Five at front of the queue for ‘biggest shake up since 1974’ – Local Government Chronicle

Five two-tier areas are reportedly being lined up by ministers to be at the front of the queue for reorganisation, LGC has been told, however talks with the government are yet to get fully underway.

Cumbria, Greater Lincolnshire, North Yorkshire, Somerset and Surrey are all said to be in the running to be announced as forerunners for the latest round of reorganisation alongside the publication of the local recovery and devolution white paper, now expected early next month. A number of Conservative councillors have told LGC it is likely to be unveiled as part of the partys virtual conference from 4 to 7 October.

Sources in areas involved in discussions with the government have told LGC ministers are keen to press ahead with the reorganisation agenda and postpone next years county council elections in these areas, but this means legislation would have to be laid before Parliament in October, creating a tight timetable for initial agreement.

The news follows a report in the Sunday Times this weekend that the white paper is set to set in train an even bigger shake-up of local government than the reforms that scrapped shire counties in 1974. The paper reported the white paper would mean a two-thirds reduction in councils in two-tier areas, with a 600,000 population cap on new councils and hundreds of new mayors in a bid to break Labour strongholds on local government in the north. However, a subsequent story in todays Times referred to "dozens" and the Sunday Telegraph reported 30 mayors.

Senior local government figures questioned some of the details in the article but said councils looking to reorganise were getting strong encouragement from the Ministry of Housing, Communities & Local Government. However, it is still not clear how committed Number 10 is to the controversy and upheaval it will bring among mainly Conservative councillors.

One source with knowledge of discussions in government said: The most interesting take away from this is the competing battle in government about the extent of how hard they are going to push this.

They said the suggestion of the creation of around 30 mayors sounded reasonable.

Chair of the District Councils' Network John Fuller (Con) agreed.

Thirty directly elected mayors is the number we are hearing from the government, yes.

He said the story this weekend, along with reports in the Sunday Telegraph about a return to historic county names were examples of anonymous briefing and kite flying around this issue that had characterised the summer.

Stewart Young (Lab), leader of Cumbria CC, said his county is one of the five the government is prioritising for restructuring. We wrote to Simon Clarke over a month ago asking him to issue a formal invitation but we havent yet had a reply, he said.

Carl Les (Con), leader of North Yorkshire CC, told LGC he was aware of the issue around the tight timescale for postponing elections but had had only informal discussions about the timetable for reforms with government.

He said: It is still our understanding that outline proposals will have to be submitted by the end of September and detailed proposals by the end of October.

We are working to that. But as yet we have not received an invitation for a proposal from the government. I would have hoped to have received it by now.

Lincolnshire CC leader Martin Hill (Con) told LGC there were rumours the council might receive a reply to its letter of request seeking to open discussions on a devolution deal for Greater Lincolnshire this week, two months after it was sent.

If/when the government sends us a decision well have to look at what the criteria are and what the government might look favourably on.

Asked about the deadline for postponing next years elections, a spokesperson for MHCLG said the government was looking at a range of options in relation to reform.

They said: We want to devolve and decentralise to give more power to local communities, providing opportunities for all areas to enjoy devolution. But there will be no blanket [abolition] of district councils and no top-down restructuring of local government.

The devolution white paper, which will be published this autumn, will set out our detailed plans and we continue to work closely with local areas to establish solutions to local government reform.

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Five at front of the queue for 'biggest shake up since 1974' - Local Government Chronicle

The Electoral College does not have to be eliminated, but it must be fixed – The Vermilion

As I write this article, there are about 60 some odd days until the presidential election. The candidates, as they were four years ago, are old, deeply flawed, diametrically opposed dudes that probably wont live long enough to see the next four years anyway. I will still vote as I hope every eligible voter will. I do this with the knowledge thatfor me and half of the people living in a majority of statesour votes will not matter. The simple reasoning being the system used to elect the president.

Yes, this is an article talking about the flawed system known as the Electoral College. The Electoral College is a system that depresses voter turnout, has elected 5 presidents who lost the popular vote, and whose creation was, at least in part, a compromise to give slave states more influence in the election of the president. This article is about the flaws in the system, but I will not advocate for its abolition. Instead, I want to offer a view of reform, of working within the current system to align it to our modern needs. I think the Electoral College could work better; it would certainly be imperfect and could still lead to a president being elected over the will of the people, but it could be astronomically better than what we have now.

So the first thing to understand is how it works. On Tuesday, Nov. 3, when people go to the polls or mail in their ballots, their votes will be collected, counted and certified, but no candidate will be awarded any electoral votes, as the people did not vote for a president, but rather electors who promise to vote for the president when the time comes. A month later on Monday, December 14th, the electors who were voted for by the people to cast their vote for their pledged candidate, will do so. Each state gets as many electoral votes as it has people in Congress (number of representatives, plus two senators), so California, for example, has 55 electoral votes (53 representatives, plus two senators), Louisiana has eight electoral votes (six representatives, plus two senators) and Vermont has three electoral votes (one representative, plus two senators). Each state, no matter how small, is entitled to three electoral votes, giving them unequal influence, since they often have more votes than they should.

Electors are often elected from their state in a winner-takes-all contest, meaning that whatever pledged candidate gets the most not necessarily a majority of popular votes gets all of that states electoral votes. Utah, for example, had a three-way contest in 2016. Donald Trump received only 46 percent of the vote, while Hillary Clinton received 27 percent and Evan McMullin received 22 percent. Even though 54 percent of the state voted against him, Trump still received all of the electoral votes, because he got a plurality of the popular vote.

This system has enabled 5 presidents to be elected despite a majority of the country voting against them; it happened in 1824, 1876, 1888, 2000 and 2016. Of those five, four that were elected this way were Republicans.

So how do we fix this? Many Electoral College apologists defend the system by stating that the Founding Fathers wanted the election of the president a step removed from the people so that a democratic mob would not install a populist demagogue, and an elite group could decide against the wishes of the people for their own good. While that is indeed what the Founding Fathers wanted, I need only point out that Donald Trump is the current President of the United States to show that is not how the Electoral College works in practice. I would also point out that electors are often not free to choose who they think should be president they are bound by state law, punishable by fines if they do not vote in accordance with how the people voted. The Supreme Court case Chiafalo v. Washington unanimously declared, Article II and the Twelfth Amendment give States broad power over electors, and give electors themselves no rights. Electors merely serve as conduits rather than decision-makers. But the Electoral College is the system that the Founding Fathers wanted, so it is the system I will work with.

The change that I think would alleviate most of these problems would be changing from a winner-takes-all system to a proportional system. This would mean that electoral votes would be allocated based upon the percentage each candidate received in each states popular vote. Sticking with the Utah example, Trump would have received three electoral votes, Clinton two and McMullin one. Or take California, a state where 30 percent of the population voted for Trump, yet where he received no electoral votes. Under this improved Electoral College, Clinton would get 34 electoral votes, Trump would get 17, Gary Johnson would get two and Jill Stein and Bernie Sanders would get one each. More peoples votes would actually go to who they wanted.

In addition to this, Electoral College votes should be based on the number of representatives alone, not coupled with the number of senators. This is because small states under the current system have bloated influence in the electoral college, due to them receiving more electoral votes than their populations alone would otherwise allow. Each electoral vote in Wyoming represents about 193,000 people, whereas in California each electoral vote represents about 718,000 people, meaning that each Wyoming electoral vote is 37 times more influential than Californias. How can we call ourselves democratic, when a central tenet of democracy is the principle of one man, one vote? Apologists again will say that the Electoral College exists so as to protect small states from having policy affecting them being dictated only from big states. But should the converse not also be true? Why should a large state like California be subject to the will of a state whose population is 682 times less than its own?

Proportional allocation of electoral votes also hurts our current two-party system as third parties are actually able to influence the election. Under this system, I no doubt think that contested presidential elections would be more likely to occur, thus throwing the election to the House of Representatives per the Twelfth Amendment. Here too I would change the system a bit. Currently, if a presidential election is thrown into the House, then a candidate needs to win an absolute majority of votes in order to win. The catch is that each state only gets one vote. Although there are 435 representatives, each states delegation would only get one vote, meaning a candidate would need 26 states in order to win. A more fair system would be that each representative themselves would vote for president, not the delegation as a whole. Under this system, a contested election would require a candidate receiving 218 votes an absolute majority of the total number of representatives in order to become president.

I do not think any one system is perfect, but some do work better than others. The changes I have proposed here would make the United States elections fairer, encourage participation and dismantle the harmful two-party system, but they will be unbelievably hard to implement as everything I have mentioned will require one or several constitutional amendments in order for states, electors and Congress to comply. I do not propose we rid ourselves of the Electoral College, but it must be changed to suit our current needs and ideals.

Original post:

The Electoral College does not have to be eliminated, but it must be fixed - The Vermilion

Proposal to regulate Netflix should be reason for MTRCB’s abolition – Bulatlat

By DANILO ARAA ARAO

(Bulatlat.com)

N.B. A campus journalist interviewed me on the proposal of the Movie and Television Review and Classification Board (MTRCB) to regulate video-streaming sites like Netflix. These are my answers.

Is it MTRCBs job to regulate platforms like Netflix? If so, why do you think they are implementing it just now?

Established in 1985 through Presidential Decree (PD) No. 1986, the MTRCB is an imposition by the late dictator. During that time, it was supposed to be a transitional body that would facilitate self-regulation in film and television.

Thirty-five years later, MTRCB is still around. Media self-regulation is not just weakened but is also compromised by the weaponization of laws and the bureaucracy. The move to regulate video-streaming sites like Netflix should be seen in the context of draconian measures to (1) monitor media production work (FDCP); (2) deny the franchise of ABS-CBN (NTC, HOR); (3) convict Rapplers Maria Ressa and Rey Santos, Jr of cyber-libel (RTC); (4) confiscate copies of Pinoy Weekly for allegedly being subversive (PNP); and (5) engage in red-baiting of certain media groups, including campus journalists (NTF-ELCAC).

Even if there are administration allies who also criticize MTRCBs apparent attempt to broaden its mandate, it cannot be denied that Duterte is the primary enabler of the government machinery to control media content. His tirades against Philippine Daily Inquirer, ABS-CBN and Rappler (especially during the 2017 SONA) have been interpreted by many government officials as marching orders to harass and intimidate not just the practice of journalism but also other media-related sectors like entertainment.

In your opinion, should Netflix really need to be regulated? Why or why not?

There should be no attempt to regulate video-streaming services like Netflix because the Internet already has several layers of filtering that can be done by clients/subscribers and service providers. Just like in other forms of media, online media or digital media should be self-regulated. Any attempt by government to regulate media content would be a violation of the constitutional provision that prohibits abridging the peoples basic freedoms.

Do we see any politically-motivated nuances, agenda in this proposal?

The attempt to single out Netflix reminds us of how the government handled the denial of franchise of ABS-CBN, not to mention the pending cases against Rappler. MTRCB can always claim that the proposal to regulate video-streaming sites is not related to these issues. But the context should be clear to those who know the origins of MTRCB and how it has functioned as a censorship body in the guise of review and classification.

If permitted to do so, what do you think will be its implication to the wide Filipino audiences patronizing the unhampered contents in the platform before?

Choices shall be limited to what the MTRCB wants. We should recall that there had been many films in the past that the MTRCB tried to block that turned out to be critically acclaimed, if not award-winning Schindlers List, The Piano, Bridges of Madison County, to name a few. Locally, the film Dukot (Desaparecidos) was initially given an X rating for its political content, and it was only when the picture of then President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was covered in one scene that it got an R-13 rating. These are just examples of how review and classification have been misused and abused (even weaponized) through the years.

Do you think that this is a media, content freedom issue?

This is definitely a media freedom issue. Ten years ago, I argued that MTRCB should be abolished in an essay that is included in my latest book Obhetibong Kritisismo (UPD Sentro ng Wikang Filipino, 2019). I still maintain that advocacy.

Are there media, entertainment-related laws that this proposal might violate?

A lawyer would be in a better position to discuss legal implications. Suffice it to say that the MTRCBs IRR clearly states that it shall review and classify motion pictures, television programs and related promotion materials and commercials for TV and cinema, applying as general standard contemporary Filipino cultural values. From a Media Studies perspective, MTRCB is violating its own mandate to focus only on film and television and is trying to extend its influence online. That it tries to have its own interpretation of the already nebulous term contemporary Filipino cultural values makes it worst.

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Proposal to regulate Netflix should be reason for MTRCB's abolition - Bulatlat

The British state has been debased so why is it still lecturing Scotland? – The National

BRITISH democracy likes to see itself as among the cleanest and least corrupt in the world, run by good chaps whose word can be taken in good faith and is their bond. This was always part myth, but increasingly what passes for democracy in the UK not only no longer confirms this in any way, but the whole system is not in good health.

This has been confirmed by the shock waves of Brexit, Boris Johnson and his government and their disastrous record on Covid-19 but it goes much deeper and the malaise is much more serious.

The challenges to democracy in the UK are many. There is the rise of corporate power and money alongside the emergence of businessmen (it is always men) who think their wealth allows them to bend, shape and break rules; the issue of dark money funding a host of right-wing causes including UK think tanks and the inadequacy of legislation and regulation in keeping up with the changing political and technological world.

This environment is the subject of a new book Democracy For Sale: Dark Money And Dirty Politics by Peter Geoghegan which deserves to be widely read and debated, and taken as a wake-up call. It looks at the state of the UK while also drawing from the rise of authoritarian right-wing politics in the US with Donald Trump and Viktor Orbn in Hungary.

Geoghegan, based in Glasgow, believes that what has gone wrong is not just about legislation or regulation not being adequate. Rather, he contents: This is not just a process point. There is a much bigger picture. There is a crisis in representation and democracy in the UK. Politicians and even the public make light of it by constantly comparing ourselves with the US and thinking because of this that we are fine.

He cites a study from earlier this year: In a Cambridge University 2020 study I cite in the book the two countries with the highest dissatisfaction in their politics were the UK and US. What do these two share in common? A first-past-the-post system which encourages being polarised and which says to many voters that their vote doesnt count.

Even more fundamental is what UK and US capitalism and society have become: More than this there is the influence of money and power and being able to buy access to politicians and decision-makers. The crisis of democracy can be seen across the world but is particularly pronounced in the UK and US.

The litany in recent years in the UK of democratic abuse is a long one. There was the breaking of electoral law by the Brexit campaign Vote Leave and the Nigel Farage-led Leave.EU. There was businessman Arron Banks and the mysterious origins of the millions he gave the Leave side in the Brexit campaign, still never fully explained. And there was the strange case of the role of the DUP in Northern Ireland acting as a front for Leave monies to get round British electoral regulations a story Geoghegan was central to breaking.

