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On the Similarities of American Blacks and Whites - A Reply to Rushton
by Zack Cernovsky
Vol. 25, Journal of Black Studies, 07-01-1995, pp 672.
Zack Z. Cernovsky studied psychology at the University of Berne and the
University of Zurich in Switzerland and subsequently taught various psychology
courses for the University of Maryland at U.S. military bases overseas. He is
currently director of research and program evaluation at the Addiction Unit of
St. Thomas Psychiatric
Hospital (a teaching hospital affiliated with the University of Western
Ontario) in St. Thomas, Ontario, Canada.
The history of science teaches us that many ambitious racists attempted to
manufacture scientific evidence for their beliefs. Sooner or later, theft
charlatan style methodology (e.g., the use of skull circumference measurement
by Nazi "scientists" during the World War II) and logical inconsistencies
resulted in their rejection by the scientific community. A contemporary
example of this trend is the work of J. Philippe Rushton. He recently wrote a
large number of repetitive articles in which he revived the old-fashioned Nazi
method of skull circumference measurement and claimed that Blacks are
genetically less intelligent, endowed with smaller brains, oversexed, and more
prone to crime and mental disease than Whites. Only some of the numerous
methodological flaws in his work are discussed in the present article.
Although Rushton (1988, 1990a, 1991) implied that Blacks are consistently
found to have smaller brains than Whites, some of the studies listed in his
reviews actually show opposite trends: North American Blacks were superior to
American Whites in brain weight (see Tobias, 1970, p. 6:1355 g vs. 1301 g) or
were found to have
cranial capacities favorably comparable to the average for various samples
of Caucasians (see Herskovits, 1930) and number of excess neurons larger than
many groups of Caucasoids, for example, the English and the French (see
Tobias, 1970, p. 9). In general, skulls from people in countries with poverty
and infant malnutrition are smaller regardless of race. This trend is apparent
even in Rushton's (1990b) tabularly summary of Herskovits' s review:
Caucasoids from Cairo had far smaller crania than North American Negroes (see
more details in Cernovsky, 1992). In this respect, Rushton (1990a, 1990b,
1990c) also repeatedly misrepresented findings by Beals, Smith, and Dodd
(1984) on cranial capacity. Rushton implied that Beals et al. presented
large-scale evidence for racial inferiority of the Blacks with respect to
cranial size. De facto, extensive statistical
analyses by Beals et al. showed that cranial size varies primarily with
climatic zones (e.g., distance from the equator), not race.
According to Beals et al., the correlations of brain size to race are
spurious: smaller crania are found in warmer climates, irrespective of race.
And, although Rushton misleadingly reported Tobias's (1970) and Herskovits'
s (1930) surveys of cranial data as confirming his theory, their data are more
consistent with the model presented by Beals et al. As already mentioned, in
their reviews, cranial size and number of excess neurons of North American
Blacks compared
favorably to those of Caucasoids. It is only by pooling their data with data
for Negroids from countries in hot climatic zones (notorious for famine and
infant malnutrition) that Rushton obtained an illusory support for his
postulates.
Rushton's (1988, Table 1) use of brain and cranial size as indicators of
intelligence in humans is statistically absurd:
Rushton's (1990a) own data showed that brain size and intelligence, in Homo
sapiens, are only weakly related (average Pearson r = .18) and the highest
correlations reported by Rushton were only .35, implying only 12.3 % of shared
variance (see critique by Cernovsky, 1991). In the past decades, even some
persons with extremely small cerebral cortices were found by Lorber to have
IQs in the superior range (> 120) and performed well in academic settings
(Lewin, 1980). Rushton's pseudoscientific writings perpetuate lay public's
misconceptions and promote racism.
Rushton (1990a, 1990c, 1991) also misrepresents the evidence for racial
differences in brain/body size ratio. For example, Herskovits's (1930) data
suggest that there is no consistent Black/White difference with respect to
stature or crania. And, with respect to Rushton's claim about the
relationships of the brain/body size ratio to intelligence, this conceptual
framework is suitable for some species of animals but not necessarily for the
restricted range of data. The comparison of gender differences on three
different brain/body indices by Ho, Roessman, Straumfjord, and Monroe (1980)
led to inconsistent results (see their tabularly summaries on p. 644). Further
empirical data in this field are necessary: Authoritarian statements "about
the reality of racial differences," based on conveniently selected trends in
the data, do not qualify as a scientific contribution.
Contrary to Rushton's speculations on race and crime, skin color would be a
poor predictor of crime rate due to low base rates and very large intragroup
variance. His own data (summaries of Interpol statistics, Rushton, 1990c,
1995) can be reinterpreted as showing that relying on race as an indicator of
crime leads to 99.8% of
false positives (Cernovsky & Litman, 1993a). The average correlations
between race and crime are too low and inconsistent to support genetic racial
speculations and, in fact, might point to the opposite direction than Rushton
postulated (see higher crime rates in Whites than in Blacks in Interpol data
analyses, Cernovsky & Litman, 1993b).
To demonstrate that Blacks are less intelligent and, perhaps, to allege that
this is genetically given, with only minor environmental modifications,
Rushton (1988, 1991) refers not only to his own biased review of brain size
studies but also to Jensen's work. Yet, it has been shown that the theories
favoring hereditarian over environmentalist explanations tend to be based on
poor methodology (see Kamin, 1980) and that Jensen' s estimates of
"hereditability" are based on too many assumptions, which hardly could all be
met (Taylor, 1980). Some applications of the heritability estimates were shown
to have absurd consequences (Flynn, 1987a). Similarly,
Jensen's recent claims about racial differences in reaction time are biased
and might lack in scientific integrity (Kamin & Grant-Henry, 1987). There is
no solid evidence in favor of heritability over environmental influences with
respect to the development of intelligence (see a review in Kamin, 1980, and
Flynn, 1987a, 1987b).
