods.

It is important to note the gender disparities embedded in care work and how these affect womens livelihoods. This care labour is essential for public policy responses to Covid-19 and requires additional support.

The conventional approach that emphasises industrial labour without paying sufficient attention to care work is not sustainable. Future policy development thinking should direct additional public resources and support towards the care economy.

Mabasa is a senior researcher at Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection

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Bill Gates says more innovations needed to make people open to public life post-pandemic – indica News

indica News Bureau-

Bill Gates, co-founder of Microsoft, investor and philanthropist on Thursday in his blog said that the coronavirus pandemic had changed peoples behaviors to keep away from the pandemic and recovering the economy after the modern pandemic will be a herculean task. He added that it will take more innovations to make people feel safe by to step out in public places.

He wrote, The economic cost that has been paid to reduce the infection rate is unprecedented. The drop in employment is faster than anything we have ever experienced. The entire sectors of the economy are shut down. It is important to realize that this is not just the result of government policies restricting activities. When people hear that an infectious disease is spreading widely, they change their behavior. There was never a choice to have a strong economy of 2019 in 2020.

He added that while some people will immediately go back to doing everything that is allowed, some will take longer.

Even as a government relaxes restrictions on behavior, not everyone will immediately resume the activities that are allowed. It will take a lot of good communication so that people understand what the risks are and feel comfortable going back to work or school, wrote Gates.

Gates said that the dramatic shutdowns of cities and countries worldwide have been necessary to slow the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus, which causes COVID-19, despite the enormous societal costs.

He wrote, It is reasonable for people to ask whether the behavior change was necessary. Overwhelmingly, the answer is yes. The change allowed us to avoid many millions of deaths and extreme overload of the hospitals, which would also have increased deaths from other causes.

Gates noted that even without strong government actions, people would have changed their behaviors in the face of rapid global spread of the dangerous virus.

He further insisted on increasing testing to defeat the virus. It is impossible to defeat an enemy we cannot see. So testing is critical to getting the disease under control and beginning to re-open the economy. He added, The countries that reacted quickly to do lots of testing and isolation avoided large-scale infection. The benefits of early action also meant that these countries didnt have to shut down their economies as much as others.

Talking about third world countries that face problems like malnutrition and high reproduction rate, he noted, the less developed a countrys economy is, the harder it is to make the behavior changes that reduce the viruss reproduction rate. If you live in an urban slum and do informal work to earn enough to feed your family every day, you wont find it easy to avoid contact with other people. Also, the health systems in these countries have far less capacity, so even providing oxygen treatment to everyone who needs it will be difficult.

Encouraging more study and research he said some basic things needed to be found out like, Is the disease seasonal or weather dependent?, How many people who never get symptoms have enough of the virus to infect others?What about people who are recovered and have some residual virushow infectious are they?, Why do young people have a lower risk of becoming seriously ill when they get infected?, What symptoms indicate you should get tested?, Which activities cause the most risk of infection?Who is most susceptible to the disease?

He added that after World War II, a lot of innovations took place and so will be the case with COVID-19 pandemic. During World War II, an amazing amount of innovation, including radar, reliable torpedoes, and code-breaking, helped end the war faster. This will be the same with the pandemic. I break the innovation into five categories: treatments, vaccines, testing, contact tracing, and policies for opening up.

Gates noted that in order for the public to feel confident to attend large public events like sporting events and concerts, treatment that are 95% effective need to be found out, and in case the treatment reduced deaths by less than 95%, a vaccine needs to be developed too. He noted options for treatments include those that harvest antibodies from the blood of survivors to help people combat the disease.

Gates suggested One potential treatment that doesnt fit the normal definition of a drug involves collecting blood from patients who have recovered from COVID-19, making sure its free of the coronavirus and other infections, and giving the plasma to people who are sick, adding Another type of potential treatment involves identifying the antibodies produced by the human immune system that are most effective against the novel coronavirus. He also suggested antivirals and immune system modulators as other potential treatments.

Vaccines would be the most obvious path back to normalcy, he said, but they and other needed interventions will require enormous investments if they are to be developed quickly.

I think of this as the billions we need to spend so we can save trillions, he said.

However, Gates warned that vaccines are not likely to be distributed equitably in the early days.

Ideally, there would be global agreement about who should get the vaccine first, but given how many competing interests there are, this is unlikely to happen, he wrote. The governments that provide the funding, the countries where the trials are run, and the places where the pandemic is the worst will all make a case that they should get priority.

He also warned it could be difficult to test the effectiveness of vaccines, given the fast-moving nature of the outbreak. They will need to be tested in areas where there is enough current spread to see if they actually are protective.

He added that most developed countries can will enter the second-phase of the pandemic in the next two months, which will be semi-normal, meaning that people can go out, but not as often, and not to crowded places. Picture restaurants that only seat people at every other table, and airplanes where every middle seat is empty. Schools are open, but you cant fill a stadium with 70,000 people.

The basic principle should be to allow activities that have a large benefit to the economy or human welfare but pose a small risk of infection, he said.

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Bill Gates says more innovations needed to make people open to public life post-pandemic - indica News

Why a second coronavirus wave is on the horizon, and what that means for the UK’s exit strategy – Telegraph.co.uk

"We must assume and prepare for the fact that this is not a discrete one-off episode," he said. "My belief is that this is now an endemic human infection. It is likely that this is here with the human race for the future. We're going to have to find ways to deal with that.

"The real moving forward is we have to have new tests, we have to have drugs that treat this infection, and critically we need to have vaccines so we can prevent what we should assume are future waves."

In recent weeks, journalists have questioned why the Government is continuing to invest in huge numbers of intensive care beds at Nightingale hospitals while cases are on the decline.

The possibility of a second peak is likely to be the reason.

While the current epidemic appears to have stabilised below 1,000 cases a day, modelling of a second wave suggests that it could be far higher if it is not brought under control through mass testing, contact tracing and isolation after lockdown.

Asked whether the Nightingale hospitals were being kept for a possible second wave, a Downing Street spokesman said: "I am certainly not aware of any plans to stand down these Nightingale hospitals,and some are still being built."

Fears of a second coronavirus wave have made governments around the world nervous about lifting their lockdowns too early and too quickly, and Britain is no exception.

A safety net of widespread testing, contact tracing and isolation of those infected must be in place to ensure cases are not allowed to rise, while "squashing the sombrero" of a second peak may now be a viable option.

Ilan Kelman, professor of disasters and health at University College London said: "A second peak of infection could be manageable if we protect those who are vulnerable, treat those who get sick, do not reduce other medical servicesand meet all healthcare worker needs.

"Another possible strategy is a staged stand-down of lockdown to flatten a second peak, provided that those who are told to remain in lockdown, or who cannot work because of it, are given all the support they need to avoid difficult effects of being isolated while others resume life."

In China, a spike in infections after weeks of falling rates has forced the authorities to impose new restrictions.

In the north-eastern city of Harbin, a 22-year-old university student who returned from the US was identified as the source of more than 40 new infections, while Chinese citizensreturning from Siberia via the border town of Suifenhe led to more than 400 confirmed new cases.

The examples show the huge problem in restarting life again after a strict lockdown when so few of the population are immune.

In Germany, credited with keeping its outbreak under tight control through its use of extensive testing and contact tracing, there has been a rise in deaths as the country was re-opening some small shops and preparing for children to return to school from May 4.

The director of the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention warned on Tuesday that any second wave of coronavirus was likely to be even more serious if it coincided with the start of flu season.

Robert Redfield told The Washington Post: "There's a possibility that the assault of the virus on our nation next winter will actually be even more difficult than the one we just went through."

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Why a second coronavirus wave is on the horizon, and what that means for the UK's exit strategy - Telegraph.co.uk

Earth Day: 3 ways to care for your own health while boosting the planet’s well-being – Straight.com

Whats good for your self is good for the planet: it doesnt need to get any more complicated than that. As we celebrate Earth Day, here are a few ways you can take care of your own health while benefiting the glorious planet we call home.

Even if you cant spell it, youve probably heard of phthalates, chemical substances that are used to make plastics flexible. There are several different forms, and they can be found in everything from food and beverage containers to vinyl floors, shower curtains, and cosmetics. Turns out theyre also found in many sex toys.

The problem?

Phthalates contaminate the environment during product use and storage through leaching and other means. Their presence has been detected in air, drinking water, rivers, sewage, and soil.

One phthalate, di(2-ethylhexyl) phthalate (DEHP), is an endocrine disruptor and can cause cancer, according to the U.S.-based National Institutes of Health. Certain types may adversely affect human and animal reproduction. It is believed that dibutyl phthalate (DBP) is responsible for a steady decrease in the number of reptile species worldwide, according to a study published in Ecological Chemistry and Engineering.

Some countries, including Canada, have restrictions in place around the use of certain phthalates in childrens toys. But the same doesnt go for adult toys. A German study of jelly-rubber sex toys found extremely high concentrations of phthalates due to off-gassing (releasing trapped or absorbed volatile organic compounds in the form of gas).

Womyns Ware prides itselfon being a leader ineliminating phthalate-leaching products from its inventory. A perennial favourite in the Georgia Straights Best of Vancouver awards, the Commercial Drive shop only carries toys made of silicone, hypoallergenic elastomer, and food-grade vinyl. Among the brands it promotes is Swedens Lelo, which includes fair labour practices, employee health and safety requirements, and environmental accountability in its code of conduct.

The good news is you can still have fun in the bedroom while protecting the planet with some dildo due diligence.

Our dietary choices have enormous ramifications for the environment. (Seeour Earth Day Food storyfor more.) Fish deserves its own mention. We know its one of the healthiest foods out there: its lean and a terrific source of protein and vitamin D; fish is also abundant in brain-boosting omega-3 fatty acids. Some studies suggest that eating fish might improve sleep and even prevent depression.

However, our oceans and its inhabitants face dire threats due to pollution and overfishing.

Some fish stocks are being dangerously depleted. Other species are contaminated with pollutants such as mercury or polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), both of which are highly toxic. Although Canada stopped the import, manufacturing, and release of PCBs into the environment decades ago, the industrial organic compounds still enter the environment from certain hazardous-waste sites, fires, leaks, and spills. The substances do not readily break down and can remain in air, water, and soil for extremely long periods of time. Small ocean organisms and fish (and other animals that eat them) can take them up, accumulating PCBs to hazardous effect.

PCBs have probable negative effects on immune, endocrine, and reproductive systems, and are probable causers of cancer in humans. Birth defects have been linked to mothers who have been exposed to PCBs.

Not very appetizing.

With C Restaurant as its founding restaurant partner, the Vancouver Aquariums Ocean Wise program released its first dining guide on Earth Day 15 years ago. It consisted of 16 participating businesses; now the program has more than 750 restaurants promoting sustainable seafood across Canada.

The program defines sustainable seafood as species that are caught or farmed in a way that ensures the long-term health and stability of that species, as well as the greater marine ecosystem. This includes limiting bycatch of endangered species and using harvesting methods that minimize damage to marine and aquatic habitats.

Examples of Ocean Wiserecommended sustainable seafood include Arctic char, Pacific cod, Alaska and B.C. sablefish (black cod), Pacific halibut, and albacore tuna (B.C. and Atlantic).

You can download a free printable guide from the Ocean Wise.

Its a no-brainer that using cars less means fewer CO2 emissions. If theres one sliver of a silver lining that the COVID-19 pandemic has brought, its a global reduction in greenhouse-gas emissions and an improvement in air quality, with travel of many forms coming to a halt.

Now that were staying closer to home and not driving to work, opportunities to walk, run, and ride our bikes are way up. We know that exercise is crucial to our well-being: it reduces blood pressure, cholesterol, and stress; it improves circulation and energy; and it diminishes the risk of diseases like cancer and Type 2 diabetes, to name just a few of its benefits. Using your own power to get around town helps the Earth itself breathe.

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Earth Day: 3 ways to care for your own health while boosting the planet's well-being - Straight.com

Good news from the front: Australian COVID-19 innovations – The New Daily

Each week, were endeavouring to provide a sample of what scientists and researchers are doing to meet and defeat the coronavirus crisis.

This week, we look at some of what has been happening in Australia.

In countries where COVID-19 has hit hardest, hospitals have been overwhelmed by more patients they can readily care for, especially intensive care units.