The DUP case saw the loophole in Northern Ireland electoral law (which allowed donations to be kept secret) used to funnel 435,000 from the mainland, under the cover of the DUP to the Leave campaign, via a front called the Constitutional Research Council and Scottish Tory Richard Cook. The law in Northern Ireland has subsequently been changed but this was a classic story of right-wing skullduggery and finding legislative gaps to exploit in a way never intended.

There is the secretive funding of right-wing think tanks in the UK. Bodies such as the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), Centre for Policy Studies and Policy Institute who present themselves as respectable and position themselves to be influential with politicians.

Mark Littlewood, head of the IEA, is unapologetic in the way he talks with deliberate obfuscation about who funds the body he heads up.

There are issues around charity law with most think tanks claiming charity status and being subsidised by the taxpayer: an irony probably lost on the Taxpayers Alliance. There is a direct correlation between the rise of corporate power and inequality in the UK and US and the emergence of a market of right-wing think tanks jockeying for position and influence and peddling simplistic deregulation and corporatisation as the answer which coincidentally suits their secret funders.

These set-ups have had a disproportionate impact on Conservative Government politics in the past decade savaging the nanny state and regulation and posing a fantasy world of free competitive markets. This is an ideologically dogmatic view which handily reinforces the financial self-interest of the businesses who underwrite them in a set of incestuous, questionable relationships they all prefer to keep from public eyes.

Policy Exchange was the venue for Matt Hancocks recent announcement of the abolition of Public Health England (a stance long advocated by the think tank). Its replacement by a new body the National Institute for Health Protection which will be centralised and corporate-business friendly and led by the hapless, but loved by the Tory Governments Baroness Dido Harding.

There is the shameless dispersal of public contracts and monies during the pandemic to outsourcers such as Serco and Deloitte and a host of significant awards to entities with Tory and Brexit connections. These all involve multi-million-pound deals with no scrutiny or accountability and shrouded in secrecy, due to the catch-all defence by UK ministers of corporate confidentiality.

One symbol in the decline of public standards and rise of systemic corruption is the House of Lords: now the second biggest legislature in the world, only beaten in size and patronage by China. The debasement of the Lords a place once dominated by hereditary peers went into hyperdrive with the creation of life peers appointed by the sitting PM, which has made it even more grotesque and an affront to democratic norms. It is a place that failed politicians turned out by voters are recycled and achieve an afterlife as legislators Tories and former secretaries of state Michael Forsyth and Zac Goldsmith, LibDem Lynne Featherstone and Scottish Labours Katy Clark being examples.

BORIS Johnsons recent list of peers included family and friends. The additions of Claire Fox (former Revol-utionary Com-munist Party-turned-Brexiteer) and Ruth Davidson (who will take up her seat next year), was just another milestone in its decline into farce and national disgrace. And this list was not as bad as it could have been, with several Tory donors knocked off the list by the appointments committee.

Tony Benn calculated that the seven PMs pre-Thatcher Clement Attlee to Jim Callaghan saw the creation of 639 peers: 19 per year. Thatcher presided over 216 peers (18 per year) before it exploded under Blair to 386 (38 per year). Figures from the House of Lords show that in the 50 years since life peers were created in 1958, 1242 peers were created (24 per year).

These figures illustrate the acceleration of patronage into the Lords which has been used to create a substitute political class which takes us to Boris Johnsons list that will unfortunately not be the last word in how low standards can go.

This is the British state which is playing hardball on a future indyref saying that it isnt democratic or responsible to have another vote. It underlines that the UK has no proper processes for deciding on referendums and how they are held; the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (which created the Electoral Commission) being long out of date and from an analogue pre-digital era of politics. Witness the shambles and political chicanery of the Brexit vote and yet the UK governing class think they can still lecture others.

Just as the UK has to stop comparing its democracy with the US and having a false sense of complacency, so Scotland has to stop comparing itself with the state of the UK and feeling that everything is above board.

Scotland does not have the debasement of political and public culture seen around Westminster but it has practices which are cause for alarm. For example, one way by which corporates, business interests and insiders exert influence is via lobbying government.

Our regulatory system is not as robust and transparent as it could be according to Willie Sullivan, head of Electoral Reform Society Scotland, with it having a nod to the principle that we should know who, when and why rich and powerful interests seek to influence public policy and legislation in their favour, with a statutory public register of lobbying. But critically it allows for all kinds of exemptions and ways round the legislation, he says: It excludes emails, phone calls, Zoom (unless the camera is on) and any meetings where the lobbyist has been invited in by the politician.

The Lobbying Register Act is currently being reviewed by Parliament, something Sullivan welcomes, but there has to be wholesale change in how we see such vested interests work, observing: Trust in our institutions is a basis of democracy and if we cant see who is influencing public policy then trust is difficult.

DEMOCRACY is under attack the world over, including in countries which pride themselves on their democratic principles and traditions, such as the UK and US. Donald Trump is threatening to run a horse and cart through the US presidential election and do literally anything, including inciting violence, to remain in the White House.

In the UK no parliamentary inquiry was held into the abuses of the Brexit vote, while the scale of dodgy Russian oligarch monies at the top of politics and the Tories is a national scandal which should shame the governing party but which until now they have been able to minimise, delaying and then burying the report on Russian interference into UK politics.

There is urgent need for reform of UK democracy. It wont come from the Tories who gain from the current rotten ancien regime.

Labour and the LibDems have shown consistently the inadequacy of their reform credentials. Indeed, the Tories want to make the system even less fair with talk of abolishing the Electoral Commission and curbing judicial review which saw significant victories against government overreach on Brexit and reasserting the absolutism of parliamentary sovereignty. Watch out Scotland and everyone on that.

The UK is not in a healthy state but this is a global contest as campaigner George Monbiot says: Without strong civic institutions, society loses it power. From the point of view of global capital, thats mission accomplished.

After a week when Apples market value passed that of the entire FTSE 100 at $2.3 trillion there is an international struggle between the forces of an increasingly unapologetic monopoly capitalism and the forces of democracy who have to restate the case for markets and corporations being held legally and ethically accountable.

The British state wants all of us to feel powerless and helpless in the face of the corporate leviathan. But the first act of resistance is recognising the collective power we have which the elites fear. We have tamed irresponsible capitalism before and can do again. To do so we need to recognise the widespread threat to democracy and act to renew it.

Continued here:

The British state has been debased so why is it still lecturing Scotland? - The National

Governments have failed to protect the incarcerated during pandemic – Policy Options

In July 2020, the NGO International Penal Reform reported that most countries have failed to protect detained individuals against COVID-19. Their failure to adequately respond to the early calls of international human rights and health organizations to take swift action led to the infection of at least 102,537 people deprived of their liberty in 88 countries, and at least 1,569 prisoners dying in 36 countries. This is illustrative of the level of marginalization incarcerated people face worldwide and the equity gaps prevalent in most societies.

Canada is one of the countries that has not only failed to take robust action and ensure the protection of those in custody, but also implemented measures that further harmed prisoners. If the federal and provincial governments are committed to closing equity gaps and to advancing public health objectives, it must learn from its failures and do better as we head towards new waves of the pandemic.

Second, the implementation of preventative measures has proven difficult in jurisdictions that did not engage in sufficient depopulation. Social distancing has generally not been possible. In federal prisons, communal eating, food serving and group activities have not been suspended in all institutions. Incarcerated people were not given masks and not all officers have worn personal protective equipment when engaging with prisoners.

The Office of the Correctional Investigator reported that while CSC has worked towards hiring more healthcare personnel, there was still such a shortage that, for example, one institution dealing with an outbreak had only two nurses available (one more than pre-pandemic) and one part-time physician for nearly 200 people. While there is limited information emerging from provincial institutions, reports indicate that at least some provincial prison systems failed to follow public health guidelines in their institutions.

Third, isolation was a common response to the pandemic, despite international organizations warning that segregation and lockdowns are not sufficient to prevent spread and may have devastating mental health consequences on prisoners. Provinces like Quebec and Ontario have engaged in holding people in their cells for 24 hours daily.

The government has already failed many times in addressing the issue of segregation outside of the international spotlight when a pandemic was not looming.

In the federal institutions where there were active outbreaks, even individuals who were not presumed infected were held for up to 24 hours in their cells. When permitted to go outside their cell for 20 minutes each day, they had to choose whether they would call their family, their lawyer or take a shower. In institutions with no presumptive COVID-19 cases, individuals were allowed outside between two to four hours daily. Thus, at times, this regime has been in breach of international norms and human rights, according to which prolonged isolation (more than 14 days of being locked up for 22 hours or longer in a cell) and indefinite isolation (without a clear end) constitute torture. This should come as no surprise. The government has already failed many times in addressing the issue of segregation outside of the international spotlight when a pandemic was not looming. Most recently, the 2019 changes the federal government has made to its solitary confinement regime is seen by many as window dressing.

These failures led to serious consequences. In Canada, there were outbreaks in five federal prisons. In May 2020, the rate of infection in federal prisons was over 13 times higher than in the community. Two deaths were reported. Federally incarcerated women have been the most affected by the infection. The rate of infection in womens penitentiaries was 77 times higher than among women in the community. Provincially, there have been outbreaks in Ontario and Quebec prisons, with a significant number of people being infected and one death reported.

From a public health perspective, this failure has devastating downstream consequences. First, allowing hot spots of infection to grow impedes the successful flattening of the curve and prolongs the life of the pandemic in the community. Second, incarcerated people are more likely to have severe complications from COVID-19 due to a higher than average prevalence of pre-existing conditions, which in turn will be taxing on the healthcare systems. Third, the measures taken, in particular lockdowns and lack of communication with families, negatively affects the mental health of incarcerated individuals, increasing the chances of substance overdose and the frequency of self-harm incidents. This could bring about increased unrest in prisons, stretch healthcare resources, and will generally have harmful effects on prisoner health. Finally, COVID-19 may have severe and long-lasting consequences on health, especially for those at higher risk. Therefore, there are heightened concerns regarding the higher rates of infection in people who will ultimately return to marginalized communities in a more fragile state of health than when they entered prison.

The measures taken, in particular lockdowns and lack of communication with families, negatively affects the mental health of incarcerated individuals, increasing the chances of substance overdose and the frequency of self-harm incidents.

For those conducting prison work, the impact of COVID-19 on prison populations and the refusal of some governments to take meaningful measures to protect them come as no surprise. These are the by-products of the pre-COVID-19 shortcomings of the correctional systems and of the broader criminal and social justice practices that have perpetuated equity gaps in the society, including overreliance on incarceration, inadequate healthcare, and the general disregard for prisoner well being and prisoner rights.

Social and health inequities have long been feeding the prison systems. In turn, prisons are now cracking under the pressure of the pandemic, and the spill-outs impact all of society. The current crisis has shown how connected prison and social justice issues are to public health. Returning to normal should not be an option; instead, sweeping reforms that ensure Canadas (and other countries) ability to equitably protect everyone in the case of a public health crisis are needed.

Some of the much-needed long-term reforms that are intrinsically connected to imprisonment and well-being of criminalized people include universal basic income, better healthcare, better child support and other community supports for marginalized people, as well as sentencing reforms (such as the abolition of mandatory minimum sentences) that will effectively reduce the overreliance on incarceration and increase diversion and community sentences.

In the short term, during a second pandemic wave, the governments should use the tools available to them to identify and release incarcerated individuals who are low-risk and have significant health needs and provide them with community support.

There are numerous options available for releasing different eligible individuals, including parole, parole by exception, statutory release, releases for Indigenous individuals, temporary absence passes and the royal prerogative of mercy. None of these mechanisms has been used, for instance, to release federally incarcerated people during the first wave of COVID-19.

Finally, all correctional systems should review their pandemic protocols and compare them against the recommendations of international health and human rights agencies, as well as community public health measures. The implementation of these protocols must be supervised by public health agencies.

This article is part of theAddressing Vulnerabilities for a More Equitable Pandemic Responsespecial feature.

Photo:The Matsqui Institution, as seen on April 11, 2015, is a federal medium-security prison facility in Abbotsford, British Columbia.Shutterstock/By Eric Buermeyer

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Governments have failed to protect the incarcerated during pandemic - Policy Options

Coup 53 recounts the role of British intelligence in overthrowing Mosaddegh government in Iran – WSWS

By Jean Shaoul 3 September 2020

Coup 53 is an engrossing documentary about British and American skulduggery in Iran in the 1950s, which was aimed at protecting their lucrative oil and geostrategic interests in the region and preventing the Soviet Union from gaining influence.

Co-written, produced and directed by Iranian-born Taghi Amirani, the documentary is co-written and edited by Walter Murch, renowned for his work on such films as The Godfather, The Conversation, Julia, Apocalypse Now, The English Patient and The Talented Mr. Ripley.

Coup 53 recounts the role of MI6, Britains international spy agency, in the 1953 Anglo-American coup that ousted Irans nationalist Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh and ushered in 26 years of a murderous dictatorship under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. For decades, the Shah, along with Israel and Saudi Arabia, policed the working class and the oppressed in the oil-rich region in the service of US imperialism.

While it is well known that America was the leading force behind the coup that removed Mosaddegha leading proponent of nationalizing the oil industryand restored the Shah, the extent of Britains role is less fully understood.

In a virtual question-and-answer session following his films premier, Amirani explained that he wanted to tell the truth and clear the air about Britains role. It was the most critical experience with regard to relations with West in the history of Iran and remains a persistent irritant in Tehran-London relations.

Coup 53 provides a devastating picture of Britains colonial arrogance, racism and blatant disregard for basic democratic rights and norms as it sought to preserve its most valuable overseas asset.

The film focuses on the role of Norman Darbyshire, a MI6 operative, making use of the transcript of an interview he gave to researchers for Granada TVs 14-part series End of Empire, of which the events surrounding the coup formed one episode screened in 1985. Aged about 30 at the time of the coup, Darbyshire (who died in 1993) was a fluent Farsi speaker and had served with the Special Operations Executive in Iran during World War II before joining MI6. The actor Ralph Fiennes speaks his words.

The Granada film, while revealing MI6s role, did not film or show the interview with Darbyshire or the interview with his CIA counterpart, Stephen Meade. Coup 53s makers believe this was the result of MI6 pressure and censorship since key parts of the transcripts were missing. Amirani eventually obtained the transcript from the British Film Institutes archive where the End of Empires research papers were stored. It is now available online.

The work involved was immense, expanding from the expected six months to four years, in part because of lack of funding, as no official organizations would touch the film. Murch had to edit 532 hours, more than double what I handled on Apocalypse Now, down to two hours.

Amiranis film and Darbyshires evidence demonstrate the degree to which bribery, planting propaganda pieces in newspapers, incitement, assassinations and coups were and remain Britains modus operandi.

However, while the film provides details of the coup, it is less clear about the economic context, the Cold War and the political line of the various political movements in Iran.