In a similar vein, some of Rushton's references to scientific literature
with respects to racial differences in sexual
characteristics turned out to be references to a nonscientific
semipornographic book and to an article in the Penthouse Forum (see a review
in Weizmann, Wiener, Wiesenthal, & Ziegler, 1991). Rushton's claims that
fertility rates are higher in Blacks disharmonize with well-known high figures
for some Caucasoids such as North American Hutterites (a group of Swiss-
German ancestry, see a review in Weizmann et al., 1990, 1991). Rushton' s
claims about racial differences with respect to brain, intelligence, crime,
sexuality, and fertility (and also twinning rates; see Lynn, 1989a, 1989b;
Weizmann et al., 1991) are based on an extremely biased and
inadequate review of literature.
Erroneously relying on data based on hospital admission rates, Rushton
(1988) concluded that mental disease is more frequent in Blacks than Whites.
Members of the lower socioeconomic class are overrepresented in official
hospital admission statistics because the private and more confidential
treatment resources are not accessible to them. More adequate epidemiological
studies by Robins et al. (1984) based on random sampling show no significant
link of lifetime prevalence to race except for simple phobias. There were no
significant differences with respect to major psychiatric illness or substance
abuse (see a more detailed criticism of Rushton's assumptions in this area in
Zuckerman & Brody, 1988).
Rushton (1988, 1991) implies that "racial differences in behavior" are
genetic and relatively immutable: He ignores the plasticity of human beings as
shown in secular changes and in the intragroup variance (see more detailed
criticisms in Weizmann et al., 1990, 1991). The armamentarium of clinical
psychologists was shown by a host of empirical investigations to induce
desirable behavioral changes in various populations (see, e.g., Turner,
Calhoun, & Adams, 1981): Rushton's view of human beings is obsolete.
And, with respect to Rushton's (1988) attempt to apply r/K theory to racial
differences, this is a misguided project as shown by criticisms from the
ecological and biopsychological perspective (Anderson, 1991; Weizmann et al.,
1990, 1991) and as shown by statistical considerations of the devastating
effects of restricted
range on size of correlation coefficients (rules derived from a wide
dimension of measures perform poorly when applied to a minute interval on the
scale; see, e.g., McCall, 1980). The r/K dimension is derived from an
extremely wide range of species. Its dogmatic application to the drastically
reduced variance within contemporary
Homo sapiens is statistically naive (for more detailed explanations, see
Cernovsky, 1992). It is not even necessary to be a competent statistician to
avoid similar errors. If Rushton (1988, 1990a) could heed Jerison's (1973)
warning that racial differences in brain size are at most minor and "probably
of no significance for intellectual differences," he would not attempt to
extend Jerison' s findings across species to subgroups within modern mankind.
Instead, Rushton (1991) misleadingly refers to Jerison in a manner that
implies an expert support from this famous comparative neuropsychologist,
without mentioning their disagreement on the most central issue.
Rushton (1991) claimed that racial differences occur "on more than 50
variables," with Blacks being consistently in a less desirable direction. The
present article examined the evidence with respect to the key variables only:
The examination exemplifies that his claims are fallacious. Furthermore, long
lists, such as Rushton's, tend to shrink when appropriate multivariate methods
(e.g., the discriminant equation) are used: These techniques eliminate
redundancies and remove nonsignificant variables. And, nota bene, if a
scientist would search for a suitable "finding" to lower the social prestige
of Blacks and examine 50 variables and suppress evidence favorable to Blacks,
he or she might, by chance alone, one day, find one or more variables on which
a "significant" trend in the desired direction could be located.
Given all these flaws in Rushton's work on "racial differences," it is
obvious that his writings do not meet the usual requirements for a master's
thesis in psychology. His knowledge of scientific methodology is definitely
below the academic level required for the master's degree.
Finally, Rushton's most recent "scientific" contribution is the claim that
women are likely to be less intelligent than men because his tape measurements
of men and women in military settings indicated that males have larger heads
(Rushton, 1992). Indeed, the racism is often associated with sexism.
In summary, although Rushton's writings and public speeches instill the
vision of Blacks as small-brained, oversexed criminals who multiply at a fast
rate and are afflicted with mental disease, his views are neither based on a
bona fide scientific review of literature nor on contemporary scientific
methodology. His dogma of bioevolutionary inferiority of Negroids is not
supported by empirical evidence. Acceptance of similar theories should not be
based on racist prejudice but on objective standards, that is, conceptual and
logical consistency and integrity, quality of methods and data, and an
analysis of disconfirmatory trends. Rushton's racial theory does not meet any
of these standards.
AUTHOR'S NOTE: This article is based on a paper presented at the 100th
annual convention of the American Psychological Association in Washington, DC,
August 14-18, 1992. Address correspondence to Zack
Z. Cernovsky, Psychology, St. Thomas Psychiatric Hospital, St. Thomas,
Ontario, Canada N5P 3V9.
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morphology, climate, and time machines. Current Anthropology, 25, 301-330.
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concepts and disconfirmatory evidence. International Journal of Dynamic
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