How well is Australia placed to deal with a sudden outbreak of seriously ill people?

According to a report in Australian Doctor, researchers led by intensive-care specialist Dr Ed Litton from the Fiona Stanley Hospital in Perth surveyed all 191 intensive care units (ICUs) across the country to determine their baseline bed capacity and their ability to respond to predicted increased demand.

They found that the number of ventilators in ICUs could be more than doubled to cope with an expected surge in critically ill patients with COVID-19.

These include 179 human-model ventilators from veterinary clinics that could be deployed to hospitals.

The findings, published in the Medical Journal of Australia, suggest that ICUs could almost triple their bed capacity if need be, although it would be more of a challenge to find enough appropriately trained nurses.

Of the 178 ICUs representing 2261 intensive care beds (95 per cent of national capacity) that responded to the survey, it was estimated a maximal surge would add an additional 4261 beds to deal with the crisis, an increase of 189 per cent.

This suggests Australias intensive care units will cope comfortably if the rate of new cases and serious cases remains on trend, with the continued flattening of the curve.

Early modelling from the Peter Doherty Institute for Infection and Immunity found that, without adequate intervention, our ICUs would have been overwhelmed by up to 35,000 coronavirus patients a day.

Social distancing has saved us from what would have been a hopeless position.

University of Melbourne researchers working in collaboration with Western Health have designed a personal ventilation hood for hospital beds to help contain the droplet spread of COVID-19 in ICUs.

According to a statement from the university, the transparent, movable personal ventilation hood sucks air away from the patient while creating an effective droplet containment barrier.

The device is also large enough to accommodate other medical equipment that might be attached to the patient.

Patients trials are due to start at Footscray Hospital this week, with use on COVID-19 patients possible from next week.

The prototype device has been made using readily accessible components at a low cost, making it suitable for low- to middle-income countries, the university said.

A team of Monash researchers has produced a 3D-map of a SARS-CoV-2 protein at atomic resolution using the Macromolecular Crystallography beamlines produced by the Australian Synchrotron.

SARS-CoV-2 is the virus that causes the COVID-19 illness.

Determining the crystal shape of a protein is a key step in understanding its function and role in replication of the virus.

The non-structural protein 9 (Nsp9) mapped by the scientists is thought to mediate viral replication and virulence.

As they write in a research paper: Current understanding suggests that Nsp9 is involved in viral genomic RNA reproduction.

This is a big deal because it meansNsp9 could be targeted to block the ability of the virus to infect and replicate in the body.

According to a statement from the researchers, the COVID-19 virus only produces 27 or so proteins.

Scientists across the world are currently trying to understand how to prevent the production of these proteins inside our cells when the virus repurposes our bodies to promote its lifecycle.

Research Fellow Dr Dene Littler has been examining some of the lesser-understood proteins produced by SARS-CoV-2.

This will be part of a broad strategy by the worlds scientists to develop entirely new drugs that are specifically targeted at corona viral proteins, blocking the viruss ability to infect and reproduce in human cells, said Dr Littler, in a prepared statement.

Viruses such as those that cause the common cold havent had sufficient health implications before to warrant large-scale drug research programs.

However, in the face of the current pandemic that has obviously changed and we are playing a fast-paced game of catch up.

Macromolecular crystallography is a technique used to study biological molecules such as proteins, viruses and nucleic acids (RNA and DNA).

The technique affords a high enough resolution for researchers to study the detailed mechanism by which macromolecules carry out their functions in living cells and organisms.

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Good news from the front: Australian COVID-19 innovations - The New Daily

Coronavirus crisis: What would happen if Trump administration pulled its majority funding from the WHO? – Fox News

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As the coronavirus pandemic continues its assault across the world, red flags have been raised over the role played by the World Health Organization (WHO) in initially downplaying the virus to appease Chinaand just how effectively its money funded overwhelmingly by U.S. taxpayers is spent by the U.N. agency.

President Trump last week threatened to withhold funding from the WHO, insisting that his administration would be "looking into" its operations igniting a blistering response from its controversial chiefTedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, who warned that "politicizing" the virus would only result in "more body bags."

Experts weighed in on the possibility of the U.S. abruptly pulling its majority funding and on the threatened move's impact on the agency.

"In the short run, not a lot [would change]because WHO management will hope for a change in leadership in November and/or that other nations fill the void," Dr. Roger Bate, a visiting scholar at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) and an expert on public health and emerging markets, told Fox News. "Budgets and fiscal years are months, so they wouldn't feel a problem for a while."

CORONAVIRUS: US GIVES 10 TIMES THE AMOUNT OF MONEY TO WHO THAN CHINA

In addition to repeating Beijing's flawed theory on Jan. 14 that "there was no evidence of human-to-human transmission" of the novel pathogen and ignoring warnings from Taiwan, the WHO a heavily centralized outfit also failed to necessitate that Chinese officials share the viral strains that would have allowed diagnostic tests to have been produced significantly earlier worldwide.

Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, Director-General of the World Health Organization speaks during a news conference on updates regarding on the novel coronavirus COVID-19, at the WHO headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland earlier this month. On Monday, he said the pandemic was accelerating as the number of confirmed cases continue to increase. (Salvatore Di Nolfi/Keystone via AP)

Yet many experts also contend that now ishardly the right time for the United States to yank its many millions.

The U.S has been the WHO'slargest funder since it was founded in 1948 and currently gives almost 10 times the amount of moneyas China, both in assessed and voluntary contributions andwhich total more than $500 million per year compared to Beijing's $48 million.

Brett Schaefer, senior research fellow in international regulatory affairs at the Heritage Foundation, also underscored that the U.S.'total contributionsaccount for 15.9 percent of the organization'soverall budget and the impact would not be immediately crushing.

"This funding would be unaffected because the decision to pull funding would only apply going forward. Nonetheless, suspending funding immediately would represent a big cut to WHO funds right when developing countries, which depend far more on international assistance to address health issues, are being impacted by COVID-19," he explained. "Although the U.S. is providing significant assistance through other channels, withholding funding to WHO could negatively impact the COVID-19 response in these countries."

But even with all the money voluntarily poured in from the U.S., the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and other countries and organizations such as South Korea, Australia, and Japan, there have been murmurs in the sustainable health world that even that is not enough.

Firefighters disinfect a street against the new coronavirus, in western Tehran, Iran, Friday, March 13, 2020. The new coronavirus outbreak has reached Iran's top officials, with its senior vice president, Cabinet ministers, members of parliament, Revolutionary Guard members and Health Ministry officials among those infected. The vast majority of people recover from the new coronavirus. According to the World Health Organization, most people recover in about two to six weeks, depending on the severity of the illness. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

Many analysts have highlighted that without the U.S., other member states all of who are battling to contain the crippling virus within their own borders likely would not be able to step up and fill the financial void anytime soon. Instead, theburden could fall on private donors such as the Gates Foundation, the Gavi Alliance and even the U.N.'s own Emergency Response Fund.

A November 2018 report published by BioMed Central underscored that the WHO "continues to experience immense financial stress," and that has consistently illuminated that it is "underfunded," although its need for financial reform was paramount.

"The WHO must establish its presence as a trustworthy leader in the global health space," the report stated, acknowledging that member states had declined to dish out more money," for reasons including "a lack of political will and financial commitment of member states especially by the rich donor countries as they found inefficiency, lack of transparency, and minimal accountability within the organization."

The report also surmised that the organization has struggled to carry out its mandate as a result of the United States, which "has repeatedly opposed WHO taking any action which might run counter to the interests of transnational corporations," and has created a "conflict of interest"framework with such maneuvers as opposing the Code on the Marketing of Breastmilk Substitutes, WHO's rational use of medicines initiative, and its ethical criteria for drug marketing to ensure that pharmaceutical companies can profit.

CLICK HERE FOR COMPLETE CORONAVIRUS COVERAGE

According to the WHO's own admission, internal audits are conducted by the Office of Internal Oversight Services and are "designed to add value and improve the Organization's operations and to enhance the integrity and reputation of the Organization.All systems, processes, operations, functions, and activities of the Organization can be subject to IOS review and oversight."

The most recent accountability report, issued in May last year, ranked majority of programs and regional offices from Ethiopia, Somalia, Chad, Myanmar, Afghanistan and the global malaria headquarters as being "partially satisfactory."

Several, such as offices in Yemen and Mongolia and deemed "unsatisfactory," and Ukraine was stamped with a rare "satisfactory."

In this Tuesday, July 16, 2019 photo, health workers dressed in protective gear begin their shift at an Ebola treatment center in Beni, Congo DRC. The World Health Organization has declared the Ebola outbreak an international emergency after spreading to eastern Congo's biggest city, Goma, this week. More than 1,600 people in eastern Congo have died as the virus has spread in areas too dangerous for health teams to access. (AP Photo/Jerome Delay)

Moreover, the U.N. agency as revealed in internal rather than published reports obtained by the Associated Press last year found that in 2018 they spent more on travel expenses occasionally unauthorized and exploitive on donors' dimes than on fight some of the biggest problems in public health.

CORONAVIRUS UNKNOWNS IGNITE CONCERNS FOR PREGNANT WOMEN, NEWBORNS

In a single year, the "cash-strapped" WHO is alleged to have forked out almost $200 million onjet-setting, with staffers sometimes breaking the agency's own rules by traveling in business class, booking expensive last-minute tickets, staying infive-star hotels and traveling without approval.

By contrast, that same year, the WHO invested $59 million in curbing tuberculosis and around $71 million AIDS and hepatitis.

"WHO solicits money from countries around the world every year and rarely if ever meets its budget," lamented Curtis Ellis, an economic expert and policy director with America First Policies and former advisor to the Trump 2016 election campaign. "If the U.S.withheld its money, it would have to recalibrate its actions, and stop its officials from flying business class."

The U.S. government typically advises officials not to fly business class, but provisions are made under certain circumstances such as disabilities or upgrades at their own expense.

Nonetheless, the WHO purports to spend most of its money on communicable diseases, followed by corporate services and enabling functions, health emergencies, health systems, promoting health through the life course, non-communicable diseases; and an array of other areas such as polio eradication, tropical disease research, and research in human reproduction.

Of the total $6.27 billion in WHO financing, only $554 million about 9 percent went to the WHO Health Emergency Program and another $306 million to preventing and controlling outbreaks under the "Humanitarian Response Plans and Other Appeals" budget category.

"In other words, it appears that less than 15 percent of WHO financing in 2018-2019 was directed at detecting and combatting international pandemics. More funds went to Corporate Services and Enabling Functions that to the WHO Health Emergency Program," Schafer noted.

Other health issues that the WHO dedicates resources to include: equity, social determinants, gender equality, and human rights ($21.5 million); reproductive, maternal, newborn, child, and adolescent health ($230 million); violence and injuries, such as those from road accidents, ($27.5 million); and mental health and substance abuse ($50.3 million).

"While these are legitimate health concerns, unlike communicable diseases and pandemics, they are primarily a domestic health matter and do not pose a threat to spread from one country to another," Schafer said. "The focus of WHO should be on truly international threats to health."

From his lens, instead of ending funding during the current crisis, the U.S. should condition future financing for the approval and completion of an investigation into the WHO response to COVID-19 and the potential influence of China over its decisions,revision of WHO policies to enable it to respond more quickly to emerging pandemics and restructuring WHO financing to concentrate on communicable diseases and responding to international health emergencies.

"If WHO refuses, the U.S. should explore setting up a new international organization focused on communicable diseases and responding to international health emergencies," Schafer said.

Members of the Trump team are said to be compiling information and crafting options to present to the president with regards to what to do about WHO's funding and working to untangle the multipronged funding stream as it is not submitted to them in a single lump sum. No financial decisions have yet been made.

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According to Brett Bruen, a former U.S. diplomat who previously served as director of global engagement at the White House and now runs communications firm Global Situation Room, freezing the finances now is akin to "suggesting we pull out of NATO in the middle of the battle against the Taliban."

"Sure, we would like them to do more and can get frustrated with multilateral diplomacy. But, they are critical to our fight, and WHO is essential to turning the tide against COVID-19.There is no path out of this epidemic on our own.We need other countries," he stressed. "There is no substitute for the WHO.WHO has its challenges, but for now, it's our best hope for ending this crisis quickly."