By 1950, Britain was under pressure from Iran to emulate the 50/50 profit sharing deal Aramco, the US oil company, had signed with the Saudi government. The rapacious 1933 Agreement had created a cash cow for Britains oil companythe largely state-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), now known as BPwith the UK government receiving about 116 million (4.2 billion in todays terms) in the years 194850. Iran saw little benefit from its oil, which fed into mass popular opposition to Britains decades-long imperialist domination of the country.

As the film details, despite Britains extensive payouts to ensure a sympathetic Majlis (Parliament) that would agree a minor amendment to the 1933 agreement, and to newspapers to discredit its opponents, Mohammad Mosaddeghs National Front, which was opposed to the deal, won several seats in the 1950 elections.

Mosaddegh had the support of the Tudeh Party (Party of the Masses of Iran), the successor to the Communist Party of Persia and Irans first mass political party. Tudeh had tens of thousands of members, led the Central Council of Federated Trade Unions (CCFTU), with more than 275,000 members, and had strong influence, including in the British-occupied south and Abadan, the centre of AIOCs operations. Despite being banned by the Shah in 1949, it was a powerful political force, shaking Irans political elite by leading a general strike in Khuzistan and sympathy strikes in other cities.

The Tudeh Party followed the Stalinist line of the two-stage revolutionthat Iran as a semi-colonial and economically backward country was not yet ripe for a socialist revolution and therefore the working class could not fight for political power. It never put forward an independent perspective for the Iranian working class, but tied the latter to the coattails of Mosaddegh and the national bourgeoisie, which opposed popular demands for land reform and the abolition of the monarchy.

As Coup 53 explains, Britain refused to consider any proposals for profit sharing amid growing demands for AIOCs nationalization, until a leading cleric issued a fatwa against government officials who had given away the countrys assets. But this minor shift in policy was too late. In the tumult that followed the assassination of the pro-British prime minister, Haj Ali Razmara, Mosaddegh issued a call for AIOCs nationalization that was to lead to his own ascendency to power.

Britain only abandoned plans to launch a military invasion to seize AIOCs oil refinery in Abadan when faced with opposition from the Truman administration in the US, which feared this would jeopardise American oil interests in Saudi Arabia and play into the hands of the Soviet Union.

The film relates how in June 1951, following Irans seizure of AIOCs main office near Abadan, Britain began blockading the port city, preventing oil tankers from leaving the refinery, leading to the shutdown of the oil industry and immense economic dislocation and hardship. In October, the Mosaddegh government expelled AIOCs Abadan staff from Iran.

Facing similar opposition to its interests in Egypt and the Suez Canal, the incoming Conservative government under Winston Churchill began to consider the military operation against the Mosaddegh government in Iran that is the subject of Coup 53.

Darbyshire insisted that MI6 wanted to get rid of Mosaddegh because it believed that even if his government, which included a member of the Tudeh Party, signed an agreement favourable to the British, it would ultimately come under Soviet influence. He said, Eventually they [the US and Britain] would have been forced to have considered getting rid of him to prevent a Russian takeover. I am convinced that was on the cards.

But while Mosaddegh used Tudeh support to pressure the Shah and the British, this bourgeois politician from a large landowning family was acutely aware of the potential threat from the left.

Darbyshire described an early attempt in 1952 to oust Mosaddegh, explaining, My brief was very simple. Go out there, dont inform the ambassador, and use the intelligence service for any money you might need to secure the overthrow of Mosaddegh by legal or quasi-legal means. He had to abandon his plans and decamp to Cyprus when Mosaddegh got wind of the plot and expelled Britains diplomats and officials in October 1952.

The US only became interested in a coup following Egypts CIA-backed Free Officer coup in 1952. President Dwight Eisenhower appointed John Foster Dulles as his secretary of state in 1953. Dulles, a keen advocate of push back against the Soviet Union and the Communist parties around the world, initially took a dim view of Britains colonial arrogance that played into the hands of the nationalists and Stalinists.

However, the increasing turmoil within Iran convinced the US that whichever anti-British faction won, Washington would face an ever more intransigent regime and the growing influence of the Tudeh Party whose demonstration on July 21, as Darbyshire said, was far larger than the nationalist. He began working with the CIA team under Kermit Kim Roosevelt Jr. (the grandson of President Theodore Roosevelt) in May 1953, with the coup signed off by both governments in July.

After a false start that led to the Shah fleeing to Rome and crowds of protesters under the Tudeh Partys leadership taking to the streets in opposition to the attempted coup, Mosaddegh called in the pro-Shah army, which turned on Mosaddegh, arrested him and installed General Fazlollah Zahedi as prime minister on August 19.

The coup consolidated the power of the Shah, ushering in one of the cruelest regimes on the face of the earth. Mosaddegh was put on trial and kept under house arrest until his death in 1967. Members of the Tudeh party and other oppositionists suffered terrible persecution for their support of the deposed premier, the man who had set the army on them. Many were executed.

For Britain, it was a hollow victory as AIOC was forced to join a new consortium with five American companies, leaving it with only a 40 percent stake, less than the 50/50 deal that might have averted the conflict. But that did not stop Britain from attempting other coups and assassinations, including several attempts to assassinate Egyptian President Nasser, the 1956 invasion of Egypt to seize the Suez Canal, overthrow Nasser and install a more pliant regime and an abortive attempt to overthrow the Syrian government in 1957.

The Iranian coup became the blueprint for a succession of CIA plots, some with MI6 support, to foment coups and destabilize governments around the world during the Cold War, while the boycott of Irans oil became the template for modern-day sanctions.

The Iranian events, including the role of Mosaddegh and the Tudeh Party, confirmed that the only viable basis for opposing imperialism is the revolutionary mobilization of the workers and toilers of Iran and the Middle East, based on an appeal to their democratic and social strivings and orientated to the working class in the US and the other imperialist centres.

Information for showings of Coup 53in the UK is available here on the film's web site. For showings in other countries click on the Watch Now link on the menu bar.

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Coup 53 recounts the role of British intelligence in overthrowing Mosaddegh government in Iran - WSWS

COVID-19 in College: Students recovered from COVID-19 share experiences as year begins – UW Badger Herald

In the past few months, much of the college experience has been reduced to watching. Watching Netflix, watching online lectures and watching higher education rapidly change. By the time this story is to be published, the University of Wisconsin is set to begin the Fall 2020 semester, guided by the Smart Restart plan to safely bring students back to campus to continue their degrees amidst a global pandemic.

Just weeks earlier, however, UW students and the rest of the world watched peer institutions attempt to do the same.

The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill abruptly shifted all undergraduate courses to remote instruction as several students became infected a week after beginning in-person classes. Syracuse University and Purdue University suspended students for attending large gatherings in violation of each institutions campus health guidelines. The University of Notre Dame closed public spaces and moved classes online to stop the spread of the virus their student newspaper begged their peers Dont make us write obituaries. And while New York University students lamented their meager quarantine meals on TikTok, Michigan State University canceled classes before they even began.

UW has not experienced any of these struggles yet, but as UW students watch peers at other institutions struggle to navigate college and avoid falling ill, its easy for students to wonder, What if that was me?

UW students who have tested positive and recovered from COVID-19 know the answer to this question, even as they continue to navigate an uncertain future.

Lets Get Physical

The five students interviewed for this story are in no way a representative sample of possible COVID-19 experiences, severity or side effects. According to the World Health Organization, 80% of COVID-19 infections are mild or asymptomatic. If this sample were representative, one of these students would have suffered a severe case of COVID-19 yet, all five said they had mild cases.

Senior Hallie Butterer thought she had a cold. Her roommate, Alissa, who requested to be addressed by her first name only, was tested because she had a known contact. She did not experience symptoms until a few days into isolation.

Basically, I was asymptomatic, Alissa said. I had some chest pain, and like, a sniffle.

Butterers symptoms similar to a cold, complete with sinus pain and headaches evolved into chest pains days into her isolation.

It kind of felt like someone was sitting on your chest all day long, Butterer said. And then I lost my sense of smell and taste. But that was the extent of my symptoms.

According to research by Vanderbilt University Medical Center, up to 80% of people who test positive for COVID-19 complain of losing their sense of smell or taste. In fact, a recent study based on retrospective data indicated those who have a normal smell function during COVID-19 were more likely to be hospitalized and placed on a ventilator. Only two students interviewed reported losing smell and taste.

UW senior Courtney Degen said she was frustrated by the loss of those senses. Degen experienced a consistent sore throat, headaches and congestion, and reported feeling sick to the point she couldnt get out of bed and needed frequent naps for a few days.

I think for me, the biggest thing was loss of taste and smell. Thats something Ive really never experienced before, Degen said. I could not even smell perfume if I sprayed it on my hand. It was crazy. And that was really frustrating. Everything I ate just tasted like mush.

COVID-19 can cause a wide range of symptoms, the most common being fever, dry cough and fatigue. As scientists learn more about COVID-19, however, theyve discovered less common symptoms. COVID-19 may cause gastrointestinal issues. These symptoms may be precursors to more common symptoms, like fever and respiratory issues, according to Mayo Clinic.

UW senior Genessi Bryant experienced unusual symptoms like nausea and loss of appetite. These symptoms are present in less than 10% of those who test positive for COVID-19, according to a meta-analysis published in the medical journal Gastroenterology. Though these symptoms came and went, Bryant is still experiencing some symptoms long after her COVID-19 diagnosis.

Ive only tried to work out, I want to say like three times and I usually do HIIT workouts, Bryant said. And I definitely felt the effects like the respiratory effects even when Im going up the five flights of stairs to my apartment.

Bryant is not alone. A recent report by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found that 35% of individuals who had COVID-19 and self-treated their symptoms were not at their usual level of health within two or three weeks after testing. For people ages 18 to 34 with no underlying health issues, 20% still felt symptoms weeks after testing.

In late June, Vice President Mike Pence said it was a good thing around half of the new COVID-19 cases in America were young adults because they were less at risk of becoming severely ill than older people. But recent medical research and anecdotal evidence suggest mild COVID-19 cases can still bring on long-term side effects, even in young people without underlying health issues.

Its almost like a blow to your ego to be in your 20s and healthy and active, and get hit with this thing and think youre going to get better and youre going to be OK. And then have it really not pan out that way, said Fiona Lowenstein, a COVID-19 survivor, in an interview with The Guardian.

A Pandemic Mentality

The mental health epidemic among college students is nothing new, but just like many other societal issues, COVID-19 has exacerbated its negative effects. Several studies have shown a connection between social isolation and loneliness to poor mental and physical health. The widespread experience of loneliness is associated with a reduced lifespan and a higher risk of mental and physical illnesses.

Research on the psychological effects of quarantine during other past disease outbreaks, such as Chinas quarantine during the SARS outbreak in 2003 and the ebola outbreak in many west African countries in 2014 finds quarantines may correlate to mental health downturns.

Butterer said she felt anxious and frustrated during the first four days of her isolation, until her roommate, Alissa, tested positive and returned to the apartment to quarantine with her. Though she wasnt completely alone during her illness, Butterer was still anxious.

I did have a lot of anxiety knowing that I had it because its pretty scary to look on the news when the news is saying This many people have died and these people are on ventilators, Butterer said. Knowing that I had [coronavirus] made me really, really nervous even though I knew I was going to be fine. But just looking at the news and it saying there were 130,000 coronavirus deaths Im like oh my god, that could be me. That was a little frightening and scary for me.

The anxiety in those with COVID-19 is often paired with guilt. Many feel guilty for having such mild symptoms while others have severe cases, while some, like Butterer and Alissa, felt guilty for potentially exposing their family, friends and other acquaintances to the disease.

Degen lived this reality her sister was the first in her immediate family to test positive for COVID-19, and she and her father tested positive soon after. Though she did not test for COVID-19 when the rest of her family did, Degens mother spent a few days in the hospital after having trouble breathing she eventually tested positive. She recovered, though she still grapples with frustration surrounding the disease.

It is difficult for me to wrap my head around the fact people dont believe the virus is real or dont understand the extent of the virus and how dangerous it really is, Degen said. [Coronavirus] may be hard to wrap your head around until youve experienced it. But having seen my mom go to the hospital over this, its really difficult for me to understand how people can be so selfish and misinformed about the situation.

Though negative mental health effects during COVID-19 are common, Bryant maintained a positive attitude during her illness. As a self-described extrovert, Bryant did struggle with the isolation period, but found the extended time alone good for personal and spiritual growth and connecting with family via FaceTime. Bryant said it was nice to be forced to calm down and be alone with herself to engage in self-reflection.

Director of Marketing and Health Communications at University Health Services Marlena Holden said UHS is still fully operational to meet the mental health needs of all students, whether they have COVID-19 or not.

We are still planning on providing all of the same services, its just going to look different, Holden said. So for example, in mental health services, they were able to pivot quickly this spring to provide all tele-mental health services. And we were able to meet about 80% of the same demand the same time last year. And we will continue that in the fall.

Recent graduate Kara Erickson advised students allow themselves to mourn the experiences they lose throughout the pandemic, though they may seem small compared to the greater problems the pandemic has caused. And though so much is changing, there is still fun to be had.

Erickson said the at-home graduation her roommates threw her was more special than a regular commencement and suggested students still find ways to celebrate safely.

Its totally valid to mourn some of the things that youre losing during this time, Erickson said. Try to adapt as much as you can and be creative in the ways you celebrate birthdays or graduation.

So, What Now?

Recovering from COVID-19 is a task within itself. After that, of course, comes the constant adaptation of navigating college during a global pandemic. For nearly all students, this semester will look profoundly different.

Just as students watch higher education change, recent and soon-to-be graduates watch the job market rise, fall and evolve. For Erickson, the coming months will consist of searching for a job in the nonprofit sector.

According to a report from Johns Hopkins University, the nonprofit sector lost more than 1.6 million jobs from March through May equivalent to 13% of all nonprofit jobs in America. Ericksons primary interest is working with youth arts programming, but she understands the large toll COVID-19 has taken on the industry.

I feel bad applying for jobs in the nonprofit world right now. I feel like I should be volunteering my time rather than looking for a paid position on a lot of these places, Erickson said. It would be awesome to get a paid position there. But its just such a year. Its just a weird thing to be like Things are terrible, but do you need another worker?

For students whose education depends on fieldwork, the upcoming academic year remains in limbo as well. Butterer, who is in her final year of studying for a Bachelor of Social Work degree, will fulfill her field placement online. Though she will be working with a real social work agency, she will assist clients virtually.

Butterer said her agency seemed prepared to meet the needs of clients virtually. But, she is still concerned about the learning curve she may face in trying to get to know her clients, getting them the services they need, all while trying to keep everyone safe by conducting her fieldwork online.

Bryant is still waiting for information on her practicum with the School of Education. Education majors need a full semester of student teaching before licensure but whether that semester will be online or in-person remains to be seen, especially when dealing with different school districts. Still, Bryant seemed fairly optimistic about the School of Educations handling of the situation.

