Photo by Jon R. Luini

Anyone who lives in the New York metro area knows that driving across the Long Island Expressway is a punishment reserved for only the most extreme masochists. But the first area appearance of Eric Johnsons Classics: Present and Past Tour at the YMCA Boulton Center for the Performing Arts in Bay Shore was compelling enough for me to make the painful trek.

Determined to avoid traffic, I got a head start and ended up arriving at the venue hours early, when it was eerily empty. There were no signs of life other than the flurry of notes from Johnson doing a soundcheck, and a pair of siblings waiting by the box office. I soon found out that the brother and sister I had just met endured even more torturous travelling conditions than traversing the LIE at any hour of the day. They took a grueling 16-hour flight from Tahiti solely to see Johnson (they even had front row seats!)and rented a car to get around to four of Johnsons Northeast shows from places as far flung as Fairfield, Connecticut, and Albany, New York. Thats the sort of hardcore dedication you see from Phishheads, but might not expect for Johnson, whose fan base was, for a long time, strictly tone-obsessed guitar geeks enamored by Johnsons virtuosity.

Over the decades, Johnsons music has broadened in scope considerably and now has a much wider appeal. The audience at the Boulton Center consisted of a diverse array of folkshipsters, young kids, rich lawyer types, and musicians who resembled electronics guru Larry Hartkewho, over the course of a three-hour show (with only a very brief intermission), enjoyed hearing Johnson singing and playing electric guitar, acoustic guitar, and piano on everything from classics like Zap and Cliffs of Dover to vocal-driven songs from his latest release EJ Vol. II. (Its the sequel to the 2016 all-acoustic EJ, and adds in electric elements.)

While Johnson burned through many of the electric selections with his trademark lightning-speed pentatonic sequences, he also captivated the audience equally with his sensitive vocals and jazzy piano playing on Over the Moon, which also featured rhythm guitarist Dave Scher lightly hybrid-picking volume-swelled, chordal fragments. Of course, Johnson is aware that many in the audience were there for the shred, and though he opened the second set with an acoustic in hand, he started right off the bat with the jaw-dropping Lake Travis, a burning instrumental highlight of EJ Vol. II.

For this tour, Johnson brought out his new signature Virginia guitar, from the Fender Stories Collection. The instrument is based on his favorite 1954 Strat that was used on iconic albums like Tones and Ah Via Musicom, but had, sadly, been sold years back. Virginia was released after EJ Vol. II was recorded, so the model doesnt appear on the album, but Johnson is extremely pleased with the instrument, so you can expect to hear it on future recordings. That was my favorite guitar I ever owned, so with this one being so close, it really fulfills everything I need, he says. Fenders Carlos Lopez, the master builder behind the Virginia model, has publicly stated that when he first took on the project he was a little intimidated, which, given Johnsons legendary history of gear neuroticism, makes complete sense.

Decades ago, when guitarists read that Johnson could hear microscopic differences in the batteries used in his pedals, a kind of urban myth was born. And with the advent of guitar forums, many gearheads have come to believe that every single pieceno matter how seemingly unrelated (like a screw)has an impact on tone. In fact, as I watched Johnsons show I couldnt help but wonder if there was a tonal reason why Johnsons two Bandmaster Reverb heads had different colored power lightsthe top head green and the bottom red. This nagged me so much that I had to follow up with Johnson. To which he simply replied that there is no tonal difference between the amps due to the color of the lights. Its just a way to identify them.

Its better to be secure, have faith, practice, and just go for that magical performance.

Is the fan of Eric Johnson the virtuoso guitarist the same person as the fan of Johnson the acoustic singer/songwriter?Yeah, Ive had a lot of people that seem to like both things. As there are people that would rather hear me get going and hear a lot of guitar playing, I think similarly there are people that want to hear all the other stuff. Theres some crossover, but Im sure theres some people that just favor one or the other.

Being aware of that, as you worked on EJ and EJ Vol. II, did you worry about what the Cliffs of Dover guy would be expecting in an EJ record?I thought about some of the stuff that some people might not like as much, but Ive always enjoyed songs. Trying to write a song has always been a part of my thing since I started playing music. I guess I was fortunate enough to get something working for me and it turned out to be the guitar thing. But Ive always enjoyed the whole spectrum.

Live, when going from acoustic to electric, is it a tricky transition in terms of touch?Yeah, it takes a little different touch on the acoustic. Thats true. On acoustic, a lot of times I use my fingers. But there are songs where I use a pick and, yeah, theres a little bit more resistance on the acoustic. Its not too hard of an adjustment if Im on tour and Im used to doing it. If Ive been playing electric for a few weeks and havent been playing acoustic, it can be a hard adjustment. But if Im in the groove of doing it, its not too hard.

Youve released a good amount of albums over the past few years, whereas there were six years between Ah Via Musicom and Venus Isle. Are you clinging less to your perfectionist tendencies?Yeah, I think it is that. Just kind of realizing that the extra belaboring over the record not only takes an exorbitant amount of time, but it doesnt really produce any better quality. And, in many cases, it makes it worse [laughs]. Or, you know, maybe it makes it better, grammatically, but it makes it not as potent, emotionally. So Im trying to learn that and practice that more.

I mean, I wrote Cliffs of Doverreally quickly. It just came to me. But I had several years to play it live, over and over and over, to get all the notes the way I wanted. Then when I went into the studio yeah, I really spent a lot of time trying to get the right take.

How much of your live solos are improvised versus composed?

Its probably about half and half. Sometimes they're just completely off the cuff, but sometimes they have certain guidelines to them.

I imagine there are many subtle things you hear that a fan might not pick up on. But if you hadnt labored over Cliffs of Dover 30 years ago, looking back, would the result have been that much different?Its interesting that you say that. I think if you rehearse and youre in shape, and you do the discipline of practice, and then you capture a magic performancethen no, I dont think so. I have that version from Austin City Limits thats totally live, and I guess a lot of people like that better than the studio version. That would be the answer to your question right there. And then its also just a matter of your mindset and believing you can do it.

Sometimes insecurity is another form of ego because you dont think that you can do something so you have to hands-on everything and try to control the universe, which is impossible to do anyhow. Its better to be secure, have faith, practice, and just go for that magical performance.

Were songs on EJ Vol. II cut live or did you do a lot of overdubbing?I cut the parts live in the studio. One of the songs, Black Waterslide, actually did come from a live performance at a gig, and I took it back to the studio and overdubbed percussion to it.

In your live set, you jam on John Coltranes Impressions. Are you free enough to push yourself to go for new things, or are you inhibited knowing that someone will likely be filming it and putting it on YouTube?No, I try to experiment. Im still learning about all of that so its definitely not way out and deep and crazy like Eric Dolphy (saxophonist) or Coltrane, but Im trying to learn more about harmony. I just want to do what I do, but I would like to learn more about harmony, so Id rather push myself in a situation like that.

Watch our latest Rig Rundown with Eric talking about his signature Thinline Strat

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Eric Johnson on Breaking Patterns to Play with More Freedom - Premier Guitar

STATEN ISLAND, N.Y. Saying they believed he was truly repentant and could avoid trouble when back in society, members of a state board have granted parole to a New Dorp Beach man who killed his brother 24 years ago during an argument in the family home.

Thomas Corella, 62, had served more than 23 years of a sentence of 20 years to life for first-degree manslaughter in the June 19, 1996 fatal stabbing of his brother Victor Corella, 35.

Thomas Corella was 38 then.

The panel weighed several factors, such as your age, length of incarceration, your institutional adjustment, your completion of programming (while in prison), your remorse for the victims and your risk and needs assessment, the three-person board wrote. Your insight into the harm and pain you caused your family and yourself was given considerable weight. Therefore, the panel believes that your release would no longer be incompatible with the welfare of society and you can live a law-abiding life.

In setting Corella free, the board also acknowledged there had been official and community opposition to his release.

The panel reminded Corella the decision to parole him should in no way be interpreted or intended to minimize your crime or the senseless loss of life you caused.

Corella was released last Dec. 10. The board interviewed him two months earlier on Oct. 16, a transcript of the proceeding shows.

Only a few months earlier, a state board had denied Corella parole after a late August interview.

Corella told the board then he had learned my lesson and turned his life around in prison.

The board at that time apparently didnt agree.

In rejecting Corella, the panel had cited his criminal history, which includes two prior prison stints the first for attempted burglary, after which he violated parole, and later for seriously attacking his girlfriend, for which he pleaded guilty to attempted assault.

Corella had been out of prison for slightly more than a year when he killed his brother, said that board.

Corella was brought back before the board in October as a special consideration for parole, said the partially-redacted hearing transcript.

He again expressed his remorse to the panel and said alcohol- and drug-abuse had been at the root of his problems.

He said he has been clean now for 23 years.

I brought upon my family something horrific for which I have to live with for the rest of whatever life I have, Corella said. And I cant tell you how regretful I am that this ever happened, and I am certain that had I not been intoxicated, had I not been under the influence, that this would not have happened.

Prosecutors said the killing occurred between 5:15 and 5:30 p.m. inside the home on Milbank Road, which Victor shared with the siblings mother. Thomas Corella had been staying at the home for about 10 days, the Advance reported.

Corella testified at his trial in September 1998 that the events unfolded in his mothers bedroom after he came home from work.

He said his brother questioned him about missing house keys, and he quizzed Victor in return about money missing from their mothers purse.