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Coronavirus crisis: What would happen if Trump administration pulled its majority funding from the WHO? - Fox News

Human lives and economy: Can there be a trade off? – The Daily Star

Coronavirus pandemic has changed not only actions and attitudes but also the doctrines and philosophies of states and economies worldwide. The market doctrinaires and market fundamentalists have overnight converted to state interventionists, the authoritarians and totalitarians showing liberal attitudes and liberal democracies are imposing bans on free movements. These are all the compulsions of the time and fundamentals to existence.

The old classical capitalist attitude towards society is, people are needed for economy and production. People's labour power is more important than their lives. The cleaver and enlightened capitalists since world war two transformed themselves to welfarists for generational supply of labour power for a sustainable productive system of capitalist growth and capitalist reproduction. The recent outbreak of Covid-19 added radically new dimensions to it. Because, it is not only a threat to economy and production, it poses threat to the very existence of Homo Sapiens on the planet irrespective of economic and social positions.

Political stars like first line heir to the British Crown, British Prime Minister, Iranian Ayatollahs to Canadian First lady; film stars, sports stars, business and media stars who are not in the attack and death list! Globally it created a "pandemic war" like situation which may be moving towards a new world order, which is unprecedented in world history of economic crisis, pandemics and wars. No hither to fought wars affected so many countries and states at a time within five months. No pandemic after 1800 CE has been so devastating in terms of spread. A new world order is going to emerge which is creating a new economic order too, may be known as "pandemic driven economic order" for a decade.

The USA may be in the lead. The current US administration declared a two trillion-dollar pandemic package which is about 10 percent of US GDP. The Indian government's initial package is Rs 1.7 lac crore which is 1 percent of their GDP. The great economic minds of India globally famous such as Amartya Sen, Avijit Banerjee, Esther Duflo, Aravind Subramanium, Kausik Basu, Amit Seru and many others are advising government to increase the package to at least 6-7 lac crore, 4-5 percent of the GDP. Bangladesh also declared a stimuli package of Tk 72,750 crore. All these are initially hesitant or careful steps towards the mitigation of the crisis. Still there are a lot of uncertainties around it.

We have not heard yet any notable statement from Bangladeshi economists, only politicians are making all optimistic and stray comments. TV talk shows are busy airing corona guidance and sporadic talk shows. Philanthropy and donation news are also seen along with community and voluntary initiatives from concerned citizens. I may be wrong and also not properly informed. But our corona responses are too little, too late. We still lack far sightedness and seem unready for long-term consequences. Our stimulus package is industry, production and economy based, not human centred. Garment seems at the centre of our industrial stimulus package which contribute 6 percent to the GDP. The agriculture, rural and urban informal sector, expatriate workers and rest of other industries and services contribute the other 94 percent of the GDP. Growth is important but as a non-economist I believe at this moment, people and people's lives are more important than growth and all medium and long term economic concerns. Our immediate concern is saving lives.

I like to echo here what the world famous economist are suggesting to Indian government. First of all, what they are saying is, growth and economic sustainability is important. There cannot and should not be any trade-off between economy and lives. Economic sustainability is also important for supporting lives. But the crisis of a particular "time" is a very important factor to fix priority. Their advice is, within the next 12 months, economic recovery is possible. At least for the next three months, all efforts need to be devoted to combat the virus with all the possible ways and means and keep the food supply along with supply of other bare basic minimum necessities running. Three month's regimented effort is needed for taking total control of the pandemic crisis.

The Chinese and South Korean experience shows the way in that direction. Our health infrastructure (Bangladeshi) does not match theirs. We live under a very fragile health care situation. We have village based community clinics, union health centres, Upazlia health complexes, district level hospitals and medical colleges. Eighty percent investments of health are contributed in buildings and ninety percent revenues are spent on salaries. Real health service capacity is under scrutiny. Rich people do not take treatment here, middle class depends on private sector, and part of the poor only depend on public hospitals and clinics. Under the above circumstances, we have to have quick assessment of our capacity in terms of means, materials and health professionals (which include doctor, nurses, medical technologist, hospital beds, ICU, ventilation facilities, etc.) and the demands of the crisis. The whole nation needs to be mobilised under a single agenda, i.e. combating the coronavirus. The health professionals here are the front line fighters. They are the infantries, the artillery, armour, supply, signal, all have to be in their support. The general administration, police, army, politicians, local government leaders, all should be in the second line in support of the frontline. On the other hand, community management is another front which has to be strictly managed.

The four priority actions at this moment though late, but better late than never, are suggested for consideration of the government and the people: i) Completely lockdown all the "hotspots" for at least one month and restrict indiscriminate movement everywhere; ii) Massive efforts for identification through proper tests and separation and treatment of identified patients; iii) Ensuring food and other necessities at the door step of the needy; and iv) Procurement of medical essentials and their supply and utilisation (equipment and medicines) in all competent hospitals and health outposts.

The relaxation in people's movements may not be started before mid-May, 2020. Allow limited train movements with half the seat capacity, in the same way domestic airlines by filling half of the seats may start flying and the truck movements with all medical precautions have to be kept going from mid-April. A large truck fleet can be mobilised for the easy movement of goods all over the country. The Chittagong port may operate with its utmost capacity. All offices and educational institutions may start limited operation online after April 15 to keep the country on the move.

In the second line of priorities are the followings: i) Farmers and farm families have to be supported to keep agricultural production flow intact and public procurement of farm products need to be thought of as an option. It is not only rice or paddy, other perishable products as well may be procured to make those available to the people and also to keep control on price. It will be an incentive to sustain growth and employment in agriculture; ii) Natural calamity season is also in the offing, adequate preparation for that is also to be kept in mind; iii) In cities like Dhaka, dengue outbreak has to be kept in check; iv) The greatest Muslim religious occasion Ramadan and Eid festival are going to be observed during the month of April and May. Necessary support and restraint need to be observed in observance of Ramadan and eid; v) Side by side, in dealing with coronavirus, hospitals and doctors have to be separated to treat other critical patients. Current arrangements for advising patients with minor complains through medical hotlines are appropriate measures.

This is the time also to consider massive enhancement of resources for building our health care system. We can also consider spending 4 to 5 percent of our GDP in health care. Government may appoint a taskforce to identify the projects and sectors from where money can be diverted to health. Total safety net budget, PM's special fund, and community and NGO efforts may be directed towards feeding the people in need in the cities and villages. Designing complicated projects with target group is irrelevant under the current situation, especially safety net, anybody and everybody irrespective of former economic status are entitled to have support. Then people will not be desperate to move and stay calm. At this time, we need not be very wise but must act quick and smart in distributing food for the needy. It is not a trade-off, only a crash programme for six months on health and social safety. Economic recovery could be the agenda we will be pursuing from the end of May this year. But for now, saving lives must come first. The economy cannot flourish on the dead bodies of people.

Dr Tofail Ahmed is a local governance expert and vice-chancellor of Britannia University, Cumilla. E-mail: tofail101@gmail.com

Continued here:
Human lives and economy: Can there be a trade off? - The Daily Star

Sex[Positive] Education: With no federal mandates on sex ed, students receive vastly different information, affects college experience – The Badger…

Erica Koepsels sex education experience didnt start in middle school or high school like other students it started years later, in college.

Im born and raised in Kansas and then went to college in a small school in Topeka, Kansas, where we had a gender and womens studies course that I took, Koepsel said. [The course] brought in a sexual health educator who taught us all about contraception. And leaving that class, I was livid that no one had taught me that in high school and that I didnt have the information that I or really that my friends needed.

Koepsel said she was so interested in why she lacked sex education in high school and making sure other high schoolers wouldnt have that experience that she started to intern, volunteer and work in sexual health education, she said.

Ten years after her gender and womens studies course, Koepsel is now the Program Manager for Providers and Teens Communicating for Health, a youth-driven, Madison-based program working to ensure all adolescents are able to receive high-quality health care services in their community.

In the cult classic film Mean Girls, the grossly incompetent gym teacher, Coach Carr, doubles as the sex ed instructor. Dont have sex, because you will get pregnant and die, he proclaims. Just dont do it, OK, promise?

This is just one example of what teens grow up hearing about sex education and sexual health. These messages, along with the ones received in high school, tend to stick with students throughout their lives, according to Assistant Professor of Gender and Womens Studies at the University of Wisconsin Chris Barcelos.

The problem with students remembering these messages, Barcelos said, is while some people receive comprehensive sex education in high school, others receive no sex education or even incorrect information.

And Koepsel said in her work she too has found that many issues can arise with poor or nonexistent sexual health education.

If you have poor sex education if you have sex education thats bad, wrong or shaming that can cause a lot of identity crisis issues, Koepsel said. Especially with young LGBTQ people or people that might just be exploring their own identity, if they have had a sexual health [program] that has only shown sex as penile-vaginal intercourse theres a huge part missing.

Koepsel said one of the biggest problems she faces with the sex education her PATCH students receive is that students are not taught communication skills around sex. This creates problems with consent and students not having agency in their own sexual experiences because they havent been taught how to say yes or no to things, or even what theyre talking about to begin with.

Barcelos said even when schools teach comprehensive sex education, its typically abstinence-only and heteronormative. Not only can this create negative gender power dynamics it doesnt stress other crucial elements. If you have poor sex education if you have sex education thats bad, wrong or shaming that can cause a lot of identity crisis issues. Especially with young LGBTQ people or people that might just be exploring their own identity, if they have had a sexual health [program] that has only shown sex as penile-vaginal intercourse theres a huge part missing.Erica Koepsel, Program Manager at PATCH

Even when sex education is comprehensive or evidence-based, it [often] doesnt talk about consent, it doesnt talk about pleasure, Barcelos said. It still positions women and girls as passive defenders of boys and men who are going to try to convince them to do things they dont want to do. You know, its very heterosexist. So even sex education thats good is pretty [hard to come by] and is often pretty stigmatizing around sexual health.

Barcelos added that stigmatizing sexual health education, combined with the misinformation found in movies and pop culture, can create life-long problems for people resulting in not being ready to handle situations that will likely come up in their lives.

Young people get a lot of wrong and harmful information, and not the skills they need either like how to negotiate consent, or how to deal with an unintended pregnancy, or how to cope with living with an STI or any of the skills they may need as adults, Barcelos said.

But, Barcelos said the biggest problem the United States faces in sex education is the huge discrepancy of what students learn state-to-state.

Most states do not require that their sex education be medically accurate, so theres no guarantee that the sex education you actually got was accurate, Barcelos said. Some states actually have laws where you can only talk about LGBTQ people as bad.

In the U.S., 29 states mandate sex education, with only 17 of those states requiring the information to be medically accurate, according to the Guttmacher Institute.

Wisconsin does not fall into either one of those categories.

In Wisconsin, school districts are required to teach HIV education, which must stress abstinence. Additionally, when sex education is provided in schools, abstinence must be stressed as well as the importance of sex only within a marriage. Information on dating and sexual violence prevention also needs to be distributed.

Koepsel said with these mandates, so much of the sex education that happens in Wisconsin schools is left open for each school to decide. Because of this, each school is different, so students from neighboring towns can have vastly different knowledge.

In the state of Wisconsin, no one knows whats happening in any given school, minus the students. And I think thats the biggest challenge, Koepsel said.

Associate Director of Teaching & Learning in the Green Bay School DistrictEric Conn said their schools teach abstinence-only sex education in high school with information on puberty and reproduction in fourth through sixth grade. Conn said he believes they have a comprehensive sex education curriculum.

Our Human Growth and Development curriculum in middle and high school provides students instruction in a wide variety of knowledge and skills in the subject, as well as exceeding the minimum requirements outlined in state statute, Conn said in an email to The Badger Herald.

But, Morgan Healey, a junior at UW who went to Green Bay Southwest High School, said she remembers learning more about performance-enhancing drugs in health class than sex education in middle school.

Looking back I never had high school sex education that I can remember so if we did it clearly didnt have much of an impression on me, Healey said. I do remember a small amount of sex education in middle school.

Koepsel said when students from across the country come together in college, all with the different levels of sex education, it can be difficult to navigate those differences.

Were coming in with so many different areas of knowledge as educators who dont know what other educators are doing, as teens who dont know what other teens have learned and all meeting in that common space at colleges or universities, or in workforces, Koepsel said. So I think the fact that its so different and that no one really knows whats happening makes it so much harder.