Their main goal is to get us licensed and graduated on time, Bryant said. Im OK with just sitting here and waiting for it. Theyre trying to move so many pieces at a time theres just so many little cogs to this clock.

Not all students are as understanding. At least 100 lawsuits have been filed against multiple colleges and universities as students demand refunds after schools pivoted to remote learning at the beginning of the pandemic. Several UW students have called for a reduction in tuition because they believe online learning is not as valuable as in-person instruction.

The Teaching Assistants Association, the graduate student union on campus, advocates for lowering the cost of tuition for the duration of the pandemic, in line with lower operating costs, since fewer students are on campus. They also advocate for the abolition of mandatory fees for students because many resources on campus, like the Wisconsin Unions or recreation centers, are reduced or inaccessible to students. Degen, though an undergraduate student, feels similarly.

Its hard because I understand that students want to go back to campus and campus, to some extent, needs to open to make money, Degen said. But at the same time, I think [UW] really needs to weigh those options and think about whats the safest option, not whats going to save you the most money.

The coronavirus pandemic will continue to irrevocably change higher education for the foreseeable future. As UW students begin a semester like no other, many fear getting sick, while others mourn the in-person interactions that make the UW experience what it is.

Still, others remain hopeful.

Its all about finding the silver lining in every day, but taking it day by day, Bryant said. Thats probably the best thing [to do].

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COVID-19 in College: Students recovered from COVID-19 share experiences as year begins - UW Badger Herald

‘Imagine not just the end of prisons, but the end of a society that could have prisons’ – scalawagmagazine.org

This week, the nation erupted once more in protest after officers of the Kenosha Wisconsin police department fired seven bullets into Jacob Blake early Monday morning as he tried to break up a fight. Residents have again taken to the streets, demanding justice as paramilitary police units unleash tear gas.

Our current system of policing is accountable for the deaths and exploitation of Black and brown people; it was not built for our flourishing or protection. Without the abolition of prisons and the carceral apparatus that demands and fuels state violence towards Black people, we may win accountability for the atrocities Blake and others have faced, but we will not have justice. We will still have more names to mourn.

Read about Abolition Week and Scalawags commitment to justice and liberation.

In a discussion of the often hidden but far reaching societal impact of policing and prisons in our everyday lives, Scalawag contributing editor Zaina Alsous sat down with two abolitionists and scholars.

Geographer and filmmaker Brett Story directed and produced the award winning prison documentary, The Prison in Twelve Landscapes. Felicia Arriaga is the North Carolina Statewide Police Accountability Network Coordinator and an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Appalachian State College, whose work investigates the criminalization of immigration.

This conversation, taken from Scalawags panel event Casting Shadows: the prison in our everyday lives, has been edited for length and clarity.

Zaina Alsous: What are some of your personal connections to incarceration and abolition, and how do these connections show up in your creative and political practice?

Brett Story: I come into prison organizing and activism mainly through work around housing and anti-poverty and anti-racism. I grew up in a small working class town in northern Ontario. I grew up poor and precariously housed, and so my earliest activist work revolved around the right to housing.

As soon as I started living in cities, I really started studying and doing organizing work around gentrification. And for me that was my entry into thinking about the function of police and the function of prisons and the criminal justice apparatus, really seeing that the police, as I encountered them, are almost always there to enforce and protect private property, develop the interests of real estate developers and criminalize people who were engaged in in poverty activities that they saw as being in their way.

See also: Where do the police come from?

From a young age, I also started doing kind of alternative media work and I became really involved in a community radio station in Montreal, which is where I lived throughout my 20s. One of the first shows that I started working on was a prisoner radio show that fielded calls from people on the inside. We didn't always talk about prison issues. Actually, we rarely talked about prison issues. We talked about environmental justice. We talked about housing, we talked about mayoral elections. But the point was that we were trying to break this enforced segregation and isolation of the prison regime and invite those voices to be part of public conversation.

See also: Perspectives on incarceration and abolition you need to be paying attention to

Felicia Arriaga: I come into this work from the experiences of my family having to deal with immigration enforcement and the fear of immigration enforcements impact because of family members being immigrants and not being here legally.

That was something that I've known for most of my life, but really, I was able to start to think about how to organize around immigration or at least around how immigration enforcement was happening at the local levelwhen I was in college and started working mostly with foreign workers, organizations. I saw the very explicit intersection there between the need for labor and then the disposal of those farmworkers. especially if they decided to unionize and organize.

Being in Durham allowed me to work with Zaina and other folks to really think about the connection, at least locally, with our jail and how immigration enforcement was taking place there...And that sort of has led to all of these other pieces. I'm looking into contracts in jails in the prison system. And so really immigration partnerships are just one component of these other things that we can be monitoring as abolitionists and as community organizers, which is also very tied into some of the work that I do now around budget advocacy at the local level, concerning both police budgets as well as Sheriff or jail budgets.

ZA: Something that we found to be really striking about your film Brett, was the way it makes this point of emphasizing landscape and place in connection to this question of prison expansion and the existence of prisons. So why do you see the connections between ecology and incarceration as integral to our understanding of the current prison system?

BS: I came to making this film in part out of a dissatisfaction with a lot of prison films. People can disagree with this, but I feel like there's a real limit to what even the most well intentioned prison documentaries end up doing, which is suggesting or trying to appeal to kind of moral indignation, and then part of the audience has to say okay, here's a case one case, here's a person who's innocent, and we should be outraged. Here's a person whos faced too much punishment, and we should be outraged. And I do think we should be outraged. But I don't always feel like those films help us understand why prisons exist in the first place.

I felt like I wanted to make a film that was almost not so distracted by the architecture, the building, and the cells, that it could actually start seeing how integrated the prison is into the very organization of our lives and specifically, capitalist racial capitalists lives how integrated prisons are, how necessary they are to the functioning of the economy, the functioning of the racial order, the functioning of cities and gentrification and rural abandonment.

See also: What kind of landscapes should we build in the South? Hint: One without prisons.

I wanted to know could the film itself be inspired by the abolitionist maxim that we need to imagine not just the end of prisons, but the end of a society that could have prisons. And so trying to think about how to translate that visually and narratively meant that maybe we should explore these places that at first glance don't resemble what we normally expect to see when we see a prison film.

ZA: Thinking about the impact and devastation of prisons and migrant detention on social and communal life, but then also thinking about the resilient making and demanding of community that people on the inside are able to forge in spite of it, what were some of the most memorable lessons that youve witnessed in your work from that violent contradiction that people are navigating?

FA: I think some of the folks at least in North Carolina, who I've been really fortunate to work with and alongside are formerly incarcerated folks who are the ones that are now demanding people's freedom. I think thats been a way for us to consider how do we allow those folks to tell their own stories. And obviously, during this week, their thoughts are the ones that really should be setting the agenda.

BS: I have the scene in the film that takes place on one of the bus routes from New York City to Attica prison. And that bus rides really hard. It was really hard for me and I took it like eight times, and I'm a youngish, able bodied person. And there was no sleeping and [there were] breaks down, and you get treated like shit by the guards when you get there. So many people, mostly women, almost entirely women of color, are on that bus every weekend determined to say no, that person inside is loved. I love them. You do not get to brutalize them because you don't think there's anyone on the outside that loves them. I'm here keeping them alive through my love.

And then [these women] showing solidarity with each other. You know, it's not always perfect, like, we're starting a movement on the bus. People thought it was really stressful. It was really cramped. But the solidarities, even when they're small, are so powerful.

Abolition Week was just one example of how Scalawag continues to amplify the work of those on both sides of the fence working together for the freedom of those on the inside. As an act of solidarity, check out last weeks stories, which feature political and personal insights from members of our community currently incarcerated in Floridas prisons during the pandemic.

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'Imagine not just the end of prisons, but the end of a society that could have prisons' - scalawagmagazine.org

Black Women Rock: Black New England Conference to take place virtually – Foster’s Daily Democrat

PORTSMOUTH Leadership of Black women is the focus of the 14th annual Black New England Conference, titled "Black Women Rock: Leading the Charge for Social and Political Change." It will take place virtually Sept. 25-26.

The conference, presented each fall by the Black Heritage Trail of New Hampshire, combines the scholarship of an academic conference and joyfulness of celebrating Black life and history.

JerriAnne Boggis, executive director of the BHTNH, explained the origin of the decision to spotlight this issue at this time.

"We select our program a year in advance," she said. "At the time, Stacey Abrams was doing great work on voter suppression. And Black women were starting to be recognized more for their activism and for their foundational role in so many movements. As we looked toward 2020 as an election year, we thought spotlighting Black women would be a perfect topic."

Due to COVID-19, the BHTNH, headquartered in Portsmouth, moved the two-day conference online, with the assistance of its partner Southern New Hampshire University, which will produce the event.

"Theres a silver living with the virtual platform since we will be able to broaden our reach beyond an in-person New England conference to embrace a national and international audience," Boggis said. "And, beyond the vital conference topic itself, we expect that well be able to introduce a larger audience to the important work of the Black Heritage Trail of New Hampshire, that of promoting awareness and appreciation of African American history and life in order to build more inclusive communities today."

Boggis said she believes attendees will appreciate hearing about BHTNHs signature events spring symposium, Sankofa walking tours, Juneteenth celebration, Frederick Douglass community readings, the Black New England Conference each fall, and winter tea talks.

The conference will celebrate, examine and make visible Black womens leadership and activism in fights for political and social change. Panelists will discuss Black womens leadership and activism in a variety of social and political arenas the classroom, the courtroom, business and economics, technology, the environment, the arts, religion, government and others.

Six panels anchor the conference on the following topics: Black Women as Purveyors of Change; Body Politics and Movements Toward the Sacred; Black Womens Present-Day Leadership and Activism; Activism Through The Arts; Black Women in Electoral Politics; and The Next Generation.

Attendees will hear three keynote addresses. Lunchtime presentations will be given by Sheryl Lee Ralph, a Tony nominated actress (Dreamgirls) and activist who created the DIVA Foundation devoted to AIDS advocacy; and U.S. Congresswoman Ayanna Pressley, the first Black woman elected to Boston City Council and to the U.S. Congress from Massachusetts.

Friday evenings conference keynote will be delivered by Susan L. Taylor, founder and CEO of National CARES Mentoring Movement and editor-in-chief emerita, Essence Magazine.

As artists and activists, politicians and pundits, Black women continue to stand on the front line and lead the charge for social and political change. From Sojourner Truth calling for the abolition of slavery and for womens rights, to Tarana Burke coining "Me Too" in 2006, Black women have played a vital role in the political and social (re)formation of the United States, even as their leadership and activism has often been eclipsed and erased.

For registration information and the conference schedule visit http://blackheritagetrailnh.org/2020bnec/.

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Black Women Rock: Black New England Conference to take place virtually - Foster's Daily Democrat

After restricting a group critical of Thailands monarchy, Facebook says it will take legal action against the government – TechCrunch

After restricting access to a popular group with posts critical of Thailands monarchy, Facebook is planning legal action against the Thai government, which the social media giant says forced it to restrict content deemed to be illegal.

On Monday, Reuters reported access to Royalist Marketplace had been blocked within Thailand. Users there who try to visit the group, which has more than a million members, now see a message that says access to it has been restricted within Thailand pursuant to a legal request from the Ministry of Digital Economy and Society.

In a media statement emailed to TechCrunch, a Facebook spokesperson said, After careful review, Facebook has determined that we are compelled to restrict access to content which the Thai government has deemed to be illegal. Requests like this are severe, contravene international human rights law, and have a chilling effect on peoples ability to express themselves. We work to protect and defend the rights of all internet users and are preparing to legally challenge this request.

The spokesperson added, excessive government actions like this also undermine our ability to reliably invest in Thailand, including maintaining an office, safeguarding our employees, and directly supporting businesses that rely on Facebook.

The group was started in April by Pavin Chachavalpongpun, a dissident living in self-exile in Japan, where he is an associate professor of political science at Kyoto Universitys Center for Southeast Asian Studies.

Pavin told Reuters that Royalist Marketplace is part of the democratization process, it is a space for freedom of expression. By doing this, Facebook is cooperating with the authoritarian regime to obstruct democracy and cultivating authoritarianism in Thailand.

The geo-restriction of Royalist Marketplace comes as thousands of pro-democracy protestors in Bangkok demand reform of the monarchy, including abolition of a strict lese-majeste law that mandates prison sentences of up to 15 years for people who defame members of the monarchy.

Pavin has been openly critical of Thailands monarchy. In a piece published on the Council of Foreign Relations website earlier this month, Pavin wrote that for several decades now, the supposedly constitutional monarchy of Thailand has often proven to extend its powers beyond constitutional norms and rules, intervening in politics as the current king, Maha Vajiralongkorn, established closer ties with the military.

In a 2014 New York Times opinion piece, Pavin described having a warrant issued for his arrest by the military junta that overthrew the democratically elected government of Yingluck Shinawatra in 2014. He was also attacked by a intruder in his Kyoto apparent, which Pavin believes was a warning for my continuing to hold, and express, my positions.

The restriction of Thai users access to Royalist Marketplace took place three weeks after Thailands Minister of Digital Economy and Society, Puttipong Punnakanta, threatened to take action against Facebook because he said it did not comply quickly enough with the governments requests to restrict content.

In 2016, Thailand enacted the Computer-Related Crime Act, which the Human Rights Watch warned gives overly broad powers to the government to restrict free speech, enforce surveillance and censorship, and retaliate against activists.

Facebook is also under scrutiny in India, its biggest market by number of users, after The Wall Street Journal reported that Ankhi Das, the companys top public policy executive in India, had opposed applying the platforms hate-speech rules to a member of Prime Minister Narendra Modis party.

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After restricting a group critical of Thailands monarchy, Facebook says it will take legal action against the government - TechCrunch

The Abolition of Man and the Advent of the Posthuman – Discovery Institute

Editors note: Published on August 16, 1945,C. S. LewissThat Hideous Strengthis a dystopian novel that eerily reflects the realities of 2020, putting into a memorable fictional form ideas expressed in Lewiss non-fiction work, The Abolition of Man. To mark the former books three-quarter century anniversary,Evolution Newspresents a series of essays, reflections, and videos about its themes and legacy.

James A. Herrick is the Guy Vander Jagt Professor of Communication at Hope College in Holland, MI. His books include The Making of the New Spirituality: The Eclipse of the Western Religious Tradition.

This post is adapted from Chapter 10 ofThe Magicians Twin: C. S. Lewis on Science, Scientism, and Society, edited by John G. West.

[Professor Filostrato:] The work is more important than you can yet understand. You will see.

We are at the start of something quite new in the scheme of things.