Corella said his sibling charged him and put him in a chokehold, and fearing for his life, he stabbed Victor in self-defense.

Prosecutors, however, alleged Thomas Corella had become enraged during an argument with his brother over smoking in the house and repeatedly plunged the eight-and-a-half-inch blade of a kitchen knife into the victims chest.

Ramona Corella, the mens mother, was slashed on the nose in the struggle.

A witness testified she was on the phone with Ramona Corella and overheard the two men arguing.

The woman said she heard Victor imploring his mother to tell his older brother to stop, while Thomas told the younger man twice to Shut up, according to Advance reports.

The witness said she heard the phone drop, a scuffle, and a bang before the phone went dead.

A jury in state Supreme Court, St. George, acquitted Corella of second-degree murder, but convicted him of first-degree manslaughter.

In his October interview with the parole board, Corella said he had consumed around three quarts of beer before the deadly confrontation.

He said he and his brother began fighting, and Victor put him in a headlock. He said he escaped, went into a kitchen, got a knife and returned.

At that point I did not recognize him as my brother, Corella told the board.

He admitted to stabbing the victim several times and expressed his contrition.

I have had many years to think of what I did and how many people I hurt, he said, adding he does not believe he is the same person he was back then.

People do change for the better, and I am done with alcohol and I am done with drugs, said Corella. I am just asking for a chance for whatever years I have left to spend positively.

The board imposed a number of conditions on Corella.

He must obtain a job or enter an academic or vocational program. He must submit to substance-abuse testing, as required.

In addition, he cannot consume alcohol, he must abide by a curfew his parole officer establishes and must participate in any anti-aggression or anti-violence counseling as directed.

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Freedom for man who killed brother in 1996 in argument over smoking - SILive.com

Gov. Gretchen Whitmer on Sunday night issued an executive order that relaxes requirements for government workers responding in person to Freedom of Information Act requests during coronavirus outbreak.

The order, signed Sunday, April 5, applies to records requests submitted by mail fax or in person. Public bodies are now allowed to defer parts of the responses that would require workers to report to government offices in-person, the order states.

The order is effective immediately and is scheduled to be lifted June 4, according to a state-issued news release.

It is the public policy of this state that, during the COVID-19 states of emergency and disaster, public bodies continue to respond to requests for public records as expeditiously as possible and, to the extent practicable, by using electronic means, the order states.

Under the order, workers still must respond to requests received through the mail or fax within 10 business days, but if the request requires a physical search of records, it can be deferred until the order is lifted, the release said.

During a time of crisis, its crucial that Michiganders have access to the information they need to stay safe. My administration is committed to ensuring that while also protecting public health and encouraging social distancing," Whitmer said in the release. This Executive Order encourages public bodies to respond to Freedom of Information Act requests in a timely manner and in the safest way possible.

Workers receiving the FOIA requests must communicate to the person who filed it if they are unable to fulfill the request without a physical public record search, the order mandates. The person who filed the request may then amend it to include electronic records only. If the request cannot be fulfilled due to remote work or social distancing, then a written notice should be sent explaining the delay, the order requires.

Whitmer signed another executive order Sunday to extend an existing order that was set to be lifted April 5. The reissued order extends restrictions on visitors at health care and juvenile justice facilities amid the coronavirus outbreak.

Related: Whitmer extends order banning non-essential visits to hospitals, care facilities

The states latest statistical report on COVID-19, which was updated at 3 p.m. April 5, showed there were 15,718 confirmed cases in Michigan with a total of 617 deaths.

Complete coverage of coronavirus in Michigan.

COVID-19 PREVENTION TIPS

In addition to washing hands regularly and not touching your face, officials recommend practicing social distancing, assuming anyone may be carrying the virus.

Health officials say you should be staying at least 6 feet away from others and working from home, if possible.

Carry hand sanitizer with you, and use disinfecting wipes or disinfecting spray cleaners on frequently-touched surfaces in your home (door handles, faucets, counter tops) and when you go into places like stores.

Also on MLive:

Whitmer says patchwork response to coronavirus with no national strategy could prolong fight

Michigan reports 1,493 new coronavirus cases on Sunday and 77 more deaths

Kalamazoo County tops 50 coronavirus cases

Beaumont urges state to make more hospitals release data on coronavirus

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Whitmer issues order allowing delayed in-person processing of Freedom of Information Act requests - MLive.com

Pattie Stockman, wife of former Rep. Steve Stockman (R-Texas), asked President TrumpDonald John TrumpCalifornia governor praises Trump's efforts to help state amid coronavirus crisis Trump threatens to withhold visas for countries that don't quickly repatriate citizens Trump admin looks to cut farmworker pay to help industry during pandemic: report MORE to pardon him amid the coronavirus pandemic so his 10-year sentence for fraud and other white-collar crimes does not become a death penalty.

Stockman, a conservative firebrand, was convicted in April 2018 of 23 felonies for allegedly misusing $1.25 million in campaign funds for personal expenses. The 63-year-old is serving his sentence in a federal prison in Beaumont, Texas.

My pleas are reasonable. Keeping an aging, physically vulnerable, non-violent, non-sex crime convicted inmate in prison during a pandemic is cruel. My husband is not a danger to society. At a minimum, I want Steve to shelter at home so that hes not sent to me in a body bag in a few weeks, Patti Stockman said.

Concerns over the spread of coronavirus in prisons have grown in recent weeks, though mostly from the left-leaning advocacy groups as well as Democratic lawmakers and leaders.

Patti Stockman is not seeking a temporary release of prisoners, but a pardon for her husband specifically.

More than 50conservative leaders, including several former members of Congress, alsosent a letterto Trump urging for Stockmans "humanitarian release."

Steve StockmanStephen (Steve) Ernest StockmanInmates break windows, set fires in riot at Kansas prison Wife of imprisoned former congressman cites COVID-19 risk in plea to Trump for husband's freedom Consequential GOP class of 1994 all but disappears MORE poses no danger to society, but remaining in prison may be a death sentence for him, the letter states, calling him a perfect example of a prisoner who fits the criteria of who should be removed from prison during the pandemic.

California Gov. Gavin NewsomGavin Christopher NewsomCalifornia governor praises Trump's efforts to help state amid coronavirus crisis Dwayne Johnson stresses importance of maintaining mental health amid pandemic Congress needs to stop the 'essential' confusion MORE (D) announced last month that the state planned to release 3,500 nonviolent offenders over concerns of a coronavirus outbreak in prisons. The state's correctional agency also announced that it would temporarily slow intake into county jails.

Trump has pardoned at least 25 people since the start of the administration, according to the Department of Justice.

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Wife of imprisoned former congressman cites COVID-19 risk in plea to Trump for husband's freedom | TheHill - The Hill

(Last Updated On: April 10, 2020)

Freedom From Facebook press release to Zennie62Media does not necessarily reflect the views of Zennie62Media, Inc., or its partners, contractors, and employees.

Six New Groups Join Coalition FreedomFromFacebookAndGoogle.com

Washington, DC After nearly two years of shifting the paradigm on Facebook, we thought it was time to broaden our work, so Freedom From Facebook is expanding to also take on Google. Facebook and Google are two of the worlds most dangerous monopolies. They have seized control of how billions of people communicate online, making more than $200 billion a year from selling advertising. They addict us to their services, promote dangerous content, engage in surveillance, and rent out our attention to anyone willing to pay up.

As America and the world struggle to deal with the coronavirus, these corporate giants are using this pandemic to launch P.R. campaigns to shore up their power. But half measures and splashy headlines dont fix any of the problems with big tech monopolies. If anything, this crisis has revealed them to be even more dangerous to people and our democracy: the platforms are allowing deadly misinformation to flourish, profiting off of deceptive and opportunistic advertising for critical health supplies, and accelerating the collapse of local news, all while uncertainty around upcoming elections grows.

It has been quite a change for FFF going from a few years ago when these concerns werent really on anyones radar and Facebook was the darling of Silicon Valley and D.C. to having the DOJ and 47 state attorneys general conducting antitrust investigations of their monopoly.

Besides all of the substance we had some fun too including flying a plane over Facebooks shareholders meeting and getting a full page ad in the student paper when Sandberg was the commencement speaker at MIT. Facebook was so freaked out about everything they hired opposition researchers to go after us!

There is no question that Facebook is taking a wrecking ball to our democracy but Google is also working full time at being evil, said Sarah Miller, Co-Chair of Freedom From Facebook & Google. Facebook and Google are using the coronavirus crisis to entrench their power, amplifying and profiting from deadly misinformation and scammers, lording it over small businesses in distress, and decimating the free press by monopolizing advertising markets. No one should buy into their pandemic PR, while the need to break their power should be crystal clear.

Freedom From Facebook and Google has four core demands for policy makers and regulators:

Break up Facebook and Google

Regulate them to keep us safe

Hold them accountable for wrongdoing

Reject their lobbyists and corporate money

More details about how these problems can be fixed are addressed in this new paper from FFF&G member American Economic Liberties Project, Addressing Facebook and Googles Harms Through a Regulated Competition Approach.

Besides expanding the scope of our work FFF&G is also expanding with new members: American Economic Liberties Project, Campaign for Accountability, Daily Kos, Progress America, The Revolving Door Project, and Social Security Works.