Barcelos said with the messages about sex kids see in pop culture as they grow up, students come to college pressured to be part of hookup culture which exposes the discrepancies in sex education and leads to unpreparedness and stigma when something goes wrong.

[Students] are in a situation where theres pressure to be part of hookup culture, and so then when someone gets an STI or has an unplanned pregnancy or something like that, they are totally stigmatized, Barcelos said. Then that stigma is part of what prevents people from not just having safer sex, but having a fulfilling sex life.

Different levels of sex education can also present inequalities, Barcelos said, as families who can afford to send their student to private school may receive better sex education, as they are not bound by federal and state funding. On the flip side, however, high schoolers attending religious private schools can often be taught misleading or incorrect information.

This was the case for John Spengler, a sophomore at UW who went to a private Catholic school in northwest Ohio and received no sex ed outside of Catholic family planning methods. For Spengler, coming to college was a large culture shock.

The extent to which [UW], especially dorms, was open about sexual topics was somewhat surprising, Spengler said. While I always figured that there would certainly be sexual education opportunities available to all students, I cant say I anticipated walking into the Witte bathrooms at 9 a.m. on a Friday and seeing dozens of condoms spread out on the counter.[Students] are in a situation where theres pressure to be part of hookup culture, and so then when someone gets an STI or has an unplanned pregnancy or something like that, they are totally stigmatized. Then that stigma is part of what prevents people from not just having safer sex, but having a fulfilling sex life.Chris Barcelos, UW Assistant Professor of Gender and Women's Studies

While he does believe there should be general better sex education in private schools, Spengler said he believes better sexual education was not necessary for him in high school, as he attended public school until 9th grade where he received comprehensive sex ed.

Sex education can vary even more for international students, as depending on their countries, talking about sex may be considered taboo. This was the case for Arushi Gupta, a freshman at UW who went to high school in Delhi National Capital Region, India. She did not receive explicit sex education whatsoever.

Even though Im from a pretty big city, I still come from a country where talking about sex is taboo, Gupta said. The education system requires all sophomores to study menstruation and reproduction, but safe sex is not mentioned in any textbook until your senior year, if you choose to continue studying biology.

Gupta said while she does not think the lack of sex education she received affected her experience coming to UW, she does believe every person should receive sex education in high school because puberty takes place at this time. It is also important to know about STIs, how to practice safe sex and about different contraception methods, she said.

For students who feel that culture shock at UW, there are programs and clubs on campus to help. One of these organizations is Sex Out Loud, UWs peer-to-peer sexual health resource. It provides students with inclusive and accessible comprehensive sexuality education programs, events and resources, and creates safe spaces where students can freely discuss these issues,Chair of Sex Out Loud Song Kim said.

Kim said one of the biggest problems the organization faces is realizing the shallowness of sex education programs students receive before coming to UW.

As amazing as it is to hear how life-changing the information provided at Sex Out Loud can be for some folks, that reality is disheartening, Kim said. Much of the sex education that the average American teenager receives is often based in purely preventative reproductive healthcare. Meaning, there often is no discussion of sex as part of human nature for many people, or a discussion on steps to take after testing positive for a sexually transmitted infection or a pregnancy test.

Kim, like Barcelos, said this form of sex education can be uninclusive to many, as it is typically heteronormative and sex-negative.

No matter how comprehensive the sex education curriculum is at a school, Barcelos said it is hard to imagine there ever being a completely inclusive, sex-positive focus. But, Barcelos believes there is a way to educate young people accurately on sexual health and education with the internet.

We know from research that a lot of young people learn about sex from peers and the internet, Barcelos said. I think that that is only going to continue, and that cultivating those as useful and reliable sources of information [is] maybe a better strategy than trying to fix sex education in schools, which I kind of feel like is unfixable.

And while there are definite problems within sex education in schools, Healey said talking about it is really the first step.

I think the first step to anything is talking about it, as cliche as that might sound, Healey said. Learning to have a conversation definitely prepared me to be more comfortable with the idea, but there is definitely more work to be done if the current education is anything like eight years ago.

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Sex[Positive] Education: With no federal mandates on sex ed, students receive vastly different information, affects college experience - The Badger...

Biology Basics: What is a Virus? Bacteria? Fungus? And How Can We Kill Them? – Clare County Review

April 13, 2020

Dear Editor:With the coronavirus is on everyones mind, lets go back to some basics. Like what is a virus and how do we get rid of it? Modern medicine seems to cure most anything, so why is it so hard to destroy the coronavirus?There are three major pathogens (biological structures that can make humans ill). They are bacteria (bacterium), fungi (fungus), and viruses (virus). Each one is unique in its structure and complexity. Therefore, the way to destroy each of them is also unique.

We are exposed to thousands, if not millions, of unique pathogens. Our immune system must learn how to destroy each and every one. When we are born, we have almost no immune system; we are incredibly vulnerable to infection and sickness. We must build up our immune system with antibodies. Antibodies are how the immune system can identify, tag, and destroy the pathogens making a person sick. The only way an immune system can build up antibodies is to be exposed to a pathogen and learn how to identify, tag, and destroy the pathogen. The only short cut to this is when a mother can pass some antibodies to a nursing infant through her breast milk. (This is only one of the many reasons why a newborn should be breast fed.)

However, once our immune systems have the antibodies needed to identify, tag, and destroy a specific pathogen, it will remember that pathogen. So, the next time you are exposed to it, your immune system will produce the antibodies to destroy the pathogen much quicker, ideally even before you feel sick.

Sometimes our immune systems cannot do it on its own, that is where medicine is required. Remember, there are bacteria, fungal and viral pathogens.

First, fungi tend to be external organisms that live on surfaces. Mold, mushrooms, and mildew are some classic examples and good to use as a reference. They grow in dark, moist places on decaying matter. The hypha or roots borrow into the organic matter to extract the nutrients it needs for life. Athletes foot, jock itch, and yeast infections are all common pathogens many of us have suffered. Although, internally fungi are lethal, they are rare. Most external fungi can be destroyed with an anti-fungal cream or pill. Fungi tend to be on the low side of complexity and relatively easy to kill.Bacterial pathogens are individual living organisms. They are the germs that we think of swimming around under a microscope. There are millions of varieties of them. They live on their own, on surfaces within the air, in foods and water. Many ear, throat, and sinus infections are bacterial.

Fortunately, our immune system is pretty good at identifying these foreign organisms living within our bodies and can destroy them on its own. And if it cannot, a doctor can prescribe an antibiotic (penicillin) to finish the job.On the other hand, viruses are non-living, they are DNA pirates. They cannot live or reproduce on their own. Think of a virus as a blob of grease or oil with a single strand of DNA within it. No nucleus, no organelles, just a microscopic ball of fat with a code to cause some biological mutiny.

Viruses require a host cell for reproduction. The virus does this by taking over a host cell and forcing the cell to reproduce the virus and it fatty shell, much like a pirate hijacking a ship for its own purposes. Unfortunately, the cell will no longer able to perform the life sustaining job it was intended to be doing; hence you fell sick. The host cell will continue to perform the pirates task, reproduce the virus, until it destroys itself. Then, liberating more DNA pirates to repeat the process.

The fact that the virus lives inside the cell makes it hard for the immune system to identify the pathogen, let alone destroy it. The only way to destroy the virus is to destroy the cell itself. The pirate will never leave the ship, the ship must be destroyed to kill the pirate.

This is what our immune systems does, anti-bodies identify, tag, and destroy the living cells that have the virus within them. This explains our symptoms which can range from minor aches and pains to lethal tissue and organ damage. Your immune system is literally destroying your own cells.

Fortunately, we have billions of cells and our immune system can be very targeted once the anti-bodies have figure out which cells have been pirated by the virus. White blood cells can then effectively destroy only the pirated cells and recovering will begin.

A major problem with the Coronavirus in humans is our immune systems have hard time identifying which cells have been pirated by the virus and which cells are still healthy. Human immune systems seem to be over-reacting and destroying ALL the surrounding cells. Since the virus is often found in the lungs, heart, and kidneys these are the organs that seem to be suffering the most.

So how do we destroy the Coronavirus? They only thing that can destroy a virus is our own immune system. The medical field has had little success in developing anti-viral medications. We can only support our immune system to learn quicker, to produce the antibodies needed and then the immune system can become much more targeted.

Vaccines do this by providing a weaken version for the immune system to learn from. Anti-body therapy takes the anti-bodies from one immune system that has already learned how to identify the virus and directly gives it to an un-learned immune system.

Unfortunately, we do not have any solutions yet! So, the best way to be healthy is to not get sick in the first place. Stay away from the pirates! You all know what to do, washing your hand, social distance, etc. Be safe.

Andrew J. FrischFarwell High School.

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Biology Basics: What is a Virus? Bacteria? Fungus? And How Can We Kill Them? - Clare County Review

The Handmaids Tales Elisabeth Moss drives fans wild posing in iconic Gilead mask from before it was cool – The Scottish Sun

ELISABETH Moss teased fans by posing in her iconic Gilead mask and joked they were doing it from before it was cool.

The 38-year-old actress, who plays June in the show, is keeping the spirit of the series alive as fans are set to have to wait until 2021 for the fourth season of the show.

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Posting to Instagram with the playful photo, Elisabeth captioned the snap: "Been doing it before it was cool."

The actress was using the mask to encourage people to wear one to help stop the spread of covid-19, however, on the show, the reasons for wearing one are much more stark.

Set in a dystopian near-future, women have become chattel whose sole purpose is to either make babies, if they can, and be completely subservient to the patriarchal governing system.

The masks are used as a way to silence women as part of the various forms of ritualistic punishment for disobedience or independent thought, speech and action throughout the series.

The show The Handmaid's Tale, based on the books by Margaret Atwood, takes place in a near-future where human reproduction is a tiny fraction of what it used to be.

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TO CATCH A CHEATFurious wife beats and strips her husband's suspected mistress in the street - but crowd does nothing

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BAG BARGAIN BEAUTYAs Gwyneth sizzled in supermarket, we show you can do better on a budget

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'LOVE YOU!'Martin Compston's wife says their marriage would've been illegal 53-years-ago

PUPPY LOVEIve been fostering a dog for a friend but now I cant bear to give him back

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REPLI-KATEKate stuns in 10 Zara dress as she announces photography competition shortlist

Former Top of the Lake star Elisabeth Moss, 38, has admitted June is 'reaching the end of her nine lives' after repeatedly surviving the horrors of Gilead.

After she was shot, June was seen looking up at the sky, with specks of blood on her skin and a small smile on her face as she was carried along, and now Elisabeth has hinted her time could be up.

"Maybe they killed me off and theyre all off still shooting and they are afraid to tell me, Elisabeth told TVLine.

She joked: Yeah, Junes dead, and Im just going to direct it.

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The Handmaids Tales Elisabeth Moss drives fans wild posing in iconic Gilead mask from before it was cool - The Scottish Sun

Mental health is vital in treating infertility successfully – Mail and Guardian

COMMENT

The desire to have children is age-old, but for the one in five South African couples struggling with infertility theres a double-edged sword. Whereas infertility has a negative effect on mental well-being, its root causes can also lie in mental health disorders such as depression and anxiety.

Women with a history of depression are at greater risk for infertility, whereas depression and some antidepressant medications can negatively affect male fertility.

On the other hand, a struggle with infertility is deeply stressful and can cause feelings of grief and isolation right through to full-blown anxiety disorders and depression, as well as conflict in relationships and families.

This makes psychological support a vital part of the infertility journey, both before starting and during infertility treatment, because good mental health can have a positive effect on the success of fertility treatment.

Infertility as a reproductive disease affects men and women almost equally, but women are especially vulnerable to severe negative social consequences of being stigmatised, ostracised, even abused or having financial support withdrawn.

With the focus of Womens Month on achieving gender equality, it is important too to highlight the effect of womens health on their social and economic status.

Infertility is defined by the World Health Organisation (WHO) as failure to achieve a clinical pregnancy after 12 months or more of regular, unprotected intercourse and it affects 8 to 14% of couples, or 48-million couples worldwide.

The average fertility rate in South Africa is declining in line with global trends and up to 20% of couples face a battle with infertility, while infertility is a major reproductive health problem in Africa with a prevalence of 30-40%,because of various factors including poor healthcare, infection control and lack of access to fertility treatments.