Professor Julian Savulescu is the head of the Uehiro Center for Practical Ethics at Oxford University and a leading proponent of human enhancement, the school of thought that promotes the progressive use of biotechnologies to improve human intellect, moral reasoning, and other traits such as physical strength. Savulescu has argued that deep moral flaws and destructive behaviors point indisputably to the need to employ technology and education to change human nature; either we take this path or we face extinction as a species.

In Savulescus view, rapidly advancing brain science will provide some of the data necessary to shaping a better human race: Once we understand the basis of human brain development, we will be able to augment normal brain development in a way that couldnt naturally occur. But smarter people are not necessarily better people, and so another key to better people is found in a deeper understanding of human biology. [T]here is reason to believe that even aggression is something that can be understood in terms of its biological underpinnings. A clue to human aggression is discovered in a mutation in the monoamine oxidase A gene, which in the presence of early social deprivation has been linked to criminal behavior in at least one study. Savulescu also notes that [w]eve been able to manipulate human moral behavior and cooperation through the administration of drugs, Prozac providing one prominent example. Other drugs have been shown to promote trust and willingness to take risks and recovery of trust after betrayal.

According to Savulescu, genetic treatments, improved pharmaceuticals, and moral education will hasten the emergence of a new and better human race. However, more is needed, including worldwide cooperation in a way that humans have never so far cooperated. We live in dangerous times, and greater dangers lie ahead. Weapons technology makes possible the annihilation of the human race. At the same time liberal democracy fails to promote any particular set of values or particular moral education as it seeks to guarantee maximum freedom. Why are personal freedoms a risk factor? The answer is found in a condition theologians might call fallen human nature: We have a human nature that is severely limited in terms of its origins and in terms of its capacity to respond to these new challenges. Human nature thus requires restraint, modification, or both. Our predicament is deep and complex: weapons of mass destruction, a fragmented political scene, excessive devotion to individual freedoms, and an unreliable nature.

Only aggressive research aimed at helping us to understand our moral limitations and the ways to overcome these will produce the scientifically grounded ethics needed to decide how we should reshape our nature. Employing a vivid analogy, Savulescu affirms that Western culture is entering a dangerous Bermuda Triangle with liberal democracy in the position of Miami, radical technological advance in the position of Bermuda, and human nature and its limitations in the position of Puerto Rico. To avoid entering this triangle will mean reducing one of our commitments to these points. It is neither likely nor desirable that we would restrain technology, so Bermuda remains on the map. Savulescu continues:

We could reduce our commitment to liberalism. We will, I believe, need to relax our commitment to maximum protection of privacy. Were already seeing an increase in the surveillance of individuals, and that surveillance will be necessary if were to avert the threats that those with anti-social personality disorders, psychopathic personality disorders, fanaticism represent through their access to radically enhanced technology.

So, liberal Miami is threatened and the dubious Puerto Rico of human nature is clearly targeted for radical change. Of the three points of the Savulescu Triangle only technological Bermuda is safe, a contemporary manifestation of Francis Bacons island of Bensalem.

Moral education founded on a new ethics is critical to the task of rescuing lost humanity. I believe that we should be promoting certain sets of values and engaging in moral education, says Savulescu. Tacking away from Miami will require reducing consumerism and accepting a lower standard of living. Political and economic austerity are also necessary. Well need to accept an ethics of restraint, and well need to adopt long-term strategies that go beyond a typical electoral term of three to five years. What Savulescu terms the very extreme adherence to liberalism that weve so far enjoyed may also have to go.

Of course, human nature will not quickly abandon a comfortable life for a new austerity. After all, we possess a set of dispositions that make us very ill-disposed to give up our standard of living, to collectively cooperate to solve the worlds global problems. Ultimate answers may lie not only in terms of our political institutions and the degree to which we curb our commitment to liberalism, but also inside ourselves. But, help is at hand because Bermuda survives: The genetic and scientific revolution that were a part of today represents a second great human enlightenment. We now possess the means of understanding the human condition, and we are moving toward an understanding of our nature as animals, of our dispositions to act, why some people will kill, why some people will give.

Stopping at nothing, we should adopt whatever strategies are most effective at protecting our future, which includes moral education, the inculcation of various values and ways of living are no doubt an important part of this. But the greatest obstacle to our survival and advancement is human nature itself; it must be changed. As impossible as such a transformation might seem to a layperson, Savulescu is hopeful. [I]t may be that as science progresses, we have at our fingertips the ability to change our nature. The power to transform humanity at the genetic level is in our hands, but its up to us to make a decision whether well use that power.3

This chapter compares certain warnings in C. S. Lewiss The Abolition of Man (1944) with recent arguments about our obligation to deploy biotechnologies to alter or enhance the human race. I begin with Julian Savulescu because he articulates clearly the values of a growing scientific and cultural phenomenon known as the human enhancement movement or Transhumanism. Not at this point a coordinated effort, human enhancement nonetheless represents the convergence of powerful cultural narratives, mind-boggling technological developments, and a progressive agenda with an improved humanity as its focus. Savulescus comments serve as an entry point for familiarizing ourselves with the goals and the reasoning of the human enhancement movement.

In order to understand Lewiss objectives in The Abolition of Man, particularly the most commented upon third lecture from which the book takes its title, it will be important to set the work in its historical context. To what specific threats was the great Christian apologist responding in the 1940s? Answering this question makes clear that Savulescu and other enhancement proponents did not invent the agenda they advocate. Todays proponents of biotechnological and ethical improvements to the human race write in a tradition that includes such intellectual luminaries as the eugenics theorist Francis Galton, playwright George Bernard Shaw, scientists such as J.B.S. Haldane and J. D. Bernal, and science fiction writers H. G. Wells and Olaf Stapledon, all figures with whom Lewis was quite familiar. A crucial historical development, however, separates todays advocates from their intellectual predecessors and from C. S. Lewis. No longer are technological alterations to the human constitution a matter of speculation only; they are now vigorously promoted scientific realities awaiting the political and cultural conditions that will allow their implementation.

In an almost uncanny fashion Savulescus comments reflect key elements of the educational, ethical, and scientific planning that Lewis was concerned to answer in The Abolition of Man as well as in his fictional work, That Hideous Strength (1945). Proposals by Savulescu and others who share his concerns thus provide an ideal opportunity for assessing the prophetic nature of Lewiss concerns about applied technology in the context of an ascendant Western science operating outside the limits of widespread traditional values Lewis dubbed the Tao.

Lewis employed the term scientism when discussing science characterized by principles and practices tending toward controlling rather than investigating nature. Science joined to modern ideologies also encouraged the kind of kind of centralized planning he targets in The Abolition of Man and elsewhere. Finally, this pivotal distinction between science and scientism, his derisive fictional portrayals of some though not all scientists, and provocative comments in letters and essays all raise the question of Lewiss attitude toward science and scientists. Examining The Abolition of Man in its historical context will provide help in answering this persistent question.

Lewiss arguments regarding technological modifications to human nature merit attention even urgent attention in an era in which human genetic structure may soon be shaped according to the moral vision of a relatively small group of decision-makers. Moreover, his suspicion of scientific planning cut free from traditional values needs to be understood in an age in which technology is advancing at an exponential rate while moral knowledge in the West is declining almost as precipitously.

Tomorrow: Why C. S. Lewis Wrote The Abolition of Man.

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The Abolition of Man and the Advent of the Posthuman - Discovery Institute

Abolishing oppressive institutions starts at home – Open Democracy

"The calls for abolition are spreading, and the answers are not solely the defunding and abolition of the carceral states institutions, but in the ways of being that we create with one another that will replace those institutions." D. Hunter

Theres no shortage of snippets you could take out of context to sell D. Hunters new set of memoirs to an audience looking for the kinds of poverty porn or scandal rag fodder they wont find in his collection. Its got all the sex, drugs and violence of a Tarantino film...if it was secretly directed by Karl Marx and Marx had lived his life battling the sheer brutality of the sharpest edges of late-stage capitalism, before learning to read in his twenties and deep-diving into radical political theory to explain the inexplicable violence of his past.

Following the underground success of his first set of self-published memoirs, Chav Solidarity, Hunters second offering, Tracksuits, Traumas and Class Traitors, takes us deeper into the trials of a life on the postindustrial margins of Nottingham and the English Northwest in the 1980s and 1990s. Hunter revisits the experiences he opened wide in Chav Solidarity - from hard drugs and sex work to child abuse and homelessness - bringing to light the humanity and social leadership of those who spend their days embroiled in these realities but who are typically reduced to caricatures by those outside of them.

This time though he goes several steps further, making space to explore the complexities of race and class, the inherent violence of social services, and prison abolition and transformative justice. His book is a critical offering to a political discussion that emerges from places we rarely look for such offerings. It breathes life, compassion and depth of character into perceptions of people who are all-too-casually discarded by many across the political spectrum.

While class is clearly at the forefront of Hunters writing, he avoids the old Marxist pitfall of attempting to reduce all forms of oppression to subsets of the class system - a trope which ends up glossing over both the harm of many-a-predatory male working-class leader, and the contexts that lead to wealthy people of colour being profiled and abused by police. His understanding of different identities keeps economics in the picture and vice versa.

Never does his brutal experience of class lead to a Not All White Men! defensiveness, making perfectly clear that, whatever traumas he has faced (and hes faced a lot), they could be a whole lot worse did he not inhabit the cis-white-male body that he does. Hunter moves between the lenses of class and identity politics throughout the essays with a seamlessness that gives the impression that the two were never at odds (an encouraging line that relatively few people manage to walk).

While Hunter fills much of his books introduction with a meta-exploration of the academic and theoretical underpinnings of his work, the pages that follow contain more than enough swearing and informality to avoid any serious consideration from the academy. For the few academics who choose to see past the colloquialisms and street slang, Hunter offers extensive citations to bolster the institutional credibility he seems simultaneously to mock and seek.

There are moments when the writing loses a bit of its flow and a gripping personal account feels abruptly jolted by a lecture in macro-political theory. The ideas are never bad ones - far from it - but the way in which Hunter presents them at times works against his aims, bludgeoning the reader with polemics when the relative subtlety of a first-hand narrative would have cut deeper than an ideological explanation. These moments, however, are relatively few, and the readability of the incredibly distressing subject matter is strong testament to Hunters prose as much as to his intellectual prowess.

One of Hunters themes is dispelling the idea that politicians or government institutions can bring about the kinds of change that poor and working class people need. People and communities facing the brunt of the violence those institutions perpetrate will never trust them to become vehicles of genuine progress. While Hunters writing never screams a Capital-A Anarchism, it hammers home how the oppressive nature of government is embedded in the DNA of the same welfare state that many parts of the Left - especially in times of austerity - defend unquestioningly.

"The cages I understood, but the bureaucracy was oblique and terrifying, something that I did not know how to resist, Hunter writes of his experiences of the more and less benevolent arms of state violence in his early life. The screws in [Youth Offending Institutes] hit you, spit at you, call you a cunt and keep you locked up, but I understood their power over me. The paper and pens, the benign smiles, gentle scowls, calm tones of shirts and blouses, was a bewildering matrix of manipulation that I could not engage with."

Children's services, social services, youth services - none of these escape Hunters razor-sharp pen, despite, or perhaps because of, his later employment as a youth worker. He casts aside the nuance that the objective privileged outsider typically affords themselves when observing these professions, instead offering a raw analysis gained through painful personal experience:

Ill be honest, whilst there were plenty of adults in office clothes who spoke to me during my trial, my sentencing, my stay in the YOI, the care homes that followed my time locked up, I do not remember which ones were social workers, which ones were solicitors, or any other roles that might have been involved in the processI only have memory to fall back on, and whilst I have vague recollections of the faces attached to the shirts and blouses, I have no memory of any shirt or blouse doing anything to persuade me that they were in my life to do anything other than to exert control over me.

More optimistically, Hunters writing also points to countless stories in which lives are saved by the small and large acts of solidarity and not-so-everyday-kindness of poor and working people in the early stages of his life. From neighbours bathing and feeding his mother when they found her unconscious in the lift of the building where she lived, to the free chicken a local Jamaican takeaway provided to him and his younger sisters for years when it was clear they couldnt afford to pay, Hunter illustrates a collective care that is rarely visible in wider social narratives of day-to-day life in post-industrial English urban centres.

Go to any poor or working-class neighbourhood community and you will find local individuals and community groups experimenting with trauma-informed processes to address the emotional and psychological wellbeing of the neighbourhood, Hunter states unreservedly. It is in these experiments - so critical to maintaining life under capitalism - that he holds hope.

While no one would accuse him of preaching lifestyle politics, Hunters commitment to change happening close to home is a powerful alternative to the top-down assumptions of much of the mainstream (and parts of the radical) left: "...we must also acknowledge that the inequality amongst us can not merely wait for the revolution, he declares in the books final pages.

Hunter pushes us to recognise the forms of power that exist within and amongst the broadly-working class, whether in terms of income, resources or personal connections. He also points to practical steps we can take to redistribute whatever resources we have amongst us in order to make life more livable and dignified for one another, while building up alternatives to the state and market structures that cause so much harm. Anything else, he argues, constitutes an act of class treachery, in which we choose to hold onto whatever money, power, connections or leverage we have for personal gain over collective liberation.

Tracksuits, Traumas and Class Traitors is what radical politics might look like if those involved spent more time with the people hit hardest by the issues they stand for - or if more of us learned to truly step aside and make space for those voices to make themselves heard.

His book presents an implicit set of political beliefs, ideas and practices that emerge from taking the time to sit with exposure to incomprehensible levels of state and economic violence, and then to imagine what the alternatives might look like, based on the survival strategies of those at the sharpest edges of that violence. Its not an all-encompassing theory imposed from an ivory tower, but a praxis thats generalised from daily practices that allow people to stay alive amidst horrific levels of systemic abuse. While Hunters reference points are vast and varied, there is an implicit coherence to his politics that offers a clear direction to those looking for it, without hammering home a ten-point manifesto.

The imperative to actively transform how we do our politics doesnt always make for easy reading, but Hunters core ideas are hard to argue with. Some will be put off by the uncompromising onus for practical change that this book puts on its readers, while others may take the first awkward steps to begin to heed its call. Whatever peoples choices, it would be hard to remain unmoved by Hunters writing and the eminently practical choices towards which he points us.

Tracksuits, Traumas and Class Traitors is published by The Class Work Project.

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Abolishing oppressive institutions starts at home - Open Democracy

Cyprus Accused of Selling Golden Visas to the Corrupt and Criminals – SchengenVisaInfo.com

Cyprus Government has faced accusations for selling Golden Visas, granting European Union citizenship and residency to persons included in criminal activities, corruption, and money laundering.

According to Al Jazeeras Investigative Unit, named The Cyprus Papers, a total of 1,400 wealthy internationals and their 1,100 family members have bought Cyprus citizenship, from 2017 to 2019 through the Cyprus Investment Program.