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Freedom From Facebook Expands To Take On Google - Oakland News Now

Albert Camuss novel The Plague is a lesson to the human race on valuessocial, moral and political. It is often seen as an allegory for the political plague of Nazism that invaded France. It also vividly described the gravity of genocide caused by the pandemic. Across the world, a big calamity can have a tendency to make the state stronger and the people weaker. The present infestation is no exception.

Along with the miseries that the virus has brought in, the plight of migrant workers, household workers, rag pickers, daily wagers, street vendors and other marginalised among the workforce has now become part of the political discourse. The Supreme Court, on its own, cannot set right the problem. Let us see the relevant laws. The country had promulgated the Inter-State Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act way back in 1979. It stipulates registration of establishments where such workers are employed. There are provisions for licensing of contractors.

The Act also provides for adequate wage rates, displacement allowance, journey allowance, etc., along with other facilities. Section 16 of the Act guarantees just and reasonable pay, suitable residential accommodation, free medical aid, etc. Non-compliance with the provisions could invite penal consequences. The country also designed the Unorganised Workers Social Security Act in 2008, with the laudable objective of providing better quality of life for workers in the unauthorised sector. It speaks about schemes to be designed by the Centre and state governments to improve the habitats of the proletarians.

These legislations were not only breached but even forgotten by the governments at the Centre and states. The radical provisions of the statutes remained a non-starter. Had it been otherwise, and had there been imaginative preparatory measures before the inevitable lockdown, the labour scenario would have been different. The sight of the moving populations of workers on the street once more echoed Camus prophetic words: No longer were there individual destinies; only a collective destiny, made of plague...

Stay at home is a hollow rhetoric for many Indians who do not have a home. The Census of 2011 revealed that there are more than 17 lakh homeless people in our nation. Right to housing has been recognised as a fundamental right in a few modern constitutions (see, for example, Section 26 of the South African Constitution). In India, right to property is longer a fundamental right as Article 19 (1)(f) was deleted from the Constitution with effect from 20 June 1979. Today, it is, at best, a constitutional right, as per Article 300A of the Constitution, which says that persons should not be deprived of property, except by authority of law. This constitutional silence about an enforceable right for residence was sought to be indemnified to some extent by the parliamentary legislations. The efforts, however, met with an executive apathy due to which the country now pays a hefty cost.

As Yale University professor Frank M Snowden demonstrated in his scholarly work Epidemics and Society: From the Black Death to the Present (2019), a pandemic can lead to an illiberal regime and an excessive exercise of power over the citizens. After the contagion, right to privacy is curtailed to a considerable extent, as its infringement is often justified by a public health emergency. Control over the media too could be in the states agenda. Journalists were booked for reporting the misdeeds of the persons holding power. There are also instances of human rights violations. During the hard times, free flow of factual information and reports needs to be ensured.

The lockdown and other executive measures in India are backed by the Epidemic Diseases Act of 1897 and the Disaster Management Act of 2005. The statutes contain penal provisions, and equip the authorities to deal with the offending individuals. Section 3 of the colonial statute makes disobedience of the order issued under the Act punishable under Section 188 of the Indian Penal Code. The Act, which was made by the British in the background of the bubonic plague outbreak, is not wholly adequate to meet the requirements of the present days globalised India. Obstructions to relief activities, false claims, false warnings, etc., are punishable under Chapter 10 of the 2005 statute.

Article 257 of the Constitution empowers the Union to exercise control over the states during certain exigencies but it does not alter the character of cooperative and collaborative federalism, a basic feature of our fundamental law. The Centre would do well in taking all the states into confidence in our historical endeavour for survival.

It is not enough to impose the rigour of law on the public. The challenge is also to realise the laws humane face. Right to life, which means dignified life, has the protection of Article 359 of the Constitution, which says that it cannot be taken away even by the proclamation of Emergency. This was a significant constitutional correction done by the Janata regime under Morarji Desai by way of the 44th Amendment Act, 1978. It was the indignity attached to the poor Indians that got exposed during the days of pandemic. For them, Article 21, speaking about right to life became non est.

The freedoms under Article 19 also became redundant. As Amartya Sen demonstrated in his celebrated book Development as Freedom (1999), poverty inhibits freedom and access to resources. Poverty is not merely the poor mans problem.National solidarity is an imperative to fight the virus and in the battle, constitutional values of justice, liberty, equality and fraternity can have a catalytic effect.

KALEESWARAM RAJLawyer, Supreme Court of IndiaEmail: kaleeswaramraj@gmail.com

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Freedom in the time of COVID-19 - The New Indian Express

A fight between scholars and senior managers at an Irish university has highlighted the ongoing tension between internationalization and academic freedom.

A working group established by the academic council at University College Dublin last month proposed an addendum to the institutions statement on academic freedom, in which it explained that it was important for "a university with a large international footprint, to consider and appraise the risk of tension arising between the obligations regarding academic freedom and the strategic imperative to internationalize higher education."

The draft addendum added that there is little firm ground (including case law) on which to rest an agreed definition of what academic freedom means and pointed out that learning about and engaging with other traditions of academic freedom is a valuable component of such international partnerships.

It said the university should establish whether divergent approaches to academic freedom can be reconciled or accommodated during partnership negotiations.

The working group revised its recommendations this week just hours after academics signed a petition claiming that the addendum amounts to a serious weakening of [a] crucial academic value and Times Higher Education approached the institution for comment. Some scholars had also raised concerns that the draft addendum and a survey on the subject were shared with staff when they were distracted by the COVID-19 crisis.

However, academics said they were still concerned that the initial proposals had been considered, and they speculated about whether the university would attempt to reintroduce them at a later date.

The revised recommendations suggest that UCD should introduce measures to ensure that scholars are informed about the specific context applying to academic freedom in other jurisdictions where they may be required to teach. They add that academic freedom should be addressed in the initial stages of all international partnership negotiations with the aim of promoting the tradition and ethos of academic freedom as articulated in the UCD Statement of Academic Freedom.

Wolfgang Marx, associate professor in musicology at UCD, who started the petition, said the original proposals would have relativized and downgraded academic freedom from a basic principle to a legal nicety that needs to be negotiated on a case-by-case basis and can be sacrificed if it stands too much in the way of the acquisition of lucrative fee-paying students, and the setting up of joint programs and campuses.

While Marx described the universitys U-turn as a victory for academics, he added that the increasing financial pressure on universities as a result of the coronavirus crisis might result in other institutions considering changes to their academic freedom policies in a bid to secure more international partnerships.

Patrick Paul Walsh, full professor of international development studies at UCD, said it was quite concerning that the university would even consider trading off academic freedom to profit from internationalization of education.

A lot of governments are not open to the idea that academics can talk absolutely freely Maybe we just shouldnt be setting up partnerships in these countries, he said.

Grace Mulcahy, chair of the academic freedom working group at UCD, said it had revised its recommendations in response to the feedback received from faculty.

The objective of the working group was to provide additional protections to strengthen academic freedom, she added.

Read more from the original source:

Dispute in Ireland over academic freedom and internationalization - Inside Higher Ed

I was half asleep in a plane on the tarmac in Seattle when the pilot first alerted us that the world was changing fast. Leave American soil right now and you may not be able to re-enter, he warned, just minutes before we were due to take off for Europe.

My daughter and I looked wide-eyed at each other. Wed been planning a trip to Cape Town via Europe for months and had an incredible itinerary outlined for the next two weeks. In the space of five minutes we had to decide whether to head north homeward or continue our journey towards the southern hemisphere.

I knew we should deplane, as they say in airport-speak, but the imploring look on my kids face faltered my conviction. Lets just go, I told her, as we prepared for takeoff. Somehow, wed make a plan to get back.

I was right about the plan, but its execution was much sooner than what Id expected. Just 48 hours after landing we were packing our bags and rerouting our tickets home as Canada sent a chilling warning to citizens abroad to return while they still could. Over six days we spent some 60 hours in the air. But we were lucky to be able to return, and luckier still to get back uninfected and symptom free.

Lately, as the restrictions ramp up and our home confinement continues, Im trying hard to focus on our good fortune. How lucky I am to have all my children home with me, back in our cocoon of family safety. Lucky that we can sit down to meals together, take some long walks by the river and be fully in the present, rather than rushing around to the various activities that otherwise fill our respective lives.

For the first time ever we have time on our hands to focus just on our homes and our family relationships. With almost nowhere to go except the store, the resources we have at home become our whole world: the games in our cupboards, the books on our shelves and the puzzles that have been gathering dust, untouched for years. Now is the time to get down to those hobbies weve always procrastinated, the cleaning projects long delayed and the books weve been meaning to read.

In a time when all normalcy has been disrupted, in some ways COVID-19 has given us the gift of time, and with it the opportunity to reflect on what really counts. The virus has stripped away our exercise regimens, our social obligations and our urge to shop for new, unnecessary things. Whats left is screen time, remote work, virtual socializing and our own personal resources for keeping ourselves busy and entertained. Some of us will flourish with this freedom, others will wither under the pressure, particularly if and when the Internet crashes.

READ: MARRIED WITH KIDS: FEARS OF THE ROAD

In some ways COVID-19 has delivered a prison sentence; in other ways, it promises a refreshing opportunity to focus without distraction. The prison shackles are hard to shake off. Like many, Im finding it impossible to stay away from the news, and harder still to absorb and process the implications of its discouraging announcements. I go about my day with a knot of anxiety in my stomach, a constant web of worry that refuses to dissipate, no matter how hard I wrestle and reason with it.