The struggle with infertility can result in negative thoughts and feelings such as denial, guilt, anger, grief and isolation, which can lead to actual withdrawal from usually enjoyable activities, especially those involving families and children through to a formal diagnosis of mental health disorders.

Infertility is a complex phenomenon with a range of biological causes. A worldwide rise in infertility, however, from causes that cant be medically explained, points to there being possible underlying psychological causes of the problem.

Risk factors contributing to infertility include an existing diagnosis of depression or anxiety disorder, lower levels of happiness and poor overall health, whereas strong mental health self-acceptance, independence, positive relationships and social skills, personal growth and a sense of meaning in life contribute to better outcomes of fertility treatment.

This supports the importance of diagnosis and treatment of infertility being approached holistically, taking into account both biological and psychological factors. Psychological assessment before commencing with infertility treatments is crucial to understand each patients individual risk factors, strengths and psychological resilience or vulnerability, and a collaborative approach to treatment that includes ongoing psychological support or psychotherapy.

This approach would assist with the negative effects on mental well-being of infertility and the stresses of the treatment journey because infertility patients are more likely to suffer from depression, anxiety and social withdrawal, with rates of comorbid psychiatric disorders higher in women with infertility than in male patients.

It is possible, however, that mental illness symptoms in men are reported less or not investigated. Male infertility is often associated with deep shame and this can be a barrier to men seeking treatment, especially those rooted in African cultural traditions, and men also tend to suppress anxiety which then manifests as psychosomatic illness.

In managing mental health as part of infertility treatment, education is imperative. The more information available, the better the understanding of the basic principles of human reproduction and infertility, resulting in the less uncertainty (which contributes to anxiety).

The healthcare team should also look out for the psychiatric side-effects of some medications used for infertility treatment, which could lead to symptoms of depression, anxiety, mood swings, decreased libido, irritability, concentration and memory problems, sleeping problems, fatigue, changes in appetite, and even psychosis.

Similarly, antidepressant medication can influence fertility treatment, and this emphasises the need for a collaborative approach to infertility treatment that focuses as much on mental health as physical health.

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Mental health is vital in treating infertility successfully - Mail and Guardian

Neonicotinoids Linked To Decline of Bird Diversity in the US – Technology Networks

Bird biodiversity is rapidly declining in the U.S. The overall bird population decreased by 29% since 1970, while grassland birds declined by an alarming 53%.Valuable for so much more than flight and song, birds hold a key place in ecosystems worldwide. When bird numbers and varieties dwindle, pest populations increase and much-needed pollination decreases. Those examples alone negatively impact food production and human health.

Likely reasons for the far-reaching and devastating declines include intensified agricultural production, use of pesticides, conversion of grassland to agricultural land, and climate change. A new study from University of Illinois points to increased use of neonicotinoid insecticides as a major factor in the decline, says Madhu Khanna, distinguished professor in agricultural and consumer economics at U of I and co-author on the paper, published in Nature Sustainability.

Khanna says numerous studies have shown neonicotinoids nicotine-based pesticides negatively affect wild bees, honey bees, and butterflies, but large-scale studies on the pesticides impact on birds have been limited. She speaks more about the topic in a podcast from the Center for the Economics of Sustainability at Illinois.

This represents the first study at a national scale, over a seven-year time period, using data from hundreds of bird species in four different categories grassland birds, non-grassland birds, insectivores, and non-insectivores, she says.

We found robust evidence of the negative impact of neonicotinoids, in particular on grassland birds, and to some extent on insectivore birds after controlling for the effects of changes in land use.

Khanna and co-authors Yijia Li, a graduate student at U of I, and Ruiqing Miao, assistant professor at Auburn University, analyzed bird populations from 2008 to 2014 in relation to changes in pesticide use and agricultural crop acreage.

The authors found that an increase of 100 kilograms in neonicotinoid usage per countya 12% increase on averagecontributed to a 2.2% decline in populations of grassland birds and 1.6% in insectivorous birds. By comparison, the use of 100 kilograms of non-neonicotinoid pesticides was associated with a 0.05% decrease in grassland birds and a 0.03% decline in non-grassland birds, insectivorous birds, and non-insectivorous birds.

Since impacts accumulate, the authors estimate that, for example, 100 kilograms neonicotinoid use per county in 2008 reduced cumulative grassland-bird populations by 9.7% by 2014. These findings suggest that neonicotinoid use has a relatively large effect on population declines of important birds and that these impacts grow over time.

According to the study, the adverse impacts on bird populations were concentrated in the Midwest, Southern California, and Northern Great Plains.

The researchers say the effect of neonicotinoids could result directly from birds consuming treated crop seeds, and indirectly by affecting the insect populations they feed on. Consumption of just a few seeds is enough to cause long-term damage to the birds reproduction and development.

The study included data on bird population and species diversity from the North American breeding bird survey, a comprehensive database with data from about 3,000 bird routes across the United States. The researchers correlated the bird data with pesticide use, as well as satellite data on agricultural crop acreage and urban land use.

They examined whether intensified agricultural production and conversion of grassland to agricultural land also contributed to the bird decline. Results showed a small negative effect on grassland birds related to cropland expansion, but no significant effect on other types of birds.

While the use of other pesticides has been flat or declining, neonicotinoid usage has grown exponentially over the past two decades. Neonicotinoids are considerably more toxic to insects and persist longer in the environment, the researchers note.

This research provides compelling support for the re-evaluation of policies permitting the use of neonicotinoids by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency by incorporating considerations of the implications of these pesticides for bird habitats, the authors conclude.

This article has been republished from the following materials. Note: material may have been edited for length and content. For further information, please contact the cited source.

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Neonicotinoids Linked To Decline of Bird Diversity in the US - Technology Networks

Urban growth and the emergent statistics of cities – Science Advances

INTRODUCTION

Classical approaches to urban theoryin economic geography (13) and, more recently, in complex systems (4)often treat cities as spatial equilibria, where a balance of benefits and costs is achieved out of a set of social and economic exchanges, including wages, land rents, and transportation costs (1, 35). While these modeling approaches have proven powerful for generating quantitative predictions in agreement with many observed properties of cities (35), they leave unresolved two fundamental problems: the problem of statistics and the problem of growth.

Both growth and statistics denote a broad set of phenomena that must be unpacked so that we can fully appreciate what is at stake. By statistics, we mean that in dealing with real cities, we must appreciate the wide variation between individuals and places. This variation has positive manifestations in that cities are extremely diverse in terms of the types of the people and lifestyles they support, including a broad set of coexisting cultures, professions, languages, races, and ethnicities (69). This interdependent functional diversity is what J. Jacobs famously called organized complexity and is at the heart of the kind of problem a city is (10). Negative expressions of these same heterogeneities are also familiar, such as ethnic, racial, and economic segregation (11, 12), inequality, and variable access to justice and opportunity. Moreover, it has been observed that these differences between places and people within each city are persistent over time (9, 12) and do not have the fleeting character of noisy fluctuations in statistical physics. Instead, they can pile up over time and lead to patterns of cumulative advantage and disadvantage (9, 13), which are at the root of most challenges of human development. Thus, the problem of statistics in cities deals not only with the existence of structural differences on how the same quantity is distributed across different people and places but also with the temporal persistence and amplification of these effects.

By growth, we mean that (modern) cities are characterized by fast, typically exponential change across many variables. On the one hand, modern cities tend to experience annual population growth rates between about a fraction of 1 and 3 to 4%, as we shall see below. Exceptions exist at either end at least over some periods of time, as different places experience contextually specific factors. However, the principal change in modern cities is the fast pace of their economic growth and technological transformations. Across the world today, we observe rates of urban economic growth that are typically larger than those in their corresponding populations, reaching in some cases 10% a year, with 2 to 4% being typical (14). These growth rates mean that the size of a citys economy doubles every few decades, making it possible to transition from poverty to wealth in one or two generations, as has happened in many places over the last century. With such fast growth rates at play, how is it tenable to model cities as spatial equilibria? Even more importantly, how do different resource growth rates, experienced by different households, neighborhoods, or cities, shape the heterogeneity (inequality) of outcomes for different people? Why are cities not torn apart by differential growth more often?

It turns out that these two problems, of statistics and of growth, are intimately connected and must be tackled together. This is a twist on classical statistical mechanics linking the strength of fluctuations to dissipation around equilibrium (15), which, in the context of exponential growth processes in populations, takes a character that we may call fluctuation-amplification, typical of evolutionary processes (16). The literature of complex systems applied to urban growth, especially from the perspective of geography, has demonstrated the importance of this type of stochastic nonlinear dynamics with strong feedbacks for a number of decades (17, 18).

To continue to make progress on these issues, an analytical approach is necessary that identifies and articulates the essential joint mechanics of scaling, growth, and statistics in cities. Here, we show how this synthesis can be constructed and illustrate its theoretical and empirical implications using stochastic simulations and a particularly long time series of wages and populations of U.S. metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) covering nearly five decades. The central insight is the realization that the budget constraint used to define functional cities (14) is not static or homogeneous across agents but must be managed adaptively to promote growth and avoid instability. This is because what is being controlled are stochastic net resource flows over time, as incomes minus costs, not static quantities such as forces. It is precisely this fluctuating difference that accumulates to drive resource growth for each agent and for cities as populations of agents, with implications for both aggregate growth and inequality.

The manuscript is organized following the scheme of Fig. 1. We first show how scaling analysis isolates the parameters that control urban growth, providing a number of quantitative targets for explanation and prediction. We then introduce standard theory for stochastic geometric growth and outline its properties. This allows us to establish the connection between well-known models of cities as spatial equilibria and processes of stochastic growth for individual agents. This connection disaggregates a city-wide budget condition to the level of agents and requires that they act strategically in their own self-interest to control fluctuations in net incomes, which is naturally handled via adaptive temporal averaging of expenditures. This is the central assumption of this manuscript, which leads to the expectation that net income volatilities are kept finite and small and that temporal averages of incomes and expenditures become statistically dependent. A number of results follow from standard limit theorems: The statistics of resources, incomes, and costs at the agent and group level become asymptotically lognormal, even as these quantities grow exponentially. The self-similarity of growth processes across group sizes also emerges, defining running couplings characterizing the mean growth rate for populations and its associated volatility. Explicitly computing these quantities allows us to identify the circumstances when urban scaling is conserved by the system dynamics. Conversely, we show when these conditions are violated, creating corrections to mean-field scaling exponents when volatilities are scale dependent but small and the breakdown of scaling if they become large. These procedures are illustrated using data on wages for U.S. metropolitan areas. We finish with a discussion of the significance of the results toward a general statistical dynamics of cities and its relation to analogous dynamics of resource flows in other complex systems.

Basic assumptions are shown as blue boxes, and derived results are shown as red boxes; arrows indicate outcomes, while dashed lines represent alternative scenarios. The budget condition, y c, is the common basic assumption for urban agents, generalizing energy conservation in simpler systems. Recognizing its dynamical, stochastic nature leads to the central assumption of the manuscript that agents must actively control its associated volatility; the simplest way to do this is through the time averaging of expenditures (consumption smoothing). Then, the resource growth rate volatility, 2, becomes finite and small, both at the individual and group levels. This leads to emergent stochastic geometric dynamics of resources both at the individual and population levels with exponential growth and lognormal statistics observable at long times (right). Averaging over populations derives the growth rate statistics for cities, which determines when dynamics become self-similar across scales and preserve urban scaling (left): First, if under group averaging variations of the growth rate () are correlated to those in agent resources (r) inequality will change within the population. Second, if effective growth rates are independent of population size, the dynamics becomes self-similar and urban scaling is preserved over time. Alternatively, if the growth rate volatility(2) is population size dependent, corrections to mean-field exponents result: They are calculable via B 0 and are controlled by the volatilitys magnitude. For large 2(N), the statistics become dominated by fluctuations, and urban scaling breaks down. The existence of strong group volatilities contradicts the assumption of effective control at lower levels. This regime would be unstable, signaling the loss of control over resource flows for most of the population and entailing wide-spread crises and eventual collapse. See text for detailed notation.

Scaling analysis provides a simple and straightforward way to characterize urban quantities (19) and extract average agglomeration effects at play across cities of different sizes in an urban system. This section also shows that scaling analysis provides an efficient parameterization of growth processes, different from growth accounting in economics (20).