Thirty of these persons have been accused of illegal actions, while 40 of them are politically exposed persons, SchengenVisaInfo.com reports.

In this regard, the Transparency International, a global civil society organisation leading the fight against corruption, has stressed that the European Commission must take decisive action against Member States scandal-ridden golden visa schemes, which a new leak of documents shows remain vulnerable to corruption and money laundering.

The latest Al Jazeera report, once again brought to light many of the corruption and money laundering accusations that have been previously mentioned by a large share of European countries, including the European Union Commission.

Some of the persons on the list appear to have brought their passports, after the Governments decision to tighten the criteria.

Soon after the publication of the report, the Cyprus government denied these accusations that passports have been granted to the wealthy internationals involved in crime and corruption accusations, adding that they were all legitimate at the time.

According to the Interior Ministry of Cyprus, 12 internationals mentioned in the report accepted their citizenship under the scheme only after being approved by Cypriot and foreign agencies tasked with vetting such applications.

Former Gazprom official Nikolay Gornovskiy was one of the persons who bought EU citizenship in 2019. He has been included in Russias wanted list for corruption.

Russian national Igor Reva, who once was a deputy minister for economic development, and Pham Phu Quoc, who represents Ho Chi Minh City in the Vietnamese Congress, also bought Cyprus citizenship.

The speaker of Afghanistans Lower House of Parliament Rahman Rahmani, as well, bought EU citizenship, not only for himself but for his wife and three daughters, as well.

Through the Golden Visa Scheme, persons from around the world are eligible to buy citizenship of Cyprus, if they make a minimum of 2.15 million euros ($2.5m) investment in Cyprus.

Persons who make such an investment will be able to live, travel and work in any of the 27 European Union member states.

In April, the European Union Commission criticised Cyprus, Bulgaria and Malta for their Golden Visa schemes.

European Commissions criticisms were addressed during a video-hearing of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE).

Justice Commissioner Didier Reynders emphasised that these three countries need to phase out these programmes.

European Parliament members had previously adopted a recommendation, urging EU countries running Golden Visa schemes as well as passports, to terminate them.

In February, members of the European Parliament from the European Peoples Party also demanded the abolition of the Golden visa schemes.

Even though the Cypriot Government approved some changes to its golden visa scheme, the report shows that the door for money laundering and other illegal actions is sill opened.

In February, Cyprus became the first country to update the golden visa scheme, after being criticised by the European Council.

These changes to make the program more specific, applied by Cyprus authorities included:

In 2019, Cyprus President Nicos Anastasiades admitted that errors might have occurred in granting Golden Passports after he repeatedly denied there were any problems.

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Cyprus Accused of Selling Golden Visas to the Corrupt and Criminals - SchengenVisaInfo.com

Trump is faking it on the economy, just as he’s faking it on the pandemic, just as he’s faked everything his whole life – MarketWatch

You need 270 electoral votes to be elected president.

When my daughter was about 4 years old, she had a great friend who would lead them on wonderful adventures. Lets fake that we are grown-ups, shed say in a memorable phrase. Lets fake that we are explorers. Or lets fake that were having a tea party.

It was my job to go over after a couple of hours and gently tell her: Make-believe time is over. Lets go scrub the real dirt off your face, put some real food in your body, and get you ready to have more wonderful adventures in your dreams.

Donald Trumps father never told him to stop pretending. Hes been faking his whole life. Faking that he built successful companies. Faking that he is a strong leader. Faking that he is a good family man. Faking wisdom and expertise and reverence. Faking that he loves America more than himself.

Faking it is the only thing Donald Trump has ever been good at. Were finding out more of the details of how he built his real estate empire on a pile of lies and a mountain of unpaid taxes. His career in show business was built on faking being a boss. His political career was built on lies about Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, immigrants, Gold Star parents, his Republican primary opponents, and the help he sought and got from Russia.

His economic policies have been just like Trump himself: Loud, brash and largely ineffective.

And his presidency has been an endless deep fake, especially the lie that the economy, which hundreds of millions Americans built, is his achievement alone.

Now read: Why presidents shouldnt get credit or blame for the economy

Donald Trump did not build that economy. His signature policiesa hugely irresponsible and unnecessary tax giveaway to corporations and the wealthy, a mindless trade war with all of our trading partners, and the wholesale abolition of regulations that keep workers, consumers, the environment and the economy safehad almost no effect on the growth rate or the number of jobs or the stock market.

His economic policies have been just like Trump himself: Loud, brash and largely ineffective.

Now read: Trump didnt transform the economyits mostly the same as it was under Obama

Here are the facts, using the same metrics that Trump himself brags about:

Not only did Trump not build the best economy ever, he didnt budge it from its trend. Until the coronavirus hit.

The coronavirus has exposed all of Donald Trumps fakery. He doesnt understand the economy any better than he understands the pandemic. Thats part of the reason the U.S. is failing so badly, with than 5.7 million COVID cases and 28 million people collecting unemployment checks.

Prophetic: Audaciously, Trump is running for re-election as the Hero of the Coronavirus War

Whats more, he doesnt understand the presidents role in a crisis, which is to be a steady leader who inspires us all make the necessary sacrifices to achieve success.

Such a leader must level with the people about the task ahead while at the same time giving us hope and strength. He or she must not be afraid to show humility in the face of new and unexpected challenges. She or he must not be afraid to admit mistakes, or to ask for help.

In other words, a crisis is no time to fake it. Character counts in times like these.

You dont have to fool all the people all the time; you just need 270 electoral votes.

Trumps responses to the pandemic and to the economic crisis it created have been a failure. Trump has failed to grasp what almost everyone else has: That the economy cannot recover fully unless the pandemic is brought under control. There is no trade-off between the public health and a strong economy, because the economy can never recover until its safe to go about our lives again.

The economy had to be locked down to give public health authorities time to prepare to defend the nation against the virus. But that time was squandered. Hospital capacity was beefed up as required, but the other essential steps to control the pandemic werent taken, in part because Trump failed as a leader.

A crisis is no time to fake it. Character counts in times like these.

His failure began with his lack of empathy for those stricken, and it continued with his attempt to shift the blame for his own failures onto China. He refused to coordinate the complex task of quickly testing for infections, tracking possible vectors and isolating the infectious, which is the only way to contain the virus absent an effective and universal vaccine.

When he did try to lead us, it was mostly in the wrong direction. He denied the severity of the virus, he promoted quack cures, and he fought against and politicized the common-sense measures that would have made a difference, such as wearing masks and avoiding large crowds. He undermined the authority of his own experts and even questioned the value of testing.

He still brags about the one bold step he took, but that was ineffective, because his ban on travel from China and Europe didnt stop U.S. residents from bringing the virus into the country.

His response to the economic crisis was nearly as bad. He wisely kept out of the way in the early days when Democrats and Republicans in Congress actually agreed to the large CARES relief package, which gave or lent billions to small businesses, families and unemployed workers to bide them over.

Soon enough, Trump began to agitate to reopen everything before the testing, tracking and isolation regime was ready. Under his direction, governors prematurely removed the restrictions on social distancing and allowed the virus to spread further.

Then Trump began to promote quack cures for the economy, such as a payroll-tax holiday that would do nothing for those suffering the most, or a capital-gains tax cut that would further reward the wealthy, who have largely escaped the worst of the pandemic, both physically and financially.

He expressed no interest in renewing the relief measures that had already worked. And so we still dont have a relief package, a month after many effective measures expired. Its no surprise that job growth is slowing and consumer confidence is tumbling.

Trump denies the depth of economic misery, and blames those whove been laid off for not rushing back into unsafe working conditions. He demands that schools and sporting events return to business as usual without taking any precautions. He insists that everything will be OK, but does nothing to hasten that day.

And yet, Trump gets his best marks from voters on his handling of the economy. Despite all the evidence to the contrary, many still believe that hes the genuine article, not a fake.

Trump may be a lousy president, but hes a great salesman and he knows better than most that if you boast with confidence, theres almost nothing you cant persuade people to believe. Some people run on their record, but Trump knows its better to lie about your record and run on that.

People often confuse confidence for competence. You dont have to fool all the people all the time; you just need 270 electoral votes.

Trump is running for re-election, but he has no concrete plans for his second term, just a list of wishes. He still doesnt have a strategy for getting the virus under control, or for reopening the economy safely.

For the first time ever, the Republican Party is refusing to adopt a party platform. The party that made its mark fighting against slavery and communism and in favor of freedom and limited government now finds itself unable to articulate what it believes in beyond blind loyalty to the supreme leader.

Trump himself has no idea what he would do in a second term. Friendly interviewers have given him softball questions about what he hopes to achieve in the next four years, but he always comes up blank.

Instead of a party platform, Trumps campaign has released a list of 50 core priorities for a second term, but the list is remarkably short on specifics. It reads like a list of New Years resolutions, with lofty goals such as creating 10 million jobs, returning to normal in 2021 and wiping out global terrorism, along with garden-variety graft such as expanding opportunity zones. The only things missing are the vows to lose 10 pounds and to call your sister more often.

In other words, Trump is still faking it. He knows what people want to hear, but he has no clue how to make any of it happen.

Unfortunately, Trumps presidency is not a game of make-believe. Its as real as 24 million people out of work, and as final as 177,000 deaths.

Im here to tell you gently: Make-believe time is over.

Rex Nutting is a columnist for MarketWatch who has covered economics and politics for 25 years.

Excerpt from:

Trump is faking it on the economy, just as he's faking it on the pandemic, just as he's faked everything his whole life - MarketWatch

Secret Philly: Fair Hill examines the 19th Amendment’s meaning and history – Billy Penn

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There may not be a living, breathing American place that so poetically captures the moment in which the nation finds itself as Philadelphias historic Fair Hill Burial Ground.

The North Philly cemetery was a backdrop for the movements for people of colors civil rights and for womens suffrage, with advocates who fought for both causes buried there. On the centennial of the 19th Amendments ratification, Fair Hill provides a reminder that the anniversary commemorates what was a celebratory occasion for some, but confirmation of a bitterly disappointing reality for many others.

The nonprofit that maintains the site, Historic Fair Hill, will pull on its past to highlight this connection and discrepancy at a free outdoor play and community event.

Under the Bonnet will run from 3 to 4 p.m. and again from 4 to 5 p.m. on two upcoming Saturdays (Aug. 22 at Fair Hill and Aug. 29 at the Arch Street Meeting House.) The show is about Lucretia Mott, James Mott and Frederick Douglass, with a plotline that explains how the womens rights movement came straight out of the abolition of slavery movement, said Executive Director Jean Warrington.

Though it had a rough time in the 1990s, Fair Hill is a special place, with a history of giving back to its community.

Lucretia Mott is buried there. She stood out among her peers, who include famed New York suffragist Susan B. Anthony, for her staunch commitment to abolitionism alongside feminist activism. Also there are Harriet Forten Purvis, cofounder of the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society, and husband Robert Purvis, a Black businessman who dedicated his life to abolition work and has been called president of the Underground Railroad.

The lush field at Germantown Avenue and Cambria Street also holds graves of many formerly enslaved Philadelphians. Fair Hill was one of the citys first racially integrated cemeteries.

Today, the burial ground offers a nearly five-acre oasis for residents of Fairhill, the surrounding neighborhood. In addition to its four community gardens, employees and volunteers connected to the historic site have restored nearby school libraries, run school partnership literacy programs and hired neighbors as bilingual educators.

Fair Hill was founded in 1703 as a Quaker Friends meetinghouse and graveyard, which still provides inspiration.

This historic site, burial ground of great abolitionists and early womens rights activists, is a real beacon for us now, said Warrington, the director. So we asked ourselves, what would those ancestors be doing right now in Fairhill? They were active in education, in promoting equality and justice.

The cemetery got its start more than 300 years ago, thanks to Philadelphias semi-problematic fave William Penn.

In the early 1700s, Penn left the land to Fair Hill founder George Fox, a fellow Quaker. Its ostensible use was to be for horse stables, a meetinghouse and a burial ground. Documents show it was also intended as a playground for children of the town, garden to plant with physical plants [and] for lads and lasses tolearn to make oils and ointments.

At first, the grounds were well kept, and they would stay that way for more than a century. In 1896, the City of Philadelphia officially celebrated Arbor Day at the picturesque park.

Newspaper mentions of actual burials there are scant. It was very quiet for a long time, Warrington said. People got buried there and they were quiet about it.

Historic Fair Hill maintains a database of the more than 3k people interred at the site from the 1840s onward. The last person buried there was laid to rest nearly a century and a half later.

In addition to Lucretia Mott and Harriet Forten Purvis, some other notable Philadelphians at Fair Hill include:

Their headstones are simple and similar, made of nondescript arches of marble, after traditional Quaker ideals.

Lucretia Mott, a Massacussets native who moved to Philadelphia, was one of the five women who organized the first Seneca Falls convention in 1848. Mott co-wrote the conventions Declaration of Sentiments, outlining the purpose of the political gathering of women.

The convention is sometimes touted as the catalyst for the passage of the 19th Amendment, which was ratified on Aug. 18, 1920, giving women the right to vote nationwide. But thats only part of the story.

State and local governments swiftly enacted measures designed to keep women of color and poor women out of the ballot box. The 19th didnt outlaw poll taxes or literacy tests, two measures governments put in place after the 15th Amendment had extended the vote to Black men decades earlier.

Indigenous women wouldnt even begin to be able to vote until the Indian Citizen Act of 1924, and the last state extended the right to vote for Indigenous people in 1962.

Black people didnt gain the full legal right to vote until the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and still face voter suppression today.

As part of the Under the Bonnet performance at the burial ground this weekend, students who work with Fair Hill will read their essays about Lucretia Mott, Harriet Purvis and another woman of color who inspires them.

The thriving greenspace Fair Hill visitors see today is a recent iteration.

Warringtons organization, which helped bring it to fruition, is officially known as Fair Hill Burial Ground Corp. It bought the lot at 2901 Germantown Ave. from Ephesians Baptist Church in 1994. The latter had acquired the property from the Quakers in the 1980s and promptly let the sacred space go to hell.

For about a decade in the late 80s and early 90s, Motts and others graves were repeatedly desecrated as the crack-cocaine epidemic swept through the area.

In a 1990 Inquirer article that highlighted the burial grounds disrepair, one fed-up neighbor explained. This cemetery is a hotel, the neighbor complained at the time. You can spend the night here. You can do drugs here. You can do anything you want.

That same year, nearby residents started to rally. They organized cleanups and beautifications. In 1999, Fair Hill Burial Ground was added to the National Register of Historic Places.

There wasnt any news, Warrington observed, until the cleanup in the 1990s.

More than two decades later, Warrington and her team of 15 employees and many more community volunteers keep the sites community spirit alive.

While the Fairhill neighborhood continues to be affected by drug use, poverty and gun violence, the burial ground and community gardens were last year officially recognized by local religious leaders as zones of peace.