But when I get outside, theres encouragement everywhere. Here in B.C., the buds of spring are forming in my backyard and the bald eagles are back, circling in the thermals and filling the sky with their calls. The river is writhing with bird life and the natural world is awakening after a long winter, preparing for the flourish of summer. The message it sends me is that we will get through this, its just a matter of time. Normal life will resume, and when it does, this pandemic will become an old, distant memory we will mention with relief, glad to see the back of it. With any luck we wont be so complacent about normalcy ever again.

Its going to be a different Passover this year. As we spin through the haggadah singing songs with varying degrees of gusto, I know I for one will be focussing less on hekshers and more meaningfully on the plagues and the concept of freedom versus enslavement than ever before.

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Married With Kids: Freedom in the age of the coronavirus - Canadian Jewish News

BBJ

Saturday, April 11, 2020, 00:20

Led by different opposition and reform groups, the Opposition Round Table (Ellenzki Kerekasztal or EKA) was set up with the aim of ensuring a peaceful transition from the socialist regime in Hungary to democracy. Though its main goal, the change of the regime was fulfilled, many critical questions, including those around the economy and the market, arguably remain unsettled.

Talks started in the spring of 1989, as a follow-up to a demonstration that took place on March 15 that same year, where the opposition presented the conditions they wanted for the change to happen. The list of 12 points was mutually devised by various opposition representatives and read out by actor Gyrgy Cserhalmi at the demonstration.

The wish list included multi-party parliamentary democracy; the rule of law, human rights and political freedoms; fair burden-sharing and the abolition of privileges; a functioning market economy with equity; cutting down on bureaucracy and violence; the restoration of the countrys sovereignty, neutrality and the withdrawal of Soviet troops.

A strategy on transition was also presented at Kossuth tr, which basically called for a strong and united opposition to serve as an inevitable rival and negotiating partner of the governing party, the Hungarian Socialist Workers Party [MSZMP], said Jnos Kis, representative of the Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ). A few days later, SZDSZ passed a call for a roundtable of independent organizations, but withdrew it when a similar initiative was proposed by the Independent Lawyers Forum.

The Opposition Roundtable was formed on March 22, 1989, by the organizations invited by the Independent Lawyers Forum at the Law Department of Etvs Lornd University, in the library of the Department of Criminal Law.

There were eight founding organizations: the Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF), the Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ), FIDESZ (the Fiatal Demokratk SzvetsgeMagyar Polgri Szvetsg or Federation of Young DemocratsHungarian Civic Alliance), the Independent Smallholders Party (FKGP), the Hungarian Peoples Party (MNP), the Hungarian Social Democratic Party (MSZDP), the Endre Bajcsy-Zsilinszky Friendship Society (BSZBT) and the Independent Society. A ninth, the Christian Democratic Peoples Party (KDNP) joined later.

Despite several attempts by the MSZMP to fragment the opposition, and differences among the EKA itself, on June 10, an agreement between MSZMP and EKA was signed in the White House, the communist partys headquarters. The two parties agreed to start a trialogue on the reform of the constitutional system, involving the State Party, the Round Table and social organizations and movements (also known as the Third Side). The parties stated that power was based on the peoples sovereignty and that no political power could acquire that sovereignty.

Our aim is to not share power with its current owners, but that the citizens decide who they place their trust in for four years between elections, Imre Knya, head of the EKA delegation said when sharing the organizations declaration of intent with the representatives of the regime.

We must agree on the conditions of the amicable transition into democracy. [...] The will of the people must be manifested at an open election, he added.

Erzsbet Szalai is a sociologist and expert of the system change. The Kdr-regime was an authoritarian system, not a dictatorship, which had been disintegrating from the beginning of the 80s, she tells the Budapest Business Journal. The fact is that different social counter-elite groups were created during the death of the Kdr-system, she adds.

Among them were the late-Kadarian technocrats, who worked within the state bureaucracy and were advancing in rank with the years, including Mikls Nmeth, who served as Prime Minister of Hungary from November 24, 1988 to May 23, 1990 (the last man to hold the post before the system change), Lajos Bokros (Minister of Finance between 19951996 in the government of Gyula Horn) and Gyrgy Surnyi (president of the Hungarian National Bank between 1992-1992).

Another group was the democratic opposition, which set itself outside the system and had the major role in creating political democracy, as opposed to the technocrats who prioritized the market, Szalai explains. They emerged from politically marginalized intellectuals of the great generation, that is, from those excluded from the institutions of power. When this group began to take shape, it adopted a fundamentally left-liberal set of values, the expert wrote in a study in 1999.

A third group, the new reformist intellectuals, hovered between the other two. Their views were very close to those of the democratic opposition but, unlike them, the new reformists had been able to keep their jobs (while democratic opposition members were dismissed).

This was the social elite, and EKA was basically a forum to discuss matters and negotiate the rules that would later govern politics. Talks were nominally about both politics and economics, but the majority of the work covered the former, where the legal and political details of the transition were discussed. Not much was done concerning the economic path as, by the time dedicated talks took place, the late-Kdrian technocrats had risen to political power and their views held sway, Szalai says.

In Szalais opinion, it was a mistaken notion in the process of the regime change to completely discard economic and social policy, and to adopt a doctrine of the less state, the better.

The starting point for discussions for EKA was that only cornerstones of the peaceful and democratic transition (e.g. electoral law, constitutional court amendment, party law, etc.) should be negotiated, while the ruling party recommended discussing all important political, economic and social issues.

EKAs reasoning for sidestepping some of the more detailed debate was that the existing Parliament was not legitimate and therefore should not be entrusted with fundamental issues not directly related to the transition, writes political scientist Andrs Bozki, in an article in literary journal Beszl.

As for the economy, EKA said it did not have sufficient information to be competent in the talks, nor did it want to give ideas to a regime already burdened with problems, as MSZMP would use the talks to share responsibility for the economic crisis between itself and the opposition, Bozki writes.

So, the forum that was, in theory, created for these elite groups to consult about the countrys future failed to hold discussions on economic questions, Szalai says.

The overriding view was that the market would take care of all the problems, which was a huge mistake, the expert claims.

Neo-liberalism, which basically says that state ownership should be minimized, everything should be privatized and the market should be given freedom, was a mainstream view at the time.

The liberals forming the social elite were invited to international conferences and had embraced these views, Szalai explains.

The liberals favored private ownership whereas the Third Side I also represented was thinking of mixed ownership: state, self-management and private ownership, Szalai says. She adds that this group soon found itself a minority as the incumbents and the opposition reached agreement. Part of the reason why the talks in the economic section dissolved fairly soon was this; that there was nothing to discuss, Szalai notes.

The discussion concerning politics was more interesting and intense, not least because there were many differences within EKA regarding on basic questions. The debates, which began in June, revolved around the amendment of the constitution (including the position of President of the Republic and the Constitutional Court), party law and party financing, electoral rights, principles for amending criminal law, publicity, information policy and guarantees of non-violence in transition.

There were serious disagreements, and the talks broke up several times, but over time the MSZMP became more inclined to give some concessions. Still, there was heated debate, for example, about elections, the nomination process and the introduction of the quota system, constituencies and lists, and the institution and election of the president. During the summer of 1989, the MSZMP, led by the Reform Party, negotiated a peaceful transition program to call for multi-party free elections with the Opposition Roundtable.

By September 1989, the relations between the parties in the Opposition Round Table had become increasingly tense, writes Bozki. Since the organization could only take a decision if all its members agreed, a potential split became more realistic than ever.

Five parties (the Bajcsy-Zsilinszky Friendship Society, Independent Smallholders, Christian Democrats, Democratic Forum and Peoples Party) believed that the results achieved during the talks until that point should not be risked and that they needed the sign an agreement with Socialist Workers Party, which included several trade-offs.

Four other members (FIDESZ, the Social Democrats, Free Democrats and the Trade Unions League), however, thought that that a democratic state under the rule of law could not be created if the Workers Militia continued to exist; if the election of the President of the Republic were to proceed the parliamentary elections; if MSZMP did not provide an inventory of their assets and leave office and they did not want to enter into bargaining.

By September 18, the day set for the signing of the agreement, only two parties still refused to sign the agreement (FIDESZ and the Free Democrats). That day, the real story of EKA ended, Bozki writes. Formally, the organization remained together until the free elections in 1990, but its role in the democratic transition ended. Those questions that remained unresolved on September 18, including the election of the president, were decided on a referendum on November 26.

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30 Years of Freedom: The Opposition Roundtable Laying the Groundwork for Democratic Hungary - Budapest Business Journal

Around the world governments are fighting the COVID-19 outbreak with a variety of social control measures aimed at minimising contact between people and tracking down individuals who are the source of infection.

Increasingly, governments are relying on digital technologies to implement these social controls. Should citizens be worried about their privacy and freedoms?

Citizens probably dont need to be concerned about technology like self-installed and operated apps that provide public announcements, updates and contact information on the crisis. But data can be collected from smartphones to monitor peoples movements through cities, towns and regions. Daily interactions leave a record of data, like card payments at a caf, or number plate readers at a tollgate. Even more nuanced data is being collected from self-monitoring apps now emerging in a number of countries.

With this data, high-performance computers can model movements to create an accurate picture of where people were and who they were with.