The starting point is to write an extensive positive quantity, Yi(t), here the total wages paid in city i over a time period t, asYi(Ni,t)=Y0(t)Ni(t)ei(t)(1)where Y0(t) is time dependent but independent of city population size Ni(t), which also changes over time due to standard demographic processes. The parameter is the scaling exponent, and the quantity i(t) is the time-dependent deviation from the average scaling prediction for city i. This expression is exact because any deviation from the average scaling relation, Yi(Ni, t) = Y0(t)Ni(t), is absorbed in the residuals i(t) (see section S1).

Averaging over cities can now be used to isolate a few quantities of interest. To do this, let us first take the logarithm of Eq. 1lnYi(Ni,t)=lnY0(t)+lnNi+i(t)(2)followed by the average over cities ln Y(t) = ln Y0(t) + ln Ni. This ensemble average is defined explicitly by lnY(t)=1Nci=1NclnYi(Ni,t), lnN(t)=1Nci=1NclnNi(t), where Nc is the total number of cities in the urban system such as the United States. We will refer to the quantities ln Y(t) and ln N(t) as centers (21), which are collective coordinates tracking the temporal motion of the entire system of cities (yellow symbols in Fig. 2, A and B) analogous to center-of-mass coordinates in many-body physics.

(A) Total wages for U.S. metropolitan areas 19692016. Each circle is a city in a given year from blue (1969) to brown (2015). Yellow squares show the urban systems centers ( ln N, ln Y), which account for collective economic and population growth (movement, upward and to the right). Urban scaling relations for each year (black lines) are derived through the consideration of a short-term spatial equilibrium (inset), which changes on a very slow time scale. (B) Centered data, obtained from (A) by removing the centers motion (inset). This allows the decomposition of temporal change into two separate processes: collective growth (centers motion) and deviations from scaling, i(t), characteristic of each city i. We see that scaling with a common exponent (global fit = 1.114, 95% confidence interval = [1.111, 1.117], R2 = 0.935) is preserved over time, and net growth is a property of the urban system and not of individual cities. (C) The statistics of deviations, obtained from the residuals of the centered scaling fit of (B). While the distribution is well localized and symmetrical, it is not very well fit by a normal distribution (blue line). Instead, the red dashed line, which follows from theory developed in the paper, produces a much better account of the data. (D) The deviations i(t) of a few selected cities: Silicon Valley (San JoseSanta Clara MSA) and Boulder, CO show two of the more exceptional trajectories in wage gains for their city sizes, whereas Las Vegas, NV and Havasu, AZ illustrate wage losses. New York City, Los Angeles, and the exceptionally poor McAllen, TX show no relative change in their positions over nearly 50 years.

By definition, the ensemble average of the deviations is zero, (t) = 0, so that the second (variance) and higher moments of the become the leading quantities of interest. From these expressions, we can write the deviations i(t) asi(t)=lnYi(Ni,t)Y0(t)Ni(t)=[lnYi(Ni,t)lnY(t)][lnNi(t)lnN(t)](3)

The first expression is the most common interpretation of the i as (multiplicative) residuals from the scaling relation, whereas the second makes their status as deviations from the collective coordinates (centers) explicit. For these reasons, the i(t) provides a city size-independent measure of city performance and are also known as scale-adjusted metropolitan indicators (SAMIs) (22). Characterizing these three quantities, the two centers and the statistics of the , gives a complete description of growth and deviations in a system of cities and separates collective effects from idiosyncratic events in each city.

Figure 2 illustrates the meaning of these quantities. Figure 2A shows the total wages, Yi(t), for U.S. MSAs between 1969 and 2016 (47 years), year by year (colors light blue to brown). The growth trajectory of some specific cities, such as New York City, Los Angeles, Chicago, or Silicon Valley (San JoseSanta Clara MSA), is easily visualized in this way. The solid lines show the scaling relation for each year (see caption for details). We see how scaling is a good fit to the data each year, reproducing a slowly shifting spatial equilibrium in each instance (inset) (4). We also see how the position of the center (yellow squares) moves from year to year, reflecting the overall growth in population (shifts to the right) and especially in wages (movement upward). These results include both real and nominal growth of wages due to inflation.

Figure 2B shows the result of removing collective growth by moving all data clouds so that their centers coincide at the origin (0,0) (21). We see that removing the centers motion (inset) results in the reproduction of the same scaling pattern at each time, with additional small and slow moving deviations, i(t), changing only slightly from year to year. Figure 2C shows the histogram of these deviations (gray) about the overall best fit scaling relation (Fig. 2B), pooled across all years. We observe that the statistical distribution is well localized and symmetrical about the origin, but that is not very well fit by a normal distribution (blue line). A better fit is provided by another model (dashed read line), which will be derived below. Last, in Fig. 2D, we see the change in i(t) over time for some of the most extreme trajectories. Specifically, some cities became substantially richer in relative terms over this period (Silicon Valley and Boulder), some experienced loss in economic status (Las Vegas, NV and Havasu, AZ), and a few others, such as New York, Los Angeles and McAllen, TX (one of the worst performers, by this measure), have not changed much. These trajectories also show how slow the change in the s is. Particular events that affect different cities at specific times are easily identifiable, such as the dot-com economic boom and bust around 2000, specifically for Silicon Valley and Boulder.

We now seek to connect the macroscopic statistics of entire cities to a microscopic general model of single agents behavior. We note that the budget condition, which is taken as the starting point of an important set of urban theories (14), is a version of the fundamental law of energy conservation. Hence, it must apply to every single agent and to cities as collections of agents.

To see this, let us start by introducing a variable, r(t), denoting the accumulation of the net quantity of y(t) over time t. For example, if y stands for an agents income, then r becomes its monetary wealth, but we should think of r more generally as resources that can be grown over time and used in turn (reinvested) to generate more y and so on. An important noneconomic example, which applies to premodern human societies and other biological populations, is when r is stored energy and y is an energy income per unit time. We write the dynamics of r, given y, asdr(t)dt=y(t)c(t)=r(t)r(t)(4)where r is the stochastic growth rate of resources. The first equality in Eq. 4 is pure accounting, stating that resources grow by the difference between income and costs, c, (i.e., net income) over some time interval, dt. Costs in cities are local and include real estate rents, transportation, and consumption, as well as others, such as health care and losses resulting from crime or poor urban services. In this sense, costs and benefits are also affected by migration decisions about where to live and work. The centerpiece of this equation is the difference between income and costs y(t) c(t), which must be balanced by all agents in their specific environments. For urban agents, this difference is the budget condition for the spatial equilibrium that defines a city according to the Alonso model of economic geography and urban scaling theory (1, 3, 4). In the original version, this difference is typically set to zero, although the meaning of incomes and costs is rather flexible and can include savings (23). In urban scaling theory, this difference is nonzero in general (4) and becomes the target of maximization through the self-consistency of infrastructural and social network properties. This implies that a positive difference between incomes and transportation costs is necessary for cities to exist (Fig. 2A, inset) and to generate exponential resource growth. It also implies that the scaling of resources, incomes, and costs has the same population size dependence characterized by a single common exponent for all these quantities, > 1.

The second equality in Eq. 4 is a definition of the growth rate r implying that r(t)y(t)r(t)c(t)r(t). Equation 4 is not an arbitrary modeling choice: It is the standard starting point for modeling population growth and human behavior where time, effort, or resources are invested strategically. Among many examples, it is the standard model for city population growth (24), the standard model of financial mathematics and asset pricing (25, 26), and the one good wealth accumulation model, which is the basic tool in economics to analyze dynamical issues of wealth inequality (23). Stochastic proportional growth and resulting lognormal (and power law) distributions are associated with many forms of human behavior, including the statistics for the time to complete a task, epidemic dynamics, demography and even the statistics of marriage age [see (27) for a review].

Let us see how this model works in practice. Because the equation is nonlinear (the stochastic term is multiplicative), we have to be careful and use the rules of stochastic (It) calculus to integrate its solution in time, leading tolnr(t)r(0)=(rr22)t+(t)(5)where the randr2 are the mean and variance of r, respectively, in the usual sense of those obtained over the probability density of r. Now, let us define the average effective growth rate r=rr22. This quantity is fundamental in geometric random growth models and will recur in the discussion below. Keeping track of physical dimensions tells us that randr are temporal rates and have dimensions of (time)1. Thus, the standard deviation (SD) r (known as the volatility) has dimensions of (time)1/2. The stochastic noise (t) is the sum over the integration time, t, or more explicitly, (t)=l=1tr(tl), with r(tl)=r(tl)r. This is a random variable with zero mean. Because it is the sum of stochastic variables, we expect (t) to express universal behavior as a consequence of the central limit theorem (25). In the simplest case, where r is statistically independent across time with finite variance, we obtain that = rW(t) is a Wiener process, which is a normal variable with zero mean and variance 2(t)=r2t. This will later define the property of ergodicity for stochastic growth, which means that for long-time averages of growth rates, the mean dominates the variance. This is not to be confused with the more general property with the same name in statistical physics, which means that all allowable spaces of a dynamical system will be sampled subject to constraints. The point of the present paper is to show that path dependence for particular cities can coexist with simple emergent statistics for the ensemble of cities.

A number of key general results follow from this solution and associated limiting theorems. First, (i) the central limit of implies that lnr(t)r(0) approaches, in the same limit of long times, a Gaussian variable with time-dependent mean rt and variance r2t. This implies, in turn, that (ii) r(t) is asymptotically distributed as a lognormal variable, a result that will become important later. In turn, (iii) the temporal mean growth rate 1tlnr(t)r(0)=r+(t)tr, for long times, as a result of the behavior of t1/2r. Last, (iv) the characteristic time, t*=r2(rr22)2, marks the interval necessary for net exponential growth to become apparent over the (shorter-term) effect of fluctuations, which average out for longer times.

These properties are illustrated in Fig. 3 (A to C), obtained from numerical simulations of Eq. 4, with r taken as Gaussian white noise. The asymptotic behavior of all quantities depends on whether the effective growth rate is positive r > 0 or equivalently r>r2/2 (Fig. 3, A and C). When this condition holds, there is net growth (Fig. 3A, blue and orange trajectories). Growth of r becomes apparent on a time scale longer than t* (Fig. 3A), which can be very short when the volatility is small. In this regime, the distribution narrows on the scale of the mean as t becomes larger, and predictable exponential growth emerges. However, when r0 is not sufficient to guarantee long-term growth; instead, a finite threshold r>r2/2 must be overcome. Approaching this threshold from a regime with growth, an agent will experience wild fluctuations as t* goes to infinity (Fig. 3C, inset) and will struggle to tell whether growth persists and estimate its time scale to plan. As a consequence, low volatility and positive average rates are necessary for sustained growth (Fig. 3C). Given these results for individual agents, it becomes critical to establish the conditions for these dynamics to apply also for populations such as for entire cities (Fig. 3D) and to determine how corresponding growth rates change across scales.

(A) Example of growth trajectories for a simple process of geometric Brownian motion (Eq. 4). The blue trajectory shows typical growth with small fluctuations and positive effective growth rate, the orange line shows a similar situation with larger fluctuations, and the green line shows a trajectory with critical r = 0. The purple and red lines illustrate negative effective growth rate trajectories. The critical growth time, t*, is shown for growing trajectories. (B) An ensemble of trajectories with stochastic growth rates similar to those of U.S. MSAs, starting with the same initial conditions. The yellow line shows the temporal trajectory of the ensemble average, and the black lines show the 95% confidence interval. Note that both the mean and the SD are time dependent (see text). The inset shows the resource distribution at a later time, which becomes asymptotically lognormal (red line). (C) The general properties of stochastic growth imply that a positive growth rate is necessary to overcome temporal decay due to rate fluctuations. If volatility increases, growth will ultimately stop, and decay will ensue. The critical point r=rr22=0 is characterized by large fluctuations with a diverging t* so that agents will not be able to tell whether they are experiencing growth and may be unable to exert effective control (see text). (D) Under general conditions, multiplicative random growth can be self-similar across group sizes, providing a simple theory that applies at all scales, from individual agents to populations and cities (see section S3) (29). However, the key parameters of the theory run across scales and are in general sensitive to both group size, temporal averaging, and inequality. These dependences define urban scaling as a dynamical statistical theory beyond the mean-field approximation.