Its very encouraging, Warrington said. Anybody works hard and its wonderful to have somebody appreciate what you do. And it made us thinkhow can we extend that?

The answer: by helping other people bring peaceful green space to their areas. Historic Fair Hill assisted several people and one organization in starting their own gardens this year. And Fair Hill volunteers have planted 110 trees in the last year through the Tree Tenders program, Warrington said.

The nonprofit does a lot. It raised money to restore school libraries in nearby Julia DeBurgos and John F. Hartranft schools, with plans to bring the program to Cramp and Potter Thomas schools next. It offers mural tours and burial grounds tours, though those have been suspended by the pandemic.

Just as important as the programs and education, in the middle of a concrete jungle, Fair Hill provides a green getaway.

Many of our kids have a nature deficit disorder, Warrington said. Seeking kids in the gardenwhen they just are taking care of a plant and picking tomatoes or picking the melons, they just love it.

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Secret Philly: Fair Hill examines the 19th Amendment's meaning and history - Billy Penn

Governor Cuomo Announces Unveiling of Sojourner Truth Statue at The Walkway Over the Hudson State Historic Park – ny.gov

Governor Andrew M. Cuomo today announced a seven-foot bronze statue of eminent abolitionist and suffragist Sojourner Truth was unveiled at the Walkway Over the Hudson State Historic Park in Ulster County to commemorate the 100th anniversary of women's suffrage.

"Sojourner Truth's passionate belief in equal rights for all made her an enduring role model for the reformers of the civil rights and women's equality movements," Governor Cuomo said."As New York celebrates the 100th anniversary of women's suffrage, it is fitting that we recognize this courageous and pioneering New Yorker and look to her for inspiration as we continue striving to makeNew York State a beacon for equality and inclusion for all people."

"The unveiling of the Sojourner Truth statue at the Walkway Over the Hudson State Historic Park is a fitting way to honor the abolitionist and suffragist as part of the 100thanniversary of women's suffrage,"said Lieutenant Governor Kathy Hochul, Chair of the NYS Women's Suffrage Commission."The granting of the right to vote in New York in 1917 as the first major state to do so helped lead the way three years later for the 19thAmendment. But often missing from those decades of struggle is the stories of strong African American leaders like Sojourner Truth, Harriet Tubman, and others. This monument finally expands representation of all who have contributed to New York's rich history. We have made great strides in the fight for women's equality, but we still have more work to do to achieve true equality and justice for all."

Isabella "Bomefree" Baumfree was born enslaved in Ulster County among Dutch people. She freed herself from slavery one year before legal enslavement ended in New York. Following her deeply held religious views she traveled as an itinerant preacher, speaking 'truth' to the harsh inequities people of color and women suffered while calling for systemic change. Naming herself Sojourner Truth, she became one of the nation's leading voices for abolition and universal suffrage in the 19th century.

Created by Yonkers sculptor Vinnie Bagwell, the statue includes text, braille and symbols to encourage viewers to walk around it and study its surface. The folds of her skirt act as a canvas to depict Sojourner's life experiences, including images of a young enslaved mother comforting her child, a slavery sale sign, images of her abolitionist peers, and a poster for a Women's Suffrage March.

In support of the sculpture installation, New York State Parks has added educational content to its website, including information and videos on Sojourner Truth, Vinnie Bagwell's sculpture, the women's suffrage movement, and current voter registration information. To learn more, visit:https://parks.ny.gov/history/women/.

State Parks Commissioner Erik Kulleseid said, "New York State Parks is proud to be the home of this stirring Sojourner Truth statue at the Walkway Over the Hudson State Historic Park, which advances our mission to tell a more complete version of our state and national history. Thanks to Governor Cuomo and Lt. Governor Hochul for their commitment to recognize and support people past and present who fight for equality and freedom."

Senator George Amedore said, "As we celebrate the 100thanniversary of the ratification of the 19thamendment, it is fitting that we memorialize the remarkable contributions and legacy of Hudson Valley native Sojourner Truth. I'd like to thank Lt. Governor Hochul, as well as New York State Office of Parks, for this wonderful addition to the Walkway Over the Hudson."

Senator Sue Serino said, "A revered abolitionist and suffragist, Sojourner Truth's legacy is one of resilience, hope and freedom for all. This breathtaking work of art is a fitting tribute to such a remarkable woman. Her statue here on the Walkway Over the Hudson will serve as a ready reminder to all who pass that we all have the ability to overcome adversity, unite our community, and do our part to create a better and more just world."

Assembly Member Didi Barrett said, "As this year marks 100 years since the 19th Amendment was ratified, I'm proud to celebrate one of New York's most courageous and persevering leaders, a woman who fought for both women's suffrage and racial equality," said Assemblymember Didi Barrett, who chairs the NY State Legislative Women's Caucus. "Sojourner Truth was an abolitionist, feminist and a trailblazer on whose shoulders all New York women stand. This monument will honor her legacy, reminding us and future generations to use our voices for change and to stand up for what we believe in."

Assembly Member Jonathan Jacobson said, "The Walkway Over the Hudson is the perfect location to recognize an Ulster County native who broke all barriers in her quest for voting and equal rights for women of all races which was a daring and courageous battle in the 19th Century. It is so fitting that the statue of Sojourner Truth was dedicated on National Women's Equality Day as we celebrate the 100th Anniversary of the ratification of the 19th Amendment giving women the right to vote in our country. Having the statue at the Walkway on the Hudson means that thousands of people every year will be inspired by this great American hero."

Ulster County Executive Patrick Ryan said, "Ulster County is honored to recognize the life and the legacy of Sojourner Truth. Placing this statue at the entrance of a walking bridge is a fitting tribute to a woman who in 1826, only a few miles from where this statue is located, started her own famous walk to freedom. During her life, Truth was quick to note that she made the conscious choice to walk away from a life of slavery. She knew her actions were justified, even if it violated the law, and thus she refused to run. Sojourner Truth shared her experiences and her quest for freedom with our nation and her story continues to inspire many to this day. I want to thank Governor Andrew Cuomo, Lieutenant Governor Kathy Hochul, and all of those involved who have helped create a monument to one of the most enduring figures of our county, state, and nation."

Poughkeepsie Mayor Rob Rolison said, "What a fitting and wonderful accomplishment and tribute. "Sojourner Truth has long been recognized as an abolitionist and women's rights leader - as well as a human rights crusader. Born into slavery in Ulster County, she has long served as a stark reminder to the Hudson Valley that the fight for equality and justice had be to won everywhere -- and, in some ways, that fight continues today. Now when tourists and area residents alike cross the Walkway Over the Hudson, they will see this shining example, this statue of a woman who has become a symbol of freedom, of hope and of resiliency."

Lloyd Supervisor Fred Pizzuto said, "The Town of Lloyd is honored to be the home of this amazing statue of Sojourner Truth. The first 30 years of her live spent here in Ulster county were full of struggle and hardship but she overcame and her strength became an inspiration to so many. It is our hope that this beautiful statue becomes a visual celebration of her achievements and inspires those who come to visit to learn more about her life and the African-Americans who helped build this county."

Artist Vinnie Bagwell said,"On the 100th anniversary for Women's Suffrage and the 19th Amendment, I am delighted to mark it with the permanent installation of 'Sojourner Truth'. It has been an honor for me to create this work because this is amoment when the Empire State of New York turns the protest into progress. This public artworksited in such a public placewill enlighten and unify the community-at-large in our values and commitment to fight for justice and equality." - Vinnie Bagwell, Sculptor

Executive Director, Walkway Over the Hudson Organization, Elizabeth Waldstein-Hart said,"We are tremendously pleased that this iconic statue of Sojourner Truth has a home inWalkway Over the Hudson State Historic Park," said Elizabeth Waldstein, Executive Director, Friends of the Walkway. "The Walkway is a place that inspires thought and reflection, and it is our hope thatthousands of visitors will become familiar with one of the Hudson Valley's most courageous leaders. They will leave knowing the Sojourner Truth story and support her life's workas we continue to come together to create a more equitable and just society for future generations."

New York State is the home of the women's rights movement. It hosted the first-ever Women's Rights Convention at Seneca Falls in 1848, organized by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Sixty-nine years later, on November 6, 1917, women in New York State secured the right to vote. Three years after that, the 19th Amendment was ratified, granting women across the United States the right to vote.

The New York State Women's Suffrage Commission, chaired by Lieutenant Governor Kathy Hochul, is supporting and promoting programs to commemorate women's suffrage through 2020, which will mark a century since the 19th Amendment was ratified. The Commission's programs celebrate the accomplishment of women's suffrage and the central role of New Yorkers and New York State in this milestone, while also helping shape the future to ensure a more just and equitable society for all. To learn more, visitwww.ny.gov/suffrage.

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Governor Cuomo Announces Unveiling of Sojourner Truth Statue at The Walkway Over the Hudson State Historic Park - ny.gov

Want to Abolish the Police? The First Step Is Putting Them Under Democratic Control. – In These Times

This article is aresponse to Community Control Wont Fix Whats Wrong with Cops by Carl Williams and ChristianWilliams.

We need community control over the police to abolish the policebecause the police state wont dismantleitself.

Community control over police is an unfinished project begun by the Black Panther Party. Fifty years ago, the party worked in Northern California across San Francisco, Oakland, Richmond and Berkeley to try and win community control through ballot initiatives (though the initiatives failed). They even held amajor Community Control of the Police Conference in Chicago in 1973, featuring Fannie Lou Hamer and Bobby Rush. Today, that work is continued by organizers like Jazmine and groups like Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression and Pan-African Community Action (PACA), of which Iam amember.

The idea behind community control is simple: We oppose state violence itself along with what enables state violencethe fact that disinterested elites and outsiders control what happens in our communities. Community control over police is the only demand that addresses both the symptoms and thedisease.

Carl and Christian argue that policing is fundamentally tied to white supremacy and therefore unreformable. Its true; the police are white supremacist. But so is the government that policing defends, the same government that abolitionists are petitioning to make change. In the absence of community control, the demand to abolish police is functionally arequest for the state to reorganize itself and reshuffle its resourcesbut the powerful stay powerful and the disempowered stay disempowered. The question is not whether to abolish, then, but who we can trust to do theabolition.

Massive networks of institutions, across jurisdictions, combine to incentivize and stabilize policing as we know it, from prosecutors to prisons to legislatures. Many of these institutions operate most powerfully after the point of arrest. Community control intervenes, surgically: By taking public control over the police who handle the bulk of arrests, we act before other parts of the system can get involved. Without community control, abolition just means asking alarger set of white supremacist institutions to restructure asmaller set. Instead, we are asking ourneighbors.

One difference in PACAs proposal is that community control boards would be staffed by residents selected at random and rotated through temporary terms of service. This process would actually eliminate elections while being more democratic (similar to the jury duty system), preventing elites from recapturing police control through campaign contributions. Putting communities in the drivers seat whether or not they choose to abolish policecreates afundamentally different power structure than the current authoritarian chain ofcommand.

Carl and Christian are confusing the ideas of community policing and civilian oversight (both, essentially, public relations strategies) with actual community control over police. Other than the word community, the concepts are unrelated. Those first ideas change only what the power structure looks like; the latter flips the power structure upside down, putting the community in charge. The ruling class desperately wants us not to notice thedifference.

We do not need police officers and police departments. We do need community safety and the power to design and protect alternative ways to achieve it. If acommunity controls its police department and its resources, then nothing stops the community from firing every officer, hiring EMTs and tutors in their place, and directing resources toward mutual aid projects. That turn of events is rather obviously abolitionist in effect, whether or not the word police ever changes (though perhaps community control over public safety is amore aptphrase).

Community control over police is just one version of abroader commitment to community control and self-determination. The Black Panther Party, for example, also organized for community control over housing, education and land. The ultimate goal, as Jazmine puts it: that every action, policy and budget must be subject to the will of the people. If thats not abolitionist, Idont know whatis.

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Want to Abolish the Police? The First Step Is Putting Them Under Democratic Control. - In These Times

Public Health England: the implications of this restructure go well beyond Covid-19 – Prospect Magazine

Hancock has given PHE the chop. Photo: Erica Dezonne/EMPICS Entertainment

Last week Public Health England got the unceremonious chop from Secretary of State for Health and Social Care Matt Hancock. Theres a well-worn tradition followed by successive governments of setting up, then disbanding national public bodies, and replacing them with something looking suspiciously like a previously abolished bodythe kind of thing youd expect in The Thick of It. In PHEs case, is this just another act of casual vandalism (as Lord Warner described the abolition of its predecessorthe Health Protection Agencyin a Lords debate in 2012)? Or is there method and could something good come of it?

The demise of PHE follows a similar pattern to that of many now-defunct national agencies: a sudden decision; no set-out diagnosis of the problem or justification for change; an orchestrated trial by a baying set of on-side media commentators; no apparent acknowledgement of the costs involved, nor the demotivating effect on staff or follow-on risks. News breaks often on a bank holiday weekend, or at a time with other media distractionsin the PHE case it was of course the weekend of the A-level grades fiasco. Then comes the official announcement at a friendly think tank, with an invited audience, where awkward questions to the minister can easily be deflected. Job done onto the next policy announcement

For sure, PHEs record in the pandemic is mixedon testing, tracing, even counting the number of deaths. But the government must take its share of responsibility. As an executive agency, PHE is already directly accountable to the Department of Health and Social Care and the secretary of state, and thus reflects their own performance. Looking back at the priorities for PHE set by ministers in 2019, preparing to leave the EU was top of the list, rather than pandemic preparation.

Hancocks decision to axe it carries high-stakes risks, with such a distracting reorganisation in the middle of a pandemic. The reorganisation will consolidate the work of three key public health organisationsPHE, the Joint Biosecurity Centre and NHS Test and Traceinto a new National Institute for Health Protection. One objective, according to the secretary of state, is to provide greater focus (repeated eight times in his announcement at think tank Policy Exchange) to the governments response to Covid-19. There is logic to linking these functions, and governments surely must make the reorganisations they think will be effective. The timing is presumably because theres a lull in Covid-19 infections and hospitalisations (down from 17,000 at the peak to 545 now).

Theres a well-worn tradition of replacing public bodies with something like what was previously abolishedthe kind of thing youd expect in The Thick of It

But three ironies. The first is that PHE in part replaced a similar institution seven years agothe Health Protection Agency. The rationale was to create an executive agency that would bring central government closer to its core role of protecting citizens and integrate action on the related issues of infection control and broader public health. Second, the successor body is to be modelled on Germanys Robert Koch Institutea poster child internationally because of its successful response to the pandemic. Unlike the seven-year-old PHE, the Robert Koch Institute has been in existence for 125 years, its mandate hasnt changed since 1994, and it has always been headed by independent scientists of distinguished pedigree. Third is that a review of PHE by a respected set of international peers in 2017 was glowing.