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Some countries are even making use of CCTV cameras and facial recognition technology to monitor the location of people supposed to be in isolation and the identity of people who they have come in contact with.

The public health benefits of using this surveillance technology are obvious, but so too are the threats to individual privacy, and autonomy. The important question we are now confronting is whether the need to reduce person-to-person transmission of COVID-19 should justify the loss of privacy and accompanying freedoms.

And perhaps more pertinently, how to ensure that measures that limit individual rights in times of emergency dont become the new standard once the threat is over.

Here are some of the approaches being adopted by other countries:

In South Korea the government is using mobile phones to keep tabs on the whereabouts of people in self-quarantine. The app allows patients to report their symptoms to health authorities, while also monitoring their whereabouts, alerting individuals and the government should a patient go outside their quarantine zone while carrying their mobile phone.

Singapore has taken a different approach, relying on citizens to download an app, TraceTogether, to undertake contact tracing. The app records when it comes into contact with other phones that use the app. This data is picked up through Bluetooth. The app then stores a log of those connections. Should a person be diagnosed with the virus, it provides an alert informing those who have associated with the infected person and suggests appropriate action, such as the need to commence self-isolation.

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New Zealanders have been ask to consent to police tracking their mobile phones for location information.

Israel has repurposed location data collected from mobile phones for counterterrorism purposes to map the movements of people with COVID-19 and those they have encountered. Under this system the governments counterintelligence agency Shin Bet is sifting through phone metadata to identify individuals with the virus and their contacts, and then sending an alert with instructions.

In Moscow the government is using the citys CCTV network of 170,000 cameras to monitor people with facial-recognition software and punish those not complying with quarantine and self-isolation restrictions. This approach cannot be circumvented by citizens leaving their phone at home. Similar approaches have been used in China.

It is difficult to argue against heightened surveillance in the middle of a deadly viral outbreak, but commentators across the globe are already raising concerns about what happens after the pandemic finally fades. There is a risk that once mass surveillance regimes are enabled, they are unlikely to be watered down because they will have been legitimatised as socially useful.

The use of this technology therefore raises ethical concerns about what are the appropriate governance and safeguards that need to be in place.

Consent-based models, in which people have the choice to participate in tracking and monitoring may seem like the best compromise between the competing concerns of controlling the virus and respecting fundamental values like privacy. But there are flaws in this approach. Most obviously from a public health perspective, if many people refuse to opt-in then the tools will be ineffective.

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Individuals are more likely to consent to sharing their data in exchange for a service they find useful. One example is sharing location data to ensure that a mapping service optimises your route to the supermarket. But use of that data for a purpose other than specified goes against the ethical principles of good data collection. Privacy and data protection laws provide a framework for the collection, use and disclosure of personal information, often restricting the secondary uses of data.

Concerns have also been expressed that many citizens will be nervous of using of COVID-19 tracking apps because they fear social stigma, job loss or and other negative consequences should they become infected and publicly outed.

Additionally, simply requiring people to accept the terms and conditions of a tracking app as a way of securing consent is of limited ethical value given that most people dont read the fine print in online transactions anyway.

Mass digital surveillance is clearly helping to control COVID-19. States like China and Russia have highlighted the potential of their surveillance regimes to ensure social control within their societies. But these approaches are in tension with the liberties and freedoms afforded within liberal democracies.

The repurposing of data from existing digital devices be it metadata of who we have communicated with to understand our social connections, our location via GPS, or our identity through facial recognition can increase the ability to model and identify high-risk individuals to ensure compliance with social control orders. But this surveillance still needs to be done in accordance with the law.

In a time of crisis, exemptions to the laws may be felt to be justified. But the danger is that once the scope is increased and exceptions are put in place, they are difficult to wind back. This is especially so if, in the wake of a public health crisis like COVID-19, lawmakers are inclined to view mass surveillance technology as simply a tool for good.

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The vital question then is how willing societies are to be enrolled in mass surveillance? There is no one answer as it involves social, political and cultural values, reflecting an unavoidable tension between rights enhancing individual autonomy and those focused on the good of communities.

What the Australian community decides as appropriate is likely to differ to what our neighbours decide. Other states and communities will likely take different approaches. And the technology itself is constantly advancing, posing new questions for society and law makers. Indeed, the role of technology may well develop to assist with rights-based concerns.

There is no easy answer. When faced with a crisis we shouldnt shun the technologies that may assist us. However, we need to remember the important role of law and ethics in guiding responsible use.

The newly launched Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Digital Ethics at the University of Melbourne is a cross-disciplinary initiative to research and explore the tensions between technology and society, and provide leadership on good digital citizenship.

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The cost to freedom in the war against COVID-19 - Pursuit

There is now the terrible possibility that Britain may match or even overtake Italy and Spain as the country in Europe that suffers most from the coronavirus pandemic. This tragedy has a political, as well as a biological, epidemiology. Those seeking to trace its path may look back on a telling moment paradoxically the one at which the government finally changed course and fell into line with most of the rest of Europe. On 20 March, Boris Johnson announced the closure of pubs, clubs and restaurants. Even as he did so, however, he made it clear that this decision was an assault on the national character.

Were taking away the ancient, inalienable right of free-born people of the United Kingdom to go the pub, he said. And I can understand how people feel about that. Lest his anguish be in any doubt, he underscored the point: To repeat, I know how difficult this is, how it seems to go against the freedom-loving instincts of the British people. The message was what exactly? You must not go to the pub but your right to do so is inalienable (which is to say absolute and irrevocable). You must stay at home but, if you so do, you will be a disgrace to your freedom-loving ancestors.

The Sun reported the prime ministers remarks rather differently: Mr Johnson said he realised it went against what he called the inalienable free-born right of people born in England to go to the pub. In this version, the freedom to go to the pub was conferred by genetics and history, not on the people of the United Kingdom or the British people, but on people born in England. It does not apply to Scots, Welsh or Northern Irish people and certainly not to the 9.4 million people living in the UK who were born abroad. It is a particular Anglo-Saxon privilege.

And since we are in the terrain of the ludicrous, the Suns version actually made more sense. There is, of course, no ancient and absolute right to go to the pub inns and public houses have been regulated in England at least since the 15th century. But what Johnson was really evoking was a very specific English sense of exceptionalism, a fantasy of personal freedom as a marker of ethnic and national identity.

That exceptionalism is not, alas, mere rhetorical self-indulgence. It helped to shape official policy towards the Covid-19 crisis. It lies behind both the idea that there should be a distinctive British response to this global challenge, and the assumption that there was something peculiarly unnatural in expecting Brits to obey drastic restrictions. Its legacy is the globally discredited policy of herd immunity and the late introduction, squandering Britains head start, of the lockdown.

The prime minister himself has long cultivated the notion that he does not just espouse this freedom-loving exceptionalism he embodies it. In the early stages of the crisis, Johnsons admirers could see it as his Finest Hour, the moment when his Churchillian posturing would become real and he would save his country. When the prime minister was hospitalised, his overwrought friend and fan Toby Young confessed in the Spectator to a kind of mystical belief in Britains greatness and her ability to occasionally bring forth remarkable individuals who can serve her at critical junctures. Ive always thought of Boris as one of those people not just suspected it, but known it in my bones.

Johnsons Churchill impersonation has always been a way of claiming that his own waywardness is not mere self-indulgence but the mark of a special (and idiosyncratically English) destiny. In his book, The Churchill Factor, he wrote of his idol: There is a sense in which [Churchills] eccentricity and humour helped to express what Britain was fighting for what it was all about. With his ludicrous hats and rompers and cigars and excess alcohol, he contrived physically to represent the central idea of his own political philosophy: the inalienable right of British people to live their lives in freedom, to do their own thing. Guess who this was meant to bring to mind for contemporary readers?

Being drunk on freedom is one way for the chosen people to do their own thing. Adopting a distinctive national approach to a global pandemic is another. The myth of a unique and defining love of personal freedom as a badge of nationhood underpinned a profound reluctance to impose life-saving restrictions on movement and social gatherings. Other people might put up with that sort of thing, but not the English. On the altar of this exceptionalism, lives have been sacrificed.

This innate, genetic resistance to conformity is a myth. This is obvious from the persistence of an equal and opposite cliche of Englishness: the queue. George Orwell could rhapsodise the gentle-mannered, undemonstrative, law-abiding English and the orderly behaviour of English crowds, the lack of pushing and quarrelling, the willingness to form queues. The anthropologist Kate Fox wrote: During the London riots in August 2011, I witnessed looters forming an orderly queue to squeeze, one at a time, through the smashed window of a shop they were looting. Orderliness is just as prominent as waywardness in the English self-image which suggests that neither of these truisms is ancient, inalienable or worth a damn when you are making policy in a time of plague.

The exceptionalist freedom-loving instinct has little to do with history and much more to do with current politics, specifically the politics of Brexit. Johnson described as magnificent a 2014 book by the arch-Brexiter Daniel Hannan called How We Invented Freedom we being the Anglo-Saxons. Hannan expressly reclaimed the idea of exceptionalism, the freedom-loving Anglo-Saxons being the exception especially to European slavishness. Brexit, as he argued, was one imperative of this dichotomy. Tragically, a notion that the UK could ignore the World Health Organization and do its own thing with the virus was another.