From the general properties of stochastic growth processes, we can conclude that any agent seeking growth must aim at a positive mean growth rate and small volatility. The conundrum is that the volatility and the mean growth rate are, to a large extent, properties of the environment, outside the agents control. What is under the agents control, however, are his/her own actions, which we show next can adapt to extrinsic circumstances via processes local in time so as to produce low volatility and stable growth.

It is important to realize that, besides levels of population aggregation, there is also a hierarchy of time scales involved in the process of balancing costs and benefits and observing growth (Fig. 3D). Over the very short term, there will be moments when the agent is resource flow negative, e.g., while shopping. However, judicious choices over time should result in more even positive net flow over the longer term, integrating together periods when incomes are larger than costs (at work) and vice versa (at home, socializing, etc.). This process of balancing costs and benefits over time is necessary in dissipative complex systems because there are always resources lost in any activity or exchange. Balancing costs and benefits over time creates strong correlations between y, c, and r and results on ratios, y/r and c/r, that can become independent of the level of wealth, as we show next.

Consider the basic accounting (Eq. 4) for a single agent, y(t) c(t) = r(t)r(t). As we have seen, dividing by r(t) > 0 gives us the definition of the growth rate r(t). Defining the two resulting ratios as b(t) y(t)/r(t) and a(t) c(t)/r(t) and averaging over time leads to1t0tdt[b(t)a(t)]=ba+1t0tdt(r(t)r)ba=r(6)

This means, in general, that we can also define r(t)=r+r(t), where r(t) is the error (or fluctuations) away from the growth rates temporal mean such that 1t0tdtr(t)0, as we have seen for (t) in the previous section.

What kind of process sets the statistical properties of these fluctuations? On a short-term basis, fluctuations will be large if a, b vary strongly and independently of each other. Then, the amplitude of r will be large over some period of time and, if negative, may deplete stored resources (r 0), placing the agent at risk of death or bankruptcy. Thus, it is in the vital self-interest of the agent to act so as to minimize, or at least control, fluctuations.

How is this to be achieved? The point is that the variations in expenditures, a(t), should not just be seen as passive costs but rather as strategic dynamical investments under the agents control. Conversely, the returns on this investment, b(t), are stochastic and will always fluctuate because of environmental factors (Fig. 4A). Thus, a(t) should be chosen to generate a target growth rate and reduce fluctuations, in other words, to achieve stable and predictable growth (Fig. 4, B and C).

(A) Example trajectories for the income-to-resources and costs-to-resources ratios, b(t) (red) and a(t) (blue), respectively. Note that when income is larger than costs, there can be growth, but fluctuations need to be controlled. (B) Control scheme to deliver average growth rate and tame fluctuations r(t). Costs a(t) become a control variable that, in part, adapts to environmental fluctuations to generate r(t) with small, known variance. (C) The dynamics of the resulting error r(t) is now centered around zero and (D) displays a Gaussian distribution (red line) with variance given by the ratio of the environmental variance to control parameters (see text). In this way, adaptive agents behavior can lead to predictable growth in stochastic environments with a chosen variance.

To demonstrate how this can be achieved, we write the returns as b(t)=b+v(t) and the investment as a(t)=a+u(t). Here, v(t) are (stochastic) variations in returns, whereas u(t) will play a role of a control variable adjusted by the agent. This leads toba+v(t)u(t)=r+r(t)r(t)=v(t)u(t)(7)

We must now specify how control is implemented to tame the errors. Most general practical controllers are in the Proportional-Integral-Derivative (PID) class (28), which specifies u(t) as a function of the error, r(t), asu(t)=kPr(t)+kI0tr(t)dt+kDdrdt(8)where kP, kI, and kD are constants (in time) to be chosen by the agent. These three terms allow for different kinds of strategy to reduce fluctuations: kP is the magnitude of an instantaneous response against the fluctuation, kI refers to averaging of the error over time (known as smoothing, because averaged errors are smaller and converge to zero), and kD describes a corrective reaction in the direction of the temporal change in the error. Of these, only smoothing by time integration will prove essential. Note also that u(t) is a simple quantity that can be updated locally in time via the current observed error, r(t), and its addition and subtraction to the integral and difference, which requires remembering only two numbers. The stochastic dynamics of the errors is best captured via the derivative of Eq. 8dudt=kPdrdt+kIr(t)+kDd2rdt2kDd2rdt2+(kP+1)drdt+kIr=dvdt(9)

This equation for the error describes a simple driven oscillator: It is familiar from stochastic calculus when we take dvdt to be white noise with variance 2. The solution is provided in section S2, showing that r converges to a normal distribution with zero mean and variance r2=22kP+1kI (see Fig. 4, C and D). Making kI larger has the double effect of accelerating the temporal convergence to a time-independent distribution and narrowing the error variance. The other parameters, kP and kD, can be set to zero, leading to very simple control based on the temporal averaging of the fluctuations. The effect of the environmental variance 2 is simply to increase the error variance proportionally. Thus, the control process effectively filters out environmental shocks and makes the net-income variance smaller as a function of parameters chosen by the agent. This is a very simple general mechanism that allows agents to cope with environmental uncertainty and generate stable growth by adjusting their expenditures over time. Much more sophisticated strategies are possible that can maximize growth rates if more of the structure of returns, b, are known (28).

We see how averaging expenditures over time (known as consumption smoothing in economics) gives a general mechanism whereby agents can make their average resource growth rate take on a target value, up to stochastic fluctuations with variances given by the balance between the unpredictability of the environment and the quality of their control. Effective control generates strong statistical correlations between income and costs over time, which constitute the basis for (a spatial) equilibrium. In this light, variations between agents may persist as the result of differences in their specific experienced environments and/or the quality of their control. Exposing these issues requires the consideration of averages over populations of agents as in Fig. 3D, to which we now turn.

To compute the growth dynamics for a city, we now define the averages over a population of size G, rG=1Gj=1Grj, where rj are individual js resources and so on for growth rates, incomes, and costs (see section S6 for a summary of notation). To derive the corresponding dynamics, we take these averages over Eq. 4drGdt=yGcG=(r)G(10)where we dropped the r subscripts on the rate, for simplicity, so that in this section, rG G. The average of the product is(r)G=1Gj=1Gjrj=GrG+covarG(,r)=[G+covarG(,r/rG)]rG(11)

The quantity GG+covarG(,r/rG) is the effective stochastic growth rate for the group average resources, rG. This quantity equals the simple arithmetic group average, G, plus a correction due to the fact that growth rate variations may not be statistically independent from variations in resources across individuals. The covariance term is familiar from evolutionary theory in the context of the Price equation (16) and signals selection. For example, if richer individuals experience higher growth rates across the group, then the average growth rate will be higher and vice versa. This flags the important issue that pursuing the highest possible group-level growth rates in a heterogeneous population will increase inequality. Conversely, pursuing growth such that poorer individuals enjoy higher rates leads to more equitable outcomes in distribution but subtracts from the average G because the covariance is negative.

To complete the derivation, we now characterize the mean and stochastic components of G. We express the individual growth rate, as in the previous section, j=j+j, which leads to G=1Gj=1Gj=1Gj=1G(j+j)=G+G, where G is the group mean of individual temporal means and G is a stochastic noise term resulting from the group average of the errors for each individual. The properties of G are inherited from those of each agent and their statistical correlations. The mean remains zero, while the variance is given by G2=1G2j,kGjkjk, where j and k are the volatilities for agents j and k and jk is the correlation matrix between them. (The correlation matrix is symmetric, with 1 jk 1 and with ones along the diagonal, corresponding to each agents squared volatilities).

In the simplest case, when errors are statistically independent across agents, jk = 0 for k j, and if all SD are the same, k2=r2, we have that G=1Gj=1GjG2=1Gr2. Then, the magnitude of fluctuations is reduced by group size and vanishes in the infinite G limit. Thus, if errors are independent across individuals, both long times and large-population pooling leads to a convergence to the behavior set by the temporal means. This, curiously, implies that the group average grows faster than the agents temporal average in general and provides a strong quantitative argument for pooling resources either via government action or risk management instruments, such as insurance (26).

The case of nonindependent variables is interesting because the treatment of the last section suggests that it would follow from different agents either experiencing correlated fluctuations and/or generating coordinated institutional control responses, which is likely in many circumstances. When all variables are fully correlated jk = 1 and G2=r2, the volatility associated with rG becomes independent of group size. In urban settings, we may expect some correlation between agents as they experience a common spatial and socioeconomic environment of the city. For U.S. MSAs, G2 is approximately constant in G (see fig. S3).

The covariance term between individual growth rates and resources adds additional correctionscovarG(,rrG)=[1Gj=1G(jG1)(rjrG1)]G+[1Gj=1G(jG1)(rjrG1)]G=covarG(G,rrG)G+covarG(G,rrG)G(12)

With these results in hand, we can now write the time evolution of average group resources asdrGdt=GrG,withG=G+G,G=[1+covarG(G,rrG)]G,G=[1+covarG(G,rrG)]G(13)

We see that the statistical behavior of rG is set by the dependencies of these quantities (see section S3 for discussion). When G and G2 are independent of rG (but may depend on G and t) and G obeys the conditions of the central limit theorem, the population average resources rG will follow a multiplicative random growth process (Fig. 3D). This process, similar to Eq. 4, will then integrate to givelnrG(t)rG(0)=(GG22)t+GW(t)(14)showing that if W(t) converges to a normal variable as the result of the central limit theorem, then the statistics of rG(t) become lognormal at long times (see section S3 for an example and further discussion of necessary conditions, exceptions, and related results) (29). It is important to stress that growth rates and volatilities now run (i.e., change) with group sizes, G, and time, t, depending on the correlations captured by the several covariance terms (see Fig. 3D).

We are now ready to express the quantities in scaling relations as functions of stochastic growth rates. This will provide us with a statistical theory that derives urban scaling beyond mean-field calculations (4). To keep the notation simple, the index i denotes cities. We take each city to be a group with G = Ni and write the simplified notation i=Ni, i=Ni, and so on. We will also write the averages of these quantities over the ensemble of cities as = i (see section S6 for a summary of notation).

Running scaling exponents and the emergence of scale invariance. Let us see when a power law scaling relation is a conserved quantity of the stochastic growth dynamics. We start with the integral trajectory for total resources, Ri(t), lnRi(t)Ri(0)=it+iW(t). This equation is ergodic in the sense of stochastic population dynamics because long-time averages coincide with ensemble averages (30)(1tlnRi(t)Ri(0)i)2=i2W2(t)t2i2t0(15)

This property of long-time means specifies necessary conditions for scaling to hold over time. To see this, define BiBi(lnNi)didlnNii(t)=BidlnNi(0)+BilnNi+O[(lnNi)2](16)where (0) is independent of time and scale. Bi varies slowly with lnNi so that Bi is also independent of scale but could depend on time. Bi is analogous to a beta function expressing the change (running) of a coupling with scale in statistical physics (15). Replacing it into Eq. 15 obtainsRi(t)Ri(0)eitY0(t)Ni(t)+Bit(17)which shows that if Bi is nonzero, then the scaling exponent (t)+Bit becomes time dependent in general and is not conserved by the dynamics of growth. Scaling relations will then vary over time, becoming steeper (larger exponent), if Bi>0, or shallower, if Bi<0. It is also possible that the integral Eq. 16 yields a more complicated function of lnNi and time. Under time averaging and control, it is natural for Bi1/t as we have seen, resulting in a time-independent change of scaling exponent.

To see this, consider that the volatility i22 in the effective growth rate is, in general, both time and population scale dependent, while the mean i is independent of both. This means that, in most circumstances, Bi(lnNi)=12di2dlnNi, which should be small because of the agents control over fluctuations. Consider the example i2(Ni)=r2tNi, Bi=2i2(Ni), which leads to the exact result, r22NlnN. This shows that the scaling exponent , while time independent, increases with city size, N. In this case, only at sufficiently large N>>(r2/2)1/ will the value of coincide with that predicted by mean-field scaling theory (4). This is not an issue if r2 is small. Otherwise, for smaller cities, may become measurably smaller than for larger ones. Because the magnitude of variations away from scaling is urban system and quantity dependent, this may help account for some variations of observed scaling exponents in different nations and for different urban properties (31, 32). It also implies correlations between the behavior of the prefactor, Y0(t), the variance, and the scaling exponent , as noted recently in (33).