Time will tell whether the upheaval is worth it. Surely this will be the subject of extensive scrutiny in any subsequent inquiry, alongside of course the record of the government and the Department of Health and Social Care itself.

But just as important will be what happens to the other things PHE does apart from infection control, in particular health improvementsuch as the promotion of healthy lifestyles and tackling health inequalities across the population. No surprise that the outriders trailing the PHE announcement were quick to argue for an end to its role in nanny statism. But the continuing burden of ill health and death from inequality in England is far greater than that from Covid-19and growing. This also affects red wall areas disproportionately, and might therefore have been thought a government priority.

To his credit the secretary of state, in announcing PHEs demise, reconfirmed his commitment to prevention. He needs tothe health gap between rich and poor is wider than in most other European countries. If nothing else its burden will be a huge drag on economic recovery. The government is beginning to recognise this, for example publishing an obesity strategy in July, which the prime minister supported publicly. Beyond that, it remains to be seen whether the levelling-up agenda will extend beyond the economy and infrastructure and into health. There will be opportunity in the Autumn spending round to make more progressalthough radical measures will be needed to have any impact on health by the next election in 2024.

So while all eyes are on how the new arrangements post-PHE will work to fight the pandemic this winter, the real area to watch is how the wider programme for health improvement takes shape. The huge opportunity to design something intelligent alas will take more thinking than tinkering with national agencies.

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Public Health England: the implications of this restructure go well beyond Covid-19 - Prospect Magazine

Perspectives on incarceration and abolition you should be listening to – scalawagmagazine.org

While so much of the work around abolition concerns stopping the harms of prison systems that profit off of the criminalization, caging, and theft of labor from Black and brown people, incarcerated folks are finding creative ways to contribute to larger systems of culture and knowledgeboth inside of prisons and beyond their walls.

Artists and scholars have always had to forge their own intellectual pathways while incarcerated. That process crafts a certain level of intellectual rigor free from the alienation and inaccessibility that often accompanies traditional academic training.

Learning directly from those caught in the crosshairs of the prison industrial complex is necessary to challenge political structures and address the ongoing harms propagated under the guise of law and order.

Heres a spotlight on some of our favorite thinkers, activists, and writers whose writings and experience with the criminal justice system continue to evolve our ways of thinking.

New Orleans native Albert Woodfox is a brilliant scholar, memorialist, organizer, and Black Panther. One of the Angola 3, Woodfox endured 44 years and 10 months imprisoned in solitary confinementthe longest consecutive period of solitary confinement in U.S. history.

His sentence to solitary confinement resulted from the fact that Woodfox and his comrades were known Black Panthers organizing, teaching, and mobilizing inside the walls of Angola State Prison. So when a guard was killed, prison officials framed the Angola 3 so that they could punish and quell Black political dissidence.

"I just loved the boldness of the Party; African American men and women standing up knowing what the repercussions could be and deciding to take control of their lives, take control of the lives of the Black community, and resist oppression, economic exploitation, and exclusion of Black people."

Only in 2016 was Woodfox finally cleared and released. By then his and others advocacy and protesting had led to significant improvements in the treatment of people in solitary confinement.

Since his release, Woodfox has spoken extensively about his experience for all manner of audiences. Hes even featured on a British music album, alongside names like Stormzy and Idris Elba, on a track called Whats the cost of freedom?

Organizer, abolitionist, and Scalawag contributing editor Zaina was over the moon when he agreed to an interview with her, calling it the highlight of her tenure at Scalawag.

What is significant about Woodfoxs work is his insistence on the unwavering individual and collective commitment to social change.

[P]eople have to see social struggle as a way of life, not an event [not like] you get to a certain plateau or you achieve certain things and everything is over. There will always be challenges in civil society, so when you make a commitment to social struggle it has to be a lifetime commitment, not just for a particular person, but for humanity as a whole.

Read: Solitary, Woodfoxs award-winning memoir

Attend: A conversation between Woodfox and Newark Mayor Ras Baraka

In 2016, Scalawag began its relationship with Lyle May, a writer incarcerated on North Carolinas death row. It is entirely possible to have a regular contributor on death row; it just takes patience from both the reporter and editor, but the resulting impact is well worth it.

Scalawag Race & Place editor Danielle on working with Lyle May: In the four years Ive worked with Lyle May, a writer incarcerated on North Carolinas death row, weve only seen each other behind thick glass and spoken by phone. On a Friday afternoon, after walking through metal detectors and passing the dress code and the wall display of Central Prison t-shirts for sale, I walk into the tiny cell where were allowed to speak for two hours, and immediately he grins and tells me something weird that happened to him that week. Our visits and calls are delightful and interesting and also sad as hell.

Over the last four years, May has written eight stories for Scalawag, working directly with our editors through regular calls, visits, and letters. His 2018 essay on anti-death penalty policy, Life without parole is silent execution, is still one of our best-circulating articles, and is taught in courses on criminal justice reform at UNC, and a writing seminar at Duke.

See also: Lyle May, Beyond the Wall: A couple of guards muttered incredulous comments about the cost of an ambulance while I stared at the splint, trying to keep my face neutral. Rattling in my head like a pair of carelessly tossed dice were two words: outside hospital. Then one: outside. Through the haze of oxycodone, I focused on the waves of pain instead of what outside meant, but this failed as a long-forgotten beacon lanced through it all. Outside. Outside. Outside.

The insights provided by incarcerated correspondents like May are critical because too often media and journalists take the police record and state transcripts at face value without doing due diligence. May has paid the price personally for writing articles on policy issues and prison abuses. For publishing unfavorable reports with Scalawag, hes had privileges revoked and even been denied access to educational classes necessary for the completion of his degree. Nevertheless May continues advocating for the freedom of the press within prisons. The public has a right to know.

Read: Mays memoir Waiting for the Last Train

May serves as an outspoken voice for sentencing and parole reform and higher education in prisons. Beyond writing for Scalawag, May has gone on to give university lectures and write for outlets like Inside Higher Ed. Most recently he appeared in an interview with CNNs medical correspondent Sanjay Gupta about the impacts of COVID-19 in prisons. Through his writing, May is able to advocate for and shed light on not just his experience but the experiences of the thousands of people thrown into cages by the state.

See also: Jacob Davis, Whether Fences or Not: I need to know Nashville better because I love people there. We desire a shared context which the system tries to deny us in order to satisfy those who want prisoners to die a social death, to disappear and to stay disappeared.

Guggenheim fellow, author of four books including the recently released and critically-acclaimed Felon, Reginald Dwayne Betts is a poet and essayist who brings his experience as a teenager sentenced to 9 years in a maximum security prison and his experience as a public defender to bear on the conversation around mass incarceration and its octopic effects.

Scalawag Arts & Soul editor Alysia: Betts and I overlapped during our time at Yale, and though we did not know each other well, poetry circlesno matter where you goare indeed quite small. I remember pouring over his second collection in graduate school and being struck by the way he wove legal language in with a no-punches-pulled vernacular, sometimes breaking the rigidities of syntax in order to really express a thing. One with little patience for PC language and neoliberal signifiers, Betts makes no allegiances to systems, benevolent or compromised. I remember his commitment to truthtelling in a keep-it-100 Facebook post he wrote about how Howard Law School had retracted his acceptance after finding out he had a felony record. He later went on to Yale Law.

Read: Bastards of the Reagan Era, Betts journey from prison to law school

Betts work is not limited to the page or the courtroom. His collaboration The Redaction with another New Haven local, famous visual artist Titus Kaphar, whose tar-dipped icons of incarcerated Black men appear on the cover of Felon, recently debuted at MoMA PS1. From his website, Drawing inspiration and source material from lawsuits filed by the Civil Rights Corps (CRC) on behalf of people incarcerated because of an inability to pay court fines and fees, The Redaction features poetry by Betts in combination with Kaphars etched portraits of incarcerated individuals.

We Knew Where The Power Was: Interviews with members of the North Carolina Prisoners' Labor Union.

If free people are not allowed to have unions, how are prisoners to have unions? Robbie Purner, NCPLU organizer who worked diligently to support incarcerated worker resistance and became the unions lead union organizer on the outside.

Prisoners organizations were thought to be dangerous. Chuck Eppinette, arrested for draft resistance, made preparations to unionize inmates behind bars.

'A voice locked up is not a voice unheard!' Jim Grant and two other Black men were accused of setting fire to a riding stable near Charlotte. While protesters marched in the streets for his release, Grant continued to agitate for change on the cell block as a union organizer.

Leroy Mann, former Scalawag contributor and resident of death row in Raleighs Central Prison, where he is a witness to the injustice of capital punishment. He is the author of a memoir and an unpublished novel titled Concrete Seeds, and he has blogged at Word to the Masses for more than six years.

HugsAn American family structure: "When someone tells you, Ill be by your side forever, then they just stop writing or visiting... Its like being in love and having your heart broken; it hurts! Ive developed a thick skin because I dont like getting hurt.

Three shifts of an 11th hour: [T]hird shiftwhen prisoners stand still and prison officers work late into the nightis the states designated time for the compulsory transcendence of a soul.

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Perspectives on incarceration and abolition you should be listening to - scalawagmagazine.org

Much of the credit for John Hume’s campaign wrongly attributed to SDLP – The Irish News

At the end of his Westminster parliamentary career, the member for East Mayo, Michael Davitt, stood outside Parliament buildings and declared: No worthy cause can succeed here unless backed by massive agitation.

Until the 1918 general election when Sinn Fin won a landslide victory by winning 73 seats, Ireland sent over many capable, skilled and articulate political orators, including Charles Stewart Parnell, Davitt and Joe Devlin. Despite their best efforts they could never achieve anything of benefit. Massive protest and passive resistance organised by Davitt and the Fenians eventually won the right of the tenant farmers to buy their cottages.

In the 1960s the Civil Rights movement took to the streets when all parliamentary means to achieve civilised standards of human rights proved to be futile. Following the passing of John Hume much of the credit for this campaign has been wrongly attributed to the SDLP. Contrary to this historical revisionism John Hume was not the leader of the Civil Rights movement. And this is not to detract from his contribution to the peace initiative between him, Gerry Adams, Albert Reynolds and Fr Alex Reid. The movement was initiated and driven by republicans and was broadly based. At its inception in 1968 there were leading republicans, prominent nationalists, communists, students, socialists and even some unionists. When it took to the streets it diverged into two distinct groups, the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and the more left-wing Peoples Democracy.

It had no particular leader, but prominent spokespersons were Michael Farrell, Kevin Boyd, Bernadette Devlin, Eamon McCann and the late Madge Davison. The late Gerry Fitt and prominent nationalists Austin Currie and Cllr Brennan were on the first march from Coalisland to Dungannon. Some of them formed the SDLP political party and effectively gave up politics. In the absence of republican political opposition they enjoyed electoral success in both Westminster and European elections for many years. During all of that time they have never been known to achieve any redress of the grievances including murder, collusion, internment, torture and the whole spectrum of human rights abuse. The SDLP certainly didnt create or lead the Civil Rights movement. On the contrary, the Civil Rights movement was a launching pad for this political party. They have been punished by the electorate for those wasted years.

Today, effective legislation exists to stop discrimination in employment. The Orange Order cannot decide who gets jobs or houses any more.

None of these rights were ever secured by the SDLP, but by the sacrifice and endeavour of those people who listened to Michael Davitt. It is unfortunate for them that they are punished at the polls for the failure of their much and wrongly acclaimed founder members and rightly so.

JACK DUFFINBelfast BT11

Transfer test has to go

Patrick Murphy is right when he says that our education system represents a form of madness (August 15). It perfectly fits Einsteins definition of madness where you continue to do the same thing over and over and expect a different result.

Once again the Education Minister Peter Weir has appointed yet another expert panel to examine the links between poor academic outcomes and social deprivation and the first question that springs to mind is why? In the last 10 years there have been numerous reports examining the links between educational underachievement and social deprivation which have recommended an end to academic selection. All of these reports have been ignored by the DUP. You get the impression that the minister is just going through the motions and that really he and his party are quite happy to maintain the status quo.

The DUPs continued support for a system of selective education at 11 has led to what is known in education as the Matthew Effect, taken from Matthews Gospel: For to everyone who has will more be given, and he will have abundance, but from him who has not, even what he has will be taken away (Matthew 25: 29). Simply put children from more advantaged backgrounds can use the education system and their parents knowledge of how the system works to forge ahead while children from disadvantaged backgrounds get further and further behind.

I think that its only fair that this new panel of experts is told by the minister that they can make an unlimited number of recommendations as long as they dont recommend abolition of the transfer test. The education system is falling apart, the economy is falling apart but nothing will change because the DUP wants the education system we have. The transfer test has to go.

JIM CURRANDownpatrick, Co Down

Watered down study of literature

I read with dismay CCEAs plan to water down the GCSE English Literature syllabus yet further. Students studying literature no longer have to read a novel. What on earth is the study of literature, if it isnt to acquaint the student with the great classics? When I was a student, many years ago, O-level English was two subjects language (with an intensive study of grammar, and written and oral expression) and literature. I wonder how todays student would react if faced with our O-level English Literature syllabus? We had a list of 12 great novels of which we had to be intimately acquainted with four. (I read all 12 before deciding which four I wanted to study.) We had two Shakespeare plays one of the great tragedies, Hamlet and Romeo and Juliet; an 18th-century play Goldsmiths She Stoops to Conquer; a book of modern essays by GK Chesterton; a book of 18th-century essays by Joseph Addison and four poetry books at least two of which we had to be intimately acquainted with. (No, this was not an A-level syllabus; just O-level) And this on top of nine other subjects. And yet, we had no problem doing the reading that was required of us. By what stretch of the imagination can todays GCSE English Literature syllabus be called a study of literature?

BRIAN OHARENewry, Co Down

Irresponsible actions

Despite breaking government guidelines EU Commissioner Phil Hogan reckons, All of us must display solidarity as we try to stamp out this common plague. He then goes on to offer, a fulsome and profound apology etc etc. This seemingly reluctant apology, thankfully instigated by Taoiseach Martin and Tanaiste Varadkar, only serves to make the slogan we are all in this together sound mawkish. What we are dealing with here is entitlement, people like Phil Hogan, Deputy First Minister Michelle ONeill, Dara Calleary, Dominic Cummings and numerous here today gone tomorrow UK government ministers regard it as their right to do as they wish and airily issue cliched apologies such as unreservedly and fulsome. Their irresponsible actions undermine the noble work of the medical profession. It may sound trite but people like Phil Hogan roaming about the country to attend social events goes to prove that there is a set of rules for them and something different, like a lack of respect, for the rest of us.

WILSON BURGESSDerry City

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Much of the credit for John Hume's campaign wrongly attributed to SDLP - The Irish News