Covid-19, as Johnson himself discovered in the most awful way, doesnt make exceptions. The threat is universal. And the shield against it the NHS is cosmopolitan and global. There are 200 different nationalities represented in its ranks by 150,000 doctors, nurses and ancillary staff. One consolation in this disaster is the realisation that Britain is exceptionally lucky to have them.

Fintan OToole is a columnist with the Irish Times

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Coronavirus has exposed the myth of British exceptionalism - The Guardian

BASKING RIDGE, NJ Jennifer Kohan, Director of Membership Development for Fellowship Freedom Plans from Fellowship Senior Living was just recently selected Top Director of the Year for 2020 by the International Association of Top Professionals (IAOTP) for her outstanding leadership and dynamic sales experience.

While inclusion with the IAOTP is an honor by itself, only a few members in each discipline are chosen for this distinction. These special honorees are distinguished based on their professional accomplishments, academic achievements, leadership abilities, longevity in the field, other affiliations and contributions to their communities. All honorees are invited to attend IAOTPs Annual Award Gala at the end of this year for a night to honor their achievements.

With over twenty years of professional experience,Kohan has certainly proven herself as an experienced sales professional who is highly adaptable and competent with the ability to build and maintain long-term relationships with clients, vendors and personnel of all levels. Having extensive sales experience in senior living has helped her become the well-respected Director she serves as today.

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Currently, Jennifer effectively oversees the marketing, communication and consumer education of the Fellowship Freedom Plans program; the long-term care membership program offered through the Fellowship Senior Living organization. Fellowship Freedom Plans are designed to help seniors stay in their homes, combining the financial protection of long-term care insurance with comprehensive care coordination, up to and including 24/7 care.

The President of IAOTP, Stephanie Cirami, said, Choosing Jennifer for this award was an easy decision for our panel to make. She is highly motivated, has extraordinary consultative abilities and is dedicated to creating growth opportunities within her role. She displays outstanding communication and interpersonal skills something we highly value in our members. We are looking forward to meeting her.

Throughout her career, Kohanhas received awards and accolades for her dedication to her profession. In addition to being selected as Top Director of the Year by IAOTP, she is also being considered for a feature in Top Industry Professional (TIP) Magazine.The International Association of Top Professionals will honorKohan, for her selection as Top Director of the Year at the Annual Awards Gala being held at the Plaza Hotel in New York City this December.

Looking back Kohan attributes her success to her perseverance, mentors she has had along the way and her passion for helping people. When not working Kohan enjoys travelling and spending time with her family. In the future, Kohan hopes to continue to make a difference and contribute to helping older adults live better lives every day.

About Fellowship Senior Living: The 72-acre Fellowship Village wooded campus, located in picturesque Basking Ridge, NJ, is home to over 400 residents enjoying lifestyles from single family independent living homes, villas and apartments to assisted living, skilled nursing and memory care homes. The Life Plan Community (also known as CCRC) offers a full complement of lifestyle enhancements, in addition to five-star dining. A new cultural arts center featuring a state-of-the-art-theater, upscale bar & lounge with alfresco dining, expanded medical center and spa and fitness center will ensure Fellowship Village remains a leader in senior living. Fellowship Senior Living provides a continuum of care for seniors throughout New Jersey to include home-health services, hospice, Fellowship Freedom Plans and physical, occupational and speech therapies both on and off campus. As a nonprofit organization, focus remains steadfast on providing optimal industry best practices for residents, so they may enjoy a vibrant lifestyle. For more information, visit us at http://www.FellowshipSeniorLiving.org or call 908-428-4238.

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Jennifer Kohan of Fellowship Freedom Plans selected as Top Director of the Year by the International Association of Top Professionals - TAPinto.net

In 2012, the Coalition introduced the policy to allow principals to make financial and educational choices that best suited students. At the same time, it axed support staff within the department who would travel to schools, giving help where needed.

The government has now admitted the decision to devolve decision-making powers to individual schools had "unintended consequences", such as making it harder to centrally track increasing amounts of Gonski money, and hindering its ability to intervene when schools struggled.

The proposed changes will also involve lifting the administrative burden off principals.

Education Minister Sarah Mitchell said she did not know what proportion of schools could be subject to intervention until the targets were set in conjunction with principals over coming months. The changes will be implemented on day one of term one next year.

"We can't direct [support] as we'd like to be able to, and what this is about is redressing that balance," Ms Mitchell said.

"If the targets are met, we'll get out of [schools'] way. If the targets aren't met, that will trigger us proactively coming in. It gives us the opportunity to say clearly that despite best efforts, we aren't getting the outcomes either of us wants in your school."

Schools already have a new set of performance benchmarks in the areas of literacy, numeracy, attendance, equity and wellbeing, but these targets would be separate.

The head of the Primary Principals Association, Phil Seymour, said "we'd be happy" with policy tweaks that would increase support.

"We can see we need some improvements in what's happening, and we are happy to collaborate with [Ms Mitchell] this year to get it all sorted," he said.

Ms Mitchell said she would consider reinstating some of the centrally-based consultant positions.

"That's definitely something we will look at as part of this," she said. "That level of support around curriculum, which has been missing, I think we need to bring that back ... as part of this reform."

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Ms Mitchell said the changes were designed to ensure accountability across the board. "There needs to be skin in the game," she said. "That needs to funnel up through the department in a way I don't think is happening as effectively as it could."

She also stressed that schools' complexities would be factored into the targets.

"We look at the growth of the school measured against itself," she said. "Schools are in different communities. I don't want schools that perform well to think they can coast, I want everyone to be striving for increased educational outcomes."

Mr Seymour urged the government to provide more administrative support for schools, so principals could get on with educating kids. "Those who can't [meet targets], support will be there for them. We are hoping the department will come to the party and give us additional admin support."

Jordan Baker is Education Editor of The Sydney Morning Herald

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Schools must earn the freedom to make decisions, says Premier - The Sydney Morning Herald

Accident? Spare me!

For an action not to be accidental, it must be intentional, but if our intentions don't matter--only our actions--then those actions have to be accidents, don't they? What is one supposed to do with words that sound soul-searching but which come from a person who expresses doubt about the very existence of a soul and who denies value to thinking that is morally contemplative? Whose best advice in the face of cultural seismography is "get yourself a gun and have another cocktail"? Settle in for the binge-watching of artfully filmed violence, I guess. At what point do things cease to be "accidental" if it was an accident that started everything? Nothing comes out of nothing; action does not proceed from a vacuum. A Big Bang does not just "happen."

If the minuscule scrabbling about of vermin on the surface of an unimportant globe are not meaningless and accidental, then why should it be thought that the massive gravitational forces that play upon that globe are? Nobody knows what gravity "is" or how it works but that shouldn't suggest insignificance. People who have no problem with the idea that a week of cloudy weather affects your mood want you to think that the gas giants huddling on one side of the solar system for months on end don't do anything important. As Galileo might have said, Risparmiami!

Jupiter radiates more energy than it receives from the sun. We are not obliged to accept the largely nonsensical dicta of modern astrology in order to assert that the planets of our system affect us materially or that the stars are our destination. Keeping in mind, of course, that it is precisely those truths of which we are most dismissive which will catch us most off-guard.

STANLEY G. JOHNSON

Little Rock

Supporting freedom

To me, Democratic socialism is freedom. Economic freedom. And democratic freedom.

When you don't have to worry about going into debt thousands of dollars to be treated for chronic illness or even having to come up with $50-$100 in co-pays and more for deductibles to go to the doctor and are able to afford medication so a cold doesn't turn into something worse, you have more freedom. When you don't have to worry about losing your health insurance when you want to change jobs, you have more freedom.

When you don't have to go into tens of thousands of dollars in debt to get a higher education, you have more freedom. If you're in a union and don't have to choose between better health care or higher pay, you have more freedom. If you don't have to work two to three jobs on starvation wages and still have to go to food banks, you have more freedom.

When a black or Hispanic person doesn't have to worry about being stopped by police just because of the color of their skin, you have more freedom. When children and babies are not being snatched away from their moms and dads and tossed into cages just because their parents want a better life for their family, you have more freedom.

When you don't have to worry about being able to afford a decent home for you and your family, you have more freedom. Freedom to have more time with your family and friends. Freedom to go on vacations. Freedom to have more time to participate in democracy by voting or running for office.

This is why I now consider myself a Democratic socialist: because I support freedom.

PATRICK GRAY

Searcy

Part of the package

My husband Ted and I have a morning ritual, especially since our retirement.

He gets up, goes outside and gets the newspaper. Since its coming demise, he says, "news is news," but without the rustle of that paper. The feel, the smell--it's all part of the package.

He's almost having withdrawal pains! I'm just about past (92) writing my little opinion pieces, but I do want to thank you. (Gulp.) It's been fun.

TED and CLARA FIELDS

Bentonville

End death penalty

We are the only developed nation that continues to use the death penalty, and it's time for us to stop. Supporters of the death penalty will tell you it is impossible to deter crime or ensure justice without it. Don't let them deceive you--the death penalty does not deter crime, nor is it just. Our justice system is as fallible as the people who compose it, and many errors have been made in cases involving the death penalty.

Take for instance the recent case of Ledell Lee, who Arkansas executed in 2017 for the 1993 murder of Debra Reese. Nearly three years after his execution, new forensic testing is being done that could exonerate him. Nationally recognized forensic experts have criticized the state's forensics, saying that photo lineups were biased and eyewitness misidentification was possible. The state's shoe-print identification expert only received a single week of unsupervised training and his analysis failed to meet national standards. Five fingerprints were found at the scene and determined to not belong to Lee, yet have never been run through a criminal database. Today's DNA testing is much more powerful than that during the trial. Lee's lawyer was visibly drunk in court and unable to adequately represent him.

New testing might reveal the worst: that Arkansas executed an innocent person. Perhaps it will confirm Lee's guilt. Even so, I am deeply concerned that a trial with this many mistakes could happen, and could involve an innocent defendant with inadequate counsel. It is possible: At least 156 people have been sentenced to death and exonerated since 1976. Like most Arkansans, I believe that life is sacred. Even the possibility of an innocent person being executed is enough to convince me that it is time to abandon the death penalty.

ZACHARY RENFRO

Fayetteville

Editorial on 03/04/2020

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LETTERS TO THE EDITOR: Supporting freedom; part of the package; end death penalty - NWAOnline

PODGORICA The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Montenegro Sran Drmanovi says Podgorica is consulting with NATO allies and EU partners when it comes to the international communitys attitude to developments in Montenegro since the adoption of the Freedom of Religion Act.

This is an internal issue of Montenegro and that there is no need for any kind of arbitrage. Of course, we have well-meaning advice that things need to be resolved through dialogue, which is the direction we have chosen, Drmanovi told Montenegrin Information Agency MINA.

MFA underlined that not only Montenegro recognized the interference of others in its internal affairs, but also our NATO allies.

Last week Chairman of the EU-Montenegro Stabilisation and Association Parliamentary Committee (SAPC) Vladimr Bilk met with opposition in Montenegro, where he said that Brussels can not impose solutions for Montenegro, but EU is ready to offer good services. Bilik also said that, if Brussels received calls from the opposition for engagement, the EU could only be involved at the invitation of all relevant actors in the country.

The dispute over the Freedom of Religion Act, followed by protests organized by supporters of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro, is lasting for over three months.

The Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro has opposed to the Act because of anarticle stipulating that religious communities must prove ownership of church property in Montenegro that was built or was state-owned by 1918. In the absence of such evidence, the property will be considered state property.

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Darmanovi on Freedom of Religion Act: No need for international arbitrage in Montenegro - European Western Balkans

Youd never get payback for a battery unless your considerations are the zombie apocalypse or secession.

Austin-based Freedom Solar just had its most profitable year since founding in 2007 in what looks to be a great year for U.S. solar in general. Also, Willie Nelson is involved as a spokesperson.

Texas is the No. 4 state in solar rankings, according to SEIA, driven heavily by the utility segment, while the U.S. residential solar market hit record highs in the third quarter of 2019 with 712 MW installed.

What thats meant for Freedom Solar is a 75% growth in revenue to nearly $50 million in 2019 completing 1,288 commercial and residential installations for a total of 13.7 MW of solar power, up from 8 MW in 2018. Since its 2007 founding, Freedom has installed more than 67 MW of mostly SunPower solar panels.

Zombie apocalypse or secession

pv magazine interviewed Kyle Frazier, the chief revenue officer at Freedom Solar. Frazier said Texas is a complicated market with 15 munis and 100 co-ops and its a big territory to cover.

Texas is growing even though its been slower going because the economics are not terribly compelling.

The company has 180 employees. Frazier said, Its a service business and a big part of success is the right people. He spoke of a great week now being 100 kW of solar installed, whereas that used to be a great month and thats due to the right people in place.

Frazier thinks customers in the territory are more educated and aware about solar and, combined with tax credits, hes found the companys top of the funnel leads have gone up dramatically

The energy storage attach-rate is low at 5-10%, said Frazier, adding that it was still a rich mans game, youd never get payback for a battery unless your considerations are the zombie apocalypse or secession.

Did we mention Willie Nelson? Or Guido?

Residential sales increased by 94% in 2019 at Freedom. San Antonio and Austin have historically been the largest solar markets in Texas, due to rebates offered by the municipally owned utilities. As the price of installing solar continues to fall, there is growing interest in solar in the deregulated areas where 85% of the states population lives, including Houston and the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex.

Almost half of Freedom Solars 2019 residential sales came from the Austin market.

Looking ahead, Freedom projects continued growth in 2020 of more than 80%. The company expects to add more than 400 new projects during the first quarter alone. Freedom added 82 new employees in 2019 and anticipates adding 89 more employees by the end of the year.

Freedom has seen a growing trend toward solar among Texas automobile dealerships. Freedom Solars corporate clients including Whole Foods, Office Depot, Lake Flato Architects, The University of Texas and, of course, Guido & Companies.

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Freedom Solar: record profits and growth in Texas residential and commercial PV - pv magazine USA

Before the House approved a sweeping union-boss wish list that attempts to send workers back into the 20th century, AFL-CIO union leaderRichard Trumka warnedlawmakers that Those who would oppose, delay, or derail this legislation, do not ask usdo not ask the labor movementfor a dollar or a door knock. We wont be coming.

In other words, if lawmakers didnt vote for legislation that eliminates jobs that arent easily unionized and forces workers to pay fees to unions they do not want to belong to (along with many other union wish list items), unions would refuse to use their money and resources to help them get reelected.

In the 1950s, more than 30% of workers were union members. Now, only6.2%of private sector workers belong to unions. In states where workers have the right to choose whether to join a union,only 2% to 5%of workers belong to unions.

And much of the reason can be traced to efforts such as this. When unions fought for safer working conditions and fairer wageswhen they addressed matters that legitimately improved the lives of their membersthey flourished.

When it got to the point where they were arguing to eliminate jobs and force workers to underwrite political causes with which they dont agree, they floundered.

The decrease in manufacturing jobs and rise of independent workers also meant less demand for unionization, but unions shift toward gaining power through politicians instead of workers and their failure to adapt and provide what workers value have played major roles in their decline.

For example, unions often attempt to micromanage employers business practices from the outsidedictating their compensation structures, seniority systems, and even work scheduleswithout knowledge or regard for what will help the business grow and thrive. Instead of helping workers, this has resulted inlost jobs, shuttered doors, and a$638 billion shortfallin union workers and retireespension accounts.

Many workers have rejected union-supportedrigid pay scalesand standard schedules in favor of being paid based on performance. Instead of a seniority system, they want more flexible and alternative work options.

In some cases, unions have lost workers support because ofillegal activities, including corruption,racketeering, embezzlement, and organized crime, all fueled with workers hard-earned dues.

Instead of focusing on helping workers and their employers succeed together, unions now spend$2 billiona year or more to try to elect politicians who will grant them more power and money.

Workers dont want their union dues spent this way. According to a 2010 poll, 69% of private and government union employees believe union officials should focus on membership instead of political elections and rather than spend their dues onpartisan politics, instead use it to create more jobs.

If unions want to survive and thrive in the U.S., they should move away from politics and toward member service. The dues-freeFreelancers Union, for example, has attracted 450,000 independent members by providing what workers value, such as education, insurance benefits, and advocacy.

A focus on additional education will be a mustboth to help workers prepare for changes within their own job and to help equip them for new types of work.

Structural changes could be in order as well. Union leaders could address the complaints of both workers who say they have no choice in who their organizations support politically and other members who say workers should not be able to glean the benefits of union membership without sharing in the costs withmembers only agreements. These require workers to pay for only the services they use and to choose their own representation.

Unions could choose to represent workers in only some employment matters. For example, the Major League Baseball Players Association provides representation to its members and sets minimum salary levels, but individual players negotiate their compensation packages directly with their teams.

Unions claim the PRO Act will protect workers, but its hard to comprehend how forcing workers to pay hundreds of dollars a year to organizations they do not support; forcing employers to give more of workers personal information to unions than they do to the IRS; forcing binding arbitration contracts upon workers without a chance to vote on them; subjecting neutral workers in nonunionized environments to disruptions in their work and incomes; taking away workers rights to a secret-ballot union election; and eliminating millions of franchising, contracting, gig-economy, and independent jobs would protect workers.

Unions have played an important historical role in helping to secure some of the important legal protections workers now have and in successfully fighting unfair labor practices and worker exploitation. But the PRO Act demonstrates why unions have declineda shift in emphasis from helping workers to advancing political cause that increase their power and wealth.Taking awaydemocratic rights and work options wont protect workers; it will suppress them.

Rachel Greszler is research fellow in economics, budget, and entitlements in the Grover M. Hermann Center for the Federal Budget, of the Institute for Economic Freedom, at The Heritage Foundation.Read her research.

Her article first appeared inThe Daily Signalon February 27.

Image:

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How Some Union Bosses Menace American Workers' Freedom - The National Interest Online

Hello there! We warmly welcome you back to Ask a North Korean, theNK Newsfeature where you the readers email in with your questions and have them answered by our very own North Korean writers.

Todays question comes from Loren in Roseville, Minnesota, who asks about what money can and cant buy in North Korea. Can you use money to get yourself out of a prison sentence? Is there a price tag on freedom even for political prisoners?

In-hua Kim spent time in a reformatory in North Korea, and details her experiences about the potential and limits for how much money can help you out of trouble in the DPRK.

Got a question for In-hua? Email it to[emailprotected]with your name and city. Well be publishing the best ones.

North Koreans are taught that socialism provides for everyone and that capitalist societies are rife with corruption. This is what I believed for the first fifty years of my life.

I now believe that capitalist societies are places where people can succeed if they work hard enough, and that North Korean socialism is where the Kim family leeches off the blood and sweat of ordinary people for their own wealth and prosperity.

Ive noticed that there are some who yearn for the socialism of North Korea. I doubt they would survive one day in that socialist hell, where money and bribes are far more important than in South Korea.

In fact, when I was still in the North, I was living on money sent from my daughter in South Korea.

At the request of my daughter, I once liaised via telephone between a mother inSouth Korea and her sonin the North, delivering cash from her to him.

He was caught and arrested by the ministry of state security around three years later while talking on the phone to his mother.

During his interrogation, he told them that I was the one who gave him his mothers phone number. This was true, as I had written it down for him soon after I helped them transfer that money.

I wasnt summoned by the ministry of state security, but an inspector from the public security station came to my house with the son and I was arrested. There was no warrant.

There were three waiting rooms at the public security stations inspection department. Two were full of men, the other women.

They were all brought in on charges like unlawful border crossings, smuggling, unlawful cell phone usage, traffic accidents, and watching impure (foreign) videos. None of them seemed like true criminals.

Everyone was very distressed since they knew they were soon going to be sent to a reformatory.

A few looked quite comfortable and care-free though. It turned out that this was because they had paid a bribe to prosecutor Moon and would be released soon.

I felt miserable because I had no one in power who could help me out or pay a bribe.

On the third day at lunchtime, a guard called my name. Full of fear, I entered the stations office.

Inside the room was someone dressed in civilian clothes. He gestured for me to sit down and flicked through the papers on the table.

He pulled out one sheet and handed it to me to sign. It said that I had made contact with my defector daughter in South Korea via phone and received money on someone elses behalf.

I signed it and begged the man to help me. He smiled and said that wed have to wait and see.

There was something ominous about his smile.

Ive noticed that there are some who yearn for the socialism of North Korea. I doubt they would survive one day in that socialist hell

The next day, inspector Lee called and told me privately that prosecutor Moon said I would need 4,000 RMB to get myself out of the public security station.

I was choking on the inside but answered calmly. Yes, I will let my other daughter (who was still in North Korea) know about the money if you let her come and visit. Please, just let me live.

He looked satisfied with this and said that my younger daughter would be called over soon.

I returned to the waiting room and shared the conversation with someone who was there for illegal cell phone usage.

Hes right, she said, you can get out of here if you pay the money. The guy in the regular clothes you spoke to is prosecutor Moon. I hear he can get you off the hook even if youve murdered someone as long as you pay him.

My parents said they would pay and get me out of here, but no news yet. She was released around two weeks later.

I felt very sorry and ashamed to ask my daughter for money, but I was determined this would be the last time I would do so and then would leave the country.

My younger daughter was called over that evening. I had spent my nights worrying about her since she had been left at home by herself. I held her and wept.

I really hate to trouble you for this, but I can only get out of here if I pay a bribe.

She cried as well, assuring me that she would let her sister in South Korea know about the situation.

Two months later, I gave 2,000 RMB to the inspector. My daughter actually sent me 6,000 RMB, but others held at the station told me not to give the full amount all in one go because bribes often have no effect in South Korea-related cases. I promised to pay him the remainder upon my release.

I waited nervously to be released, but I didnt receive any updates. Meanwhile, those who had been sent to the cell after me were paying their bribes and being let go.

On December 30, 2015, my name was finally called again. My chest pounding, I entered the office.

In-hua, too bad. Your case moved on to the preliminaries. I guess the money wasnt enough.

My heart sank. Does that mean Im going to be sent to the reformatory? Please help, I begged in tears. Ill return the favor.

Well, I tried, inspector Lee said. But phone calls with the South are difficult cases. It costs a lot of money, and you cant afford it. He pushed my paper aside.

I was infuriated and speechless. By that point, I decided I would rather suffer in a reformatory than satisfy their greed at the cost of my far-away daughter who was already struggling by herself.

I was sentenced to two years of forced labor at the Gaechon reformatory. Had the 2,000 RMB reached prosecutor Moon, its likely I would have received a lighter punishment, albeit not completely released, but I found out later that inspector Lee kept all of that money for himself.

North Korean socialism is where the Kim family leeches off the blood and sweat of ordinary people for their own wealth

Someone else I knew of, who had killed a female teacher in a traffic accident and paid a bribe of 20,000 RMB, was sentenced to one year at the Gaechon reformatory. But even this was shortened to three months thanks to an official pardon.

Another, who was charged with watching an impure video, spent her term in a hospital room. This too was possible with the help of money, sent from her daughter in South Korea.

In general, once a case has moved on to the preliminaries, a trial must take place. People try to resolve their situation before they are sent to court.

Once youre sent to a reformatory, theres almost no way to cancel the verdict.

Bribes can make your time at the reformatory easier, for example, by getting you a position as head of the prison cell or in a hospital ward for prisoners.

Once in a blue moon, ones sentence can be changed by an order from a high ranking official to hold a retrial. However, such an alteration must be approved by all of the ruling elite, including Kim Jong Un.

Conditions for political prisoners are a lot harsher. If convicted, ones entire family is taken to a prison camp located underground. Most consider you already dead if you receive such a sentence.

One of my friends, however, was a rare exception. She was taken to a detention camp for political prisoners, but everyone was alarmed when she returned six months later after everyone had assumed she was dead.

My brother is the number one at a satellite building research center, she explained. He helped me out of the death camp.

Top talents are well protected in North Korea. Pilots, frogmen, scientists, and their families enjoy immunity from punishment in many cases, lest they turn against the state or defect.

Translated by Jihye Park

Edited by James Fretwell

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Ask a North Korean: can money buy freedom in the DPRK? - NK News

Armenia and Artsakh have been rated as partly free in a newreports published by the Freedom House

In the reports titled Freedom in the World 2020 A Leaderless Struggle for Democracy the Washington-based human rights watchdognotes that democracy is under assault around the globe, and the effects are evident not just in authoritarian states, but also in countries with a long track record of upholding basic rights and freedoms.

According to the report, countries that suffered setbacks in2019 outnumbered those making gains by nearly two to one, marking the 14thconsecutive year of deterioration in global freedom. During this period, 25 ofthe worlds 41 established democracies experienced net losses.

Armenias neighbor Georgia isalso ranked as partly free, while Azerbaijan, Turkey and Iran are all labeledas not free.

European Economic Union MembersRussia, Kazakhstan and Belarus also have the not free status, whileKyrgyzstan is partly free.

Of the 195 countries assessed,83 (43 percent) were rated Free, 63 (32 percent) were Partly Free, and 49 (25percent) were Not Free.The share of Free countries has declined by 3percentage points over the last decade, while the percentage of Partly Free andNot Free countries rose by two and one points, respectively.

Freedom in the Worldis anannual global report on political rights and civil liberties, composed ofnumerical ratings and descriptive texts for each country and a select group ofterritories.

The 2018 edition coversdevelopments in 195 countries and 14 territories from January 1, 2017, throughDecember 31, 2017.

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Freedom in the World 2020: Armenia and Artsakh rated as 'partly free' -

NewsPoliticsFreedom of movement could be retained in Scotland even after new post-Brexit immigration rules come into place across the rest of the UK, a report commissioned by the SNP has suggested.

Tuesday, 3rd March 2020, 6:00 am

Immigration experts at the Fragomen legal firm said it would be be entirely possible to maintain the free movement rights of European citizens in Scotland.

It also said emergency visa measures could be introduced north of the border to deal with immediate economic threat associated with Brexit.

The report claimed the Scottish Government could negotiate a time-limited regional visa arrangement with the Home Office as short-term measure.

It would be an extraordinary measure to meet exceptional need, the report said.

It stressed Scotland is more reliant on migration than the rest of the UK to maintain population growth and to support the national economy.

Over recent years, only an extremely small proportion of the hundreds of thousands of people moving to and from the UK have come to Scotland, with figures showing between 2013 and 2018 migration boosted the countrys population by an average of about 13,000 a year.

The UK Government has so far refused requests for more powers over migration to be devolved to Scotland, including a call earlier this year for a Scottish visa to be established.

While the Conservative administration at Westminster proposes a new points-based immigration system for the UK and the end of freedom of movement, the report said in policy terms it would be entirely possible for free movement to be retained in Scotland alone.

Scotland keeping the free movement of people is one of 11 policy options included in the report - with others suggesting the salary threshold for people seeking to come to work could be lower than in the rest of the UK.

It also suggested introducing more flexible visa quotas for Scotland, allowing the Scottish Government to sponsor migrants using an annual quota of visas granted by the UK Government, over and above those people coming with a job offer whose visa would be sponsored by their employer.

systems elsewhere in the world.

Migration minister Ben Macpherson said: This research offers yet more evidence that a tailored approach to migration for Scotland is necessary and could work within the UK immigration system.

As the report shows, Scotland relies on migration and the UK Governments most recent proposals do not provide adequate solutions for our needs in the short, medium or long-term.

A UK Government spokesman said: Our new points-based immigration system will work in the interests of the whole of the UK.

We will continue to work with stakeholders in Scotland to ensure the new proposals work for all sectors.

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Freedom of movement could be retained in Scotland post-Brexit - The Scotsman