These results show that strict scaling invariance is predicated on Bi=didlnNi0, which is analogous to a renormalization group fixed point in statistical mechanics (34) applied to the population growth rate. Away from this fixed point, we have now shown how to compute corrections to scaling exponents, which are the result of the scale-dependent statistics of growth rates. Last, note that the scale independence of growth rates for cities is a standard assumption known as Gibrats law (or law of proportional growth) (24). This assumption is necessary to derive Zipfs law for the statistics of city sizes. Figure S3 illustrates this general analysis with the growth rates and variances for wages in U.S. metropolitan areas since 1969, showing that the effective growth rates are city size independent to an excellent approximation, justifying the observed persistence of scaling with a time-invariant exponent.

Equations of motion for prefactors and scaling residuals. We now translate stochastic growth into equations of motion for both scaling prefactors and residuals; details of the derivations are given in section S4. For the prefactors, we obtaindlnR0dt=dlnRdtdlnNdt(18)which is a function of only the centers dynamics. Because the centers are averages over all cities, no higher order statistics plays out in these quantities. This dynamics of the scaling prefactor is important because it measures the urban system (nation) wide per capita baseline growth, a form of endogenous intensive economic growth.

For the residuals, we obtaindirdt=(i)ddt(lnNilnN)+(i)=i(NiN)+(i)(19)where Ni=ddtlnNi and N=ddtlnN. This equation has a number of interesting properties: The most important is that it essentially describes a random walk driven by the terms, which set the variance, (r)2. The two other terms enforce the convergence to the population averages in terms of growth rates of resources and population and guarantee that r = 0 is preserved by the urban systems growth dynamics.

The emergent statistics of urban indicators. The statistics of resources follows from integrating Eq. 19, leading to the general expectation that the statistics of the r become normal at long times (see section S4). This means, in turn, that cumulative urban indicators (stocks) are expected by the same argument to be lognormal, as we saw more directly above. Flow quantities, such as income or costs, are often more accessible empirically (Fig. 2). Their statistics follow from the analysis of the previous sections, where we wrote Yi=biRi=(bi+vi)RilnYi=lnRi+ln(bi+vi). Substituting the scaling relations for Ri, Yi, this implies that i(t)=ir(t)+lnR0lnY0+lnbi. Taking averages over cities obtains the constraint lnY0 ln R0 = ln b, which allows us to writei(t)=ir(t)+lnbilnb(20)

This shows that the statistics of income are set by two different processes, the first resulting from the statistics of associated resources and the second due to stochastic returns. The first piece is characterized by the accumulation of variations over time, which entails time averaging and is expected to become approximately normal. The second term is instantaneous and consequently not subject to limit theorems. Hence, it can have more arbitrary statistics.

To see this, we return to the analysis of stochastic returns bi under agents adaptive control to obtain the explicit time evolution equationdi(t)dir(t)+(lnbilnb)dt+[ibidWi(t)bdW(t)](21)where the force dvi/dt was taken here to be white noise dWi (the differential of the Wigner process Wt) with variance i2, as above. If dvi/dt has nonrandom components, the expression is similar but more complicated. Here, dW is the average stochastic force over cities, and we assumed that fluctuations are uncorrelated to population variations in and b. This also implies that the quantity i=ir(lnbilnb) inherits the property of ergodicity from ir. Figure S4 shows the income growth rates for U.S. metropolitan areas over time, including its noise-driven equation of motion and the property for wages where fluctuations away from the mean trajectory of growth fall over time (roughly as 1/t, inset) to become negligible for long times.

Note that in the limit of strong control, at the individual level and/or as an emergent average within cities when the i/bi<<1, the stochastic terms will be small, and the statistics of income will approximate that of resources as a normal distribution for the i. In addition, this derivation leads to a set of quantitative expectations that can be checked against the data: Figure 5A shows that the quantity t22 2t behaves approximately like the displacement of a one-dimensional (1D) random walk. This is well described by the straight line in time with slope given by the variance, although empirically we also observe shorter periods of acceleration or deceleration relative to the main trend. Figure 5B shows an analogous picture depicting each SAMI, i, trajectory, starting all cities at i = 0 in 1969. This demonstrates the spread of the SAMIs over time according to the behavior of a 1D random walk (red line, the same as straight line in Fig. 5A). Figure 5C shows the volatility and mean growth rates for all cities over the 47 years and corresponding estimates from measurements of dispersion over time (Fig. 5, A and B) and over the ensemble of cities: The observed statistical agreement of these two strategies for measuring the square volatility demonstrate the ergodicity of the statistics of i(t) once drift has been removed. Last, Fig. 5 (A and D) shows that the income residuals variance is actually time dependent, spreading very slowly over time as predicted by the derived lognormal part of the distribution. The overall distribution is better described, however, by the sum of two Gaussians, one broad and one narrow, corresponding to the two terms in Eq. 21 (red dashed line in Fig. 2C). It is only because the annual volatilities are so small that this temporal pooling and a deduction of a pure lognormal behavior appeared reasonable for flow variables in earlier work (22, 35).

(A) On the average over cities, the displacement from their initial deviations in 1969 grows linearly (red line) (gradient = 0.00108, 95% confidence interval = [0.00102, 0.00115]; intercept = 2.13279, 95% confidence interval = [2.25885, 2.00672], R2 = 0.93), as expected from pure random diffusion of the growth rates. Note that this is a mean temporal behavior and that there are periods when deviations grow faster or slower. Periods of economic recession are shown in gray. (B) The trajectory of deviations for all cities (different colors) but having set all deviations in 1969 to zero so that all trajectories depart from a common origin. The red line indicates the diffusive behavior, same as in (A), clearly showing that deviations tend to increase in magnitude over time. (C) The prediction of the wage growth volatility for U.S. MSAs by three methods: the fit of (A) and (B) and the averages over time and sets of cities, demonstrating the ergodic character of the statistical dynamics. Shaded areas show the overlapping 95% intervals in these estimates. (D) The distribution of deviations, year by year, using the same color scheme as in Fig. 2 (A and B). We see that, unlike our first approach in Fig. 2C, the width of the distributions is increasing slowly over time (brown most recent) and that the data for wages (a flow) should be fit by a distribution that is well described as the sum of two Gaussians: a universal broad distribution due to resource compounding and a contingent short-term narrow distribution (Eq. 20), which depends on most recent environmental shocks.

We showed how quantitative urban theory can be taken beyond a stationary approach based on an average budget constraint, characteristic of spatial equilibrium. In its place, we proposed the primacy of stochastic growth processes and agents strategic behavior as the dynamical statistical theory from which more particular results follow (Fig. 1). This provides a common foundation for nonequilibrium modeling of cities across scales (17, 18) and shows how these processes are associated with urban scaling and agglomeration effects. From this point of view, we see how the budget condition of spatial equilibrium models becomes the emergent property of a much more fundamental process, whereby agents subject to stochastic resource flows (incomes and costs) must develop adaptive strategies to reduce potentially fatal volatility. This point of departure is both necessary for dissipative complex systems and is very general so that it offers a number of connections with the statistical dynamics of other natural and engineered systems (28, 36, 37).

The key advantage of this bottom-up stochastic approach is that it naturally unifies processes of resource flow management (equilibrium), growth, and statistics. Hence, the framework emphasizes the critical role played by growth rate variations in a number of important urban phenomena. Specifically, we showed how the properties of the growth rate volatility are implicated in the (non-)preservation of urban scale invariance and set the boundary between growth and decay regimes, including the time scale for exponential growth to become manifest as fluctuations average out. In particular, we demonstrated how the general property of ergodicity in population dynamics and formal demography (30) is intimately connected, together with a renormalization fixed point condition on the growth rates, to the emergence of mean-field scaling relations (4).

There are a number of important consequences for urban theory that these results clarify and unify. First, they show how spatial equilibrium is, after all, consistent with observed exponential growth in cities both economic and demographic, which has been an assumption in previous models. Second, they show how to derive macroscopic statistical behavior for cities and urban systems from microscopic strategic choices at the agents level and provide expressions for how to aggregate growth rates over time and populations. Third, this process exposes issues of inequality of wealth and income and how they are compounded over time (23). Specifically, the quantities discussed here show how policies aimed at maximizing aggregate economic growth may naturally deemphasize the relative growth of poorest sections of the population. Last, and in many ways the central motivation of the paper, the results derived here demonstrate that the statistics of most urban indicators are not universal in a simple sense. Rather, they are emergent as the consequence of limit theorems under stochastic (exponential) growth. In particular, the statistics of urban indicators that account for incomes and costs are the result of a mixture of a more universal component, inherited from their association to accumulating quantities and corresponding limit theorems, and a nonuniversal part, arising from the short term hustle (accidents and the quality of the agents control) in variable stochastic environments. Thus, statistical tests to evaluate the Gaussianity of urban (log-)quantities (22, 35, 38), to be meaningful, must be performed with care and explicitly acknowledge the distinct distributions of different urban indicators.

The models for the budget constraint, the growth of resources, and associated control strategies introduced here are standard starting points in demography, geography, economics, and finance (2325). They can clearly be made more complex and, where necessary, also more realistic. The concept of resources and incomes is not 1D. Issues of energy, monetary wealth, knowledge, and social capital all contribute to resource growth in human populations. The extent to which these quantities, which can all be accumulated, interact with each other is critical for a general understanding of human development. Models for the dynamics of volatilities and more sophisticated control of fluctuations and maximization of growth rates may also become important. Some inspiration should be derived from population biology and mathematical finance (16, 25), where such models are more developed. Last, data on detailed expenditures, wealth, and other financial and social characteristics are becoming increasingly available for households at finer temporal resolutions (14) and will be critical to test and improve the ideas introduced here and to identify systematic heterogeneities in agents behavior, e.g., associated with conditions of poverty and uncertainty.

The approach developed here can be applied to other contexts beyond the contemporary United States but requires appropriate contextualization. In all societies, household adaptive management of resources is likely to remain important. However, in more collectivist societies or in those with stronger top-down governance, the aggregate management of benefits and costs will replace, to a larger extent, bottom-up agency. As shown, managing aggregate costs at the societal level can achieve considerable benefits because this strategy minimizes some risk. Its success hinges, however, on the effective investment of resources that generate society-wide benefits and their redistribution and related inequality. In circumstances of low growth, such as in most preindustrial societies, adaptive control of resources and the associated dynamics of volatility provide us with an important window into their (in)stability. This allows us to connect more proximate explanations of collapse, e.g., related to environmental stresses or violence, to the broader collective and political dynamics of societies, expressed as the capacity to manage shocks or disintegrate instead.

Empirically, the U.S. urban system, at least in terms of changes in total wages in MSAs, turns out to be very well-behaved: Its growth volatilities are almost always very small, fluctuations converge to limiting statistics quickly, and scaling relations are conserved over time. However, our theoretical results show that these properties pertain only to quantities and systems of cities with small, population sizeindependent growth rate volatilities. In the United States, over the past nearly 50 years, despite a number of notable events, observed average square volatilities associated with wages and population growth are about one order of magnitude smaller than average growth rates, making their effects almost negligible. It will be interesting in the future to investigate other urban systems and quantities characterized by larger volatility, such as crime or innovation (22, 33, 35), for which the present framework makes a number of testable predictions.

The flip side of the observed constancy and stability of growth rates in American cities is that extant wage disparities become very slow to reverse. The typical square displacement in over nearly five decades (Fig. 5A; 2t) is just 0.054. Assuming a similar rate of change in the past means that the observed variance in deviations from scaling at the beginning of our dataset (in 1969, about 0.043) would have been the product of the previous 40 years, taking us back to the time of the roaring 1920s and the subsequent great depression. Thus, the answer to the question at the beginning of this paper about predicting the magnitude of deviations from scaling in any given year is now recast not so much in terms of parameters of stationary statistics (33). Rather, this variance is the result of accounting for the accumulation of much smaller accidents and variations that make up the stochastic history of cities, which compound short-term noisy growth under partial control of heterogeneous agents over entire urban areas and long-time periods of decades (22). This is the quantitative sense in which history matters for cities, and their development becomes path dependent (18, 39, 40